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More on my time as a UNP MP(

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For important decision making there must be the push and pull of circumstance. For many of us in Ranil’s UNP the push was becoming as important as the pull. I referred earlier to the treatment meted out to Wijepala Mendis, one of the “grandees” of the party who had even been considered for the post of Prime Minister by Wijetunge. Another “victim” was Nanda Mathew who was a senior in the party having entered Parliament in 1965 from Kolonne electorate. He was sidelined because he too was suspected of helping Gamini.

In fact Nanda was not a great fan of Gamini’s. But in the atmosphere of cliquism and intrigue in the UNP he was sidelined and Nanda was getting ready to take a radical decision. Susil Moonesinghe was any way not very comfortable with Ranil. He had been a member of JRJ’s inner circle. With his knowledge of business acquired under his uncle Justin Siriwardene, he was a valuable advisor to JRJ when he opened up the economy in 1977.

Susil who was at one time a Bandaranaike loyalist and a camp follower of Mrs. Bandaranaike had been appointed the Chairman of the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation in 1970. There he had a romantic involvement with Sumi who was an engineer in the SLBC as described in her autobiography which was published recently. The first Mrs. Moonesinghe took her woes to Mrs. B who always tended to take the side of the offended wife, as also in the case of her cousin Anuruddha Ratwatte and his wife Carmen.

She sacked Susil and notwithstanding his long standing links with the SLFP which at one stage was bankrolled by Justin Siriwardene. He joined JRJ and even successfully contested the Western Provincial Council as a UNPer and was appointed Chief Minister. He then contested the Homagama seat on behalf of the UNP and entered Parliament. After his dismissal from the post of Chairman of SLBC Susil and Sumi went to Singapore where they got to know several Singaporean and Malaysian

businessmen. When they returned to Sri Lanka they were able to employ these connections to become local agents for the import of sugar.

Sumi describes how almost by accident she heard of the difficulties of the Sirimavo regime in importing sugar on time-another of the bureaucratic foul ups of her cash strapped leftist regime. The enterprising Sumi managed to get a Malaysian ship carrying sugar diverted to Colombo and win a contract to bulk supply sugar to the Food Commissioner. This was the beginning of the rise in their fortunes and soon the Moonesinghes joined the magic circle of the super rich in Colombo and become trusted friends of JRJ.

JRJ was looking for “robber barons” to fast track foreign investments to Sri Lanka. With considerable funds behind him Susil burnished his family credentials as a grand nephew of Anagarika Dharmapala. As a result monks were pressing him to run for the Presidency on a UNP-Sinhala Buddhist ticket much to the annoyance of Ranil and Gamini Athukorale.

Party member

While these internal misunderstandings were simmering I was determined to play my role as a member of the UNP which had a proud record of politics under Dudley, JRJ, Wijetunga and Gamini with whom I had associated very closely – a record no other UNPer had at that time. Due to my association with the media, journalists were apt to call me on party issues and I would respond perhaps to the embarrassment of the party bureaucrats.

The Lakbima paper then edited by Bandula Padmakumara invited me to contribute a weekly column on men and matters which became so popular that leftists in the paper wanted it balanced with a contribution from the opposite side. They prevailed on Wickremabahu Karunaratne of the NLSSP to the enter the fray and he made a very erudite contribution which probably earned more supporters for him than through his small breakaway group from the LSSP. He was influenced by the resurgence ofTrotskyism in the UK at that time particularly under the Healyites and a Sri Lankan born left intellectual Micheal Banda [Vander Poorten].

As a new MP of the UNP I was given a difficult task in coordinating our effort to win the Wayamba Provincial Council elections by campaigning in Kurunegala district. Winning Mawathagama electorate, which adjoined my Galagedera seat, became my responsibility. I was assisted by Tilak Karunaratne who visited Mawathagama a few times during the campaign. Since there were a large number of Muslims in this area Imtiaz Bakeer Markar was asked to address meetings in their strongholds.

To put in my best effort I rented a house in the centre of the electorate and moved in there with some supporters from my electorate. Since the Mawathagama bazaar was dominated by traders from the south, MP Jinadasa from Matale, who himself was a trader from Weligama, was also asked to come over in the weekends. Our party organizer was Johnston Fernando who was my comrade from the DUNF days. He was an activist and was determined to win the seat by hook or by crook.

Since he was very much in demand in the district Johnny did not spend much time in Mawathagama. He had been brought into politics by GM Premachandra of the DUNF who had been killed in the Thotalanga bomb blast together with Gamini Dissanayake. I had an advantage in this campaign as the SLFP organizer for this electorate was DP Wickremasinghe – my old teacher from Trinity College and now a Minister in the CBK cabinet. This friendship became crucial for me because the SLFP launched a murderous attack on the opposition to “steal” this election.

Led by Anuruddha Ratwatte and Mangala Samaraweera, goons unleashed such violence during the campaign that the election became a farce. UNPers were mercilessly assaulted and some were even killed on election day. It certainly stripped the ruling party of any claims to democratic governance and embarrassed CBK and Lakshman Kadirgamar on the international stage. Thanks to my friendship with DP Wickremasinghe his goons spared me from any physical violence. But poor Jinadasa, our MP for Matale who was canvassing in the city, was roughed up while the police, then under orders of Ratwatte, looked on helplessly.

Their main target was Johnston who was seen traveling in his jeep gun in hand. Any confrontation would have led to a murder. I quickly put him into my jeep and drove to his home in Kurunegala all the while pacifying Johnny who was threatening to use his shot gun to fire at the mob. We managed to deposit him safely in his home because I had two policemen assigned to me as a MP who rode “shot gun” from the front seat of my jeep. His house was by then was full of party candidates and supporters who had been assaulted by SLFP goons.

While servile government officials declared a win in the Kurunegala district for the SLFP, we tried, without much success, to mobilize local and global opinion against this flagrant violation of democratic rights. I used my weekly column in Lakbima to highlight the brutality unleashed in Kurunegala as an eyewitness and used photos to illustrate the fact. My account was quoted in many despatches of foreign correspondents who covered the election. The Wayamba election as later acknowledged by CBK was a blot on the reputation of the party and was used by the UNP to wreak vengeance on its perpetrators after Ranil established a government in December 2001.

Though facing obstacles from my own party I was determined to speak in Parliament as much as possible since I as a bureaucrat had studied many of the issues debated in the House. For instance when the Minister of Justice Batty Weerakoon brought some amendments to the laws governing Kandyan marriage and inheritance, I consulted Savitri Goonesekera, one of the distinguished Ellepola sisters, who was my contemporary at Peradeniya and was now Professor of Law in the Colombo University. My contribution was commended by Minister Batty Weerakoon who promised to incorporate some of my suggestions in future legislation.

Unfortunately today the mouthing of sentences from instruction sheets provided by the party or dealing with parochial matters has become a habit in Parliament. In fairness to Ranil I must state that he wanted me to cover the vital Ministry of Power and Energy for the Opposition. This may have been because Gamini held this post earlier when he successfully linked the increased hydro based energy generated through the Mahaweli scheme to the national grid. It increased our use of hydro power which is much cheaper than the use of fossil fuels.

He may have also wanted me to keep a tab on my school mate Anuruddha Ratwatte who was the Energy Minister in CBK’s Cabinet. Sirikotha sent me all the information that was fed to it by our supporters and Trade Unions in the Petroleum Corporation which had become a nest of corruption under Ratwatte’s dispensation. He had appointed a stooge from Kandy named Herath who had no difficulty in going along with his Ministers demands.

They were not only corrupt but also reckless in packing the CPC with supporters from Kandy district who had helped Ratwatte at the general election. He had a bad history of losing elections in Kandy before 1994. But with these mass appointments he ensured electoral victories for himself and his progeny. One of his chief supporters from Galagedera electorate was an ex jail guard who was rewarded with a senior position in the security service of the CPC. When the LTTE attacked the Kolonnawa depot this officer ran away and was later found to be hiding in Galagedera.

Speech in Parliament

I decided to look into all the technical aspects of our power generation plan which had been presented to the Minister and Chairman of the Electricity Board. These big shots overrode many of the recommendations in the plan including the need to establish a coal power plant which would bring down the cost of production of electricity to a much lower level when compared to the use of other fossil fuels. My speeches were well received and frequently reproduced in the Ceylon Daily News which was edited by my friend Manik de Silva. Let me quote an extract from one of my speeches which was reproduced in the CDN in order to give the reader a flavour of my interventions:

“Now during the course of this week we will be discussing the Votes of Ministries which have a strong technical component. For example Power and Energy and Telecommunications and later Ports and Shipping. I have found very often that the relevant Minister’s time is wasted on trivialities. Instead we should expect them to take vital strategic decisions and I am frank enough to say that we have not been able to spare those Ministers and give them time to make vital decisions which mean so much for the future of our country.

“You are called upon to make critical decisions on the basis of a lot of technical information that is submitted to you. I went through some of the material pertaining to the Electricity Board and I find that they have an excellent planning branch. You are getting a lot of first class recommendations coming up from them. So we must encourage Ministers to spend their time to make strategic decisions because there are so many variables involved when it comes to decision making in ministries like Power and Energy, Telecommunications and Ports and Shipping.

“Earlier in the day we listened to Mr. Galappaththi [JVP MP]. I have never heard of such nonsense in my life. Any Government has to keep the power supply going. It has to meet increasing demand. You cannot find some little difficulty with each and every project and say that we must abandon our plans for increasing power supply. We expect MPs to undertake some analysis and thinking before they speak. I think as members of this House we have to keep at heart the vital interests of the country. We cannot remain silent when Hon. MPs like Galappaththi present misinformation in order to mislead the country.

“Let us look at some of the problems of strategic choice. All of us like to promote village electricity schemes. That is very popular. But what about the demand mix?. Today unlike in the past when people asked for schools and roads, people ask for electrification. But the Minister has to pay heed to the demands of all sectors of the country’s economy. Please look at the report which is called “Long Term Generation Expansion Studies 1995 to 2009”. What do they say? They say that electricity consumption in the commercial sector has increased from 12.9 percent to 19.6 percent. But consumption of electricity in the domestic sector has increased from 8.9 percent to 24.6 percent, largely due to rural electrification schemes.

“What conclusions do they draw? I quote “The above suggests that in the past decade consumption of electricity has shifted from productive sectors to non productive sectors”. You have plans for drawing in investment in your budget. In many countries the manufacturing sector is subsidized by way of cheap electricity to promote industrialization. On the contrary what are we doing?. We are penalizing industry and giving priority to rural electrification.

“The Minister must take strategic decisions. At present we are giving rural electricity almost solely to light up homes. We have no plans to use that electricity for any type of rural industry. When the Leader of the Opposition asked me to be the party spokesman I was very happy because Power and Energy is the platform for industrial development. If you do not have sufficient electricity you can forget about industrialization. Hon. Minister Batty Weerakoon will correct me if I am wrong, it was Lenin who said that “Communism equals big banks and electricity”.

“When an economy is spinning out of control the first clear indication is that we cannot provide power; we cannot generate electricity. I want to give the Minister some information. I am told that when investors go to the BOI they are told by BOI officials that they are not sure of the power situation. They are told “if you want to start a factory please bring your own generators”. Is that a way of confidence building on your Budget proposals?

“This is what your own officials in their power generation plans say about power cuts- “Severe supply shortages may occur in 1995 and 1996 and implementation of supply side and demand side management is proposed. Earlier the report highlighted that the expected energy shortages under weighted average conditions are 215 Gwh in 1995 and 331 in 1996 implying that the capability of the generating system to meet demand is very low. If drought conditions prevail there will be power cuts.

“The second problem is regarding the means of generating electricity. According to this document in 1993, as much as 95 percent of power generation was from hydro power while only five per cent came from thermal energy. Here I want to pay tribute to the late Gamini Dissanayake because according to this information, before the Mahaweli scheme we depended on the exploitation of the upper reaches of the Kelaniya and Mahaweli rivers – Moussakele and Castlereagh – which gave us only 335 Megawatts. After the accelerated Mahaweli scheme with its six hydro, electric projects, we were able to add 660 Megawatts to the national grid. That is a considerable improvement on our power capacity.

“We have to accept that today we can talk of foreign investment and industrialisation because of the extra megawatts added to the national grid. However according to your projections we are going to move away from hydro power to thermal substitution. According to your figures by the year 2004 of our total energy needs only 50 percent will come from hydro and the balance 50 percent will come from other sources and by 2010, some 65 percent of our energy needs will be met by thermal and other sources.

“I agree with your strategy of first trying to fully exploit our hydro capacity from Kukule, the upper Kotmale project, Uma Oya and Gin ganga. Local hydro generation is the most cost effective source of energy. But the point is that all this is simply going to be insufficient. We are still going to have an energy gap. You are right about the Sapugaskanda extension. Though I speak from the Opposition benches it is sad that our party and our own Power Minister could not make a decision on the Sapugaskanda project. It is a crime that due to various pressures our man could not do that.

“We had a shameful situation when a German Minister had to come to this country and tell the government “You are doing something wrong.” Even with all that we will still be short of power for our future requirements. So we have to look into the question of your future plans and I am sure the Minister also will not mind if I examine all our options. As far as the CEB is concerned they are supporting the proposed Trinco coal plant. I am not talking of who will do it but the need for that project as seen in your power generation plan.

“The plan shows that the Trinco coal plant can be ready for operation from 2001 onward. It is economically feasible. At that time it was to cost in the region of US dollars 500 million. But now it is obviously going to cost more. Now there are alternative proposals – Puttalam and Mavarella – but the first BOT project came for Trinco. There is now an alternative suggestion to bring a barge mounted power plant. This is a ridiculous situation. I can understand somebody saying that this is a temporary measure. Maybe you could negotiate a temporary supply. But to buy second hand barges from other countries is a desperate measure not a solution. One must have in mind the long range interests of the country. “

Looking back now I see that the country has lost millions of dollars by not only rejecting the BOT project but also relocating it in Puttalam [Norochcholai] which was only the second best site. Even the Norochcholai project was inordinately delayed by the CBK administration because it was afraid of threats by the Catholic church. The UNP administration which followed was scared of offending its Catholic MPs who are led by John Amaratunga. Finally family bandysm prevailed and the PA administration launched this project which was promoted by someone with Chinese connections. The delay caused by both administrations in proceeding with the coal power plant has caused immense losses to the Electricity Board as well as the Treasury.

I am proud that I was able to put on record in the Hansard the state of negligence and corruption that bedeviled both PA and I INP administrations. My speeches drew good responses from professionals, particularly engineers, who were unhappy about the activities of corrupt politicians managing the power sector. I highlighted their grievances and took the trouble to research issues before I spoke in Parliament. This was not always welcomed by both our side and the opposition.

Government seniors like Ratnasiri Wickremanayake, and GL Peiris spoke about my contributions with respect. This rapport with the PA leaders may have portended coming events. I was happy to have complimentary responses from veterans like Bernard Soysa, Anil Moonesinghe, Batty Weerakoon and Dharmasiri Senanayake. Even Mrs. Bandaranaike had a good word about me which I appreciated greatly.

Excerpted from vol. 3 of the Sarath Amunugama autbiography)



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New arithmetic of conflict: How the drone revolution is inverting economics of war

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Iranian drone

The contemporary global landscape is currently defined by two distinct but interconnected theaters of conflict that are fundamentally reshaping the future of military engagement, as noted by political analyst Fareed Zakaria. This shifts the advantage toward smaller states, or even non-state actors, who do not need to defeat a superpower in direct confrontation; they only need to sustain a constant level of low-cost harassment. In the Middle East, the escalating tensions between the United States and Iran have moved beyond traditional brinkmanship into a high-stakes confrontation centred on the Strait of Hormuz and regional infrastructure. This direction is characterised by Iran’s sophisticated use of asymmetric ‘precise mass’ to challenge American naval and technological superiority, forcing a re-evaluation of how a superpower maintains deterrence against a revolutionary regime that views its own hardware as expendable. This theatre serves as a primary example of how a medium-sized power can utilise low-cost, high-volume technology to neutralize the traditional advantages of a much wealthier adversary, potentially driving the region toward a dangerous nuclear threshold as conventional red lines are blurred.

Simultaneously, the war between Ukraine and Russia has become the world’s preeminent laboratory for the digital transformation of the battlefield. The direction of this conflict has shifted from a 20th-century war of attrition into a 21st-century war of algorithms, where the most critical ammunition is no longer just artillery shells, but data and software. Ukraine’s rapid adaptation—turning commercial drones into precision interceptors and using AI to process millions of combat images—has created a template for modern survival against a larger industrial power. Together, these two conflicts signal a global transition where the ‘exquisite’ military models of the past are being dismantled by the ‘new arithmetic’ of mass-produced precision. This essay examines how the inversion of war economics in these regions is ensuring that future supremacy will not belong to those with the most expensive platforms, but to those who can master the integration of industrial-scale with near-real-time software intelligence.

Fundamental departure

The ‘New Arithmetic of Conflict’ represents a fundamental departure from the 20th-century military paradigm, shifting the focus from high-cost, high-performance ‘exquisite’ systems to the power of ‘precise mass.’ For the last 50 years, military supremacy—particularly for the United States and its allies—has been defined by technologically superior platforms, such as the F-35 fighter jet or the Tomahawk cruise missile. While these systems are undeniably magnificent in their capabilities, they are also incredibly costly and irreplaceable in the short term. Because they take years to design and manufacture, losing even a handful in active combat is strategically damaging and painful for a modern military. This old model relied on a limited number of high-end assets that were slow to produce and even slower to replace, creating a vulnerability that smaller, more agile adversaries have now begun to exploit.

This traditional economic model is being turned upside down by the rise of cheap, commercial-off-the-shelf technology that achieves results previously reserved for superpower budgets. The emergence of the Shahed-type drone, which costs approximately $35,000, illustrates this shift perfectly. Unlike a $2 million cruise missile, these ‘one-way’ drones are built from common parts and can be launched in massive swarms. This creates a state of ‘precise mass,’ where the sheer volume of incoming, low-cost threats can overwhelm even the most sophisticated and expensive defence systems. The attacker no longer needs a massive industrial base to strike with precision; they only need the ability to scale simple, autonomous hardware.

Perhaps the most radical aspect of this inversion is the ‘cost-exchange ratio’ between attack and defence. In the past, an attacker generally had to spend more to destroy a target than a defender spent to protect it. Today, the arithmetic favours the attacker by an order of magnitude. To intercept a single $35,000 drone, a defender may be forced to fire a Patriot interceptor missile that costs roughly $4 million. This means the defender is spending over 100 times more than the attacker just to maintain the status quo. This economic reality suggests that a wealthier nation can effectively be ‘bankrupted’ or depleted of its ammunition reserves by a much smaller state or even a non-state actor using constant, low-cost harassment.

Primary laboratory

Ukraine has served as the primary laboratory for this new era of warfare, demonstrating that the real value in modern conflict is shifting from hardware to software and data. Ukrainian forces are producing stinging interceptor drones for as little as $2,000, capable of taking down far more expensive hardware. More importantly, they are treating battlefield data as a strategic asset, using millions of annotated images from combat flights to train drone AI. This creates a cycle of rapid wartime adaptation where lessons from the battlefield are turned into mass production in days rather than years. Ultimately, the winner of future conflicts may not be the nation with the finest individual platforms, but the one that can combine a small number of ‘exquisite’ weapons with a vast, intelligent, and cheaply networked mass of autonomous systems.

Building on the distinction between the ‘exquisite’ and the ‘expendable,’ the shift in military doctrine reflects a move away from the post-Cold War reliance on a small number of ultra-sophisticated assets toward a more resilient, high-volume architecture. For decades, Western military superiority was predicated on having the most advanced technology in the sky or on the sea, but the sheer cost and complexity of these systems have created a ‘fragility of excellence.’ When a single stealth fighter costs over $100 million, its loss is not merely a tactical setback but a national news event and a significant blow to the overall fleet’s readiness. This creates a psychological and strategic ‘risk aversion,’ where commanders may hesitate to deploy their most capable assets in high-threat environments for fear of losing an irreplaceable piece of national infrastructure.

Furthermore, the industrial reality of ‘exquisite’ systems is that they are built on highly specialised, low-volume production lines. In a high-intensity conflict, the rate of attrition—the speed at which equipment is destroyed—can quickly outpace the capacity of a modern industrial base to replace it. If a nation can only produce a few dozen advanced interceptors a year but loses hundreds of drones or missiles in a single week of combat, the mathematical deficit becomes insurmountable. This bottleneck has forced a re-evaluation of what constitutes a ‘good’ platform; the priority is shifting toward systems that are ‘good enough’ to be effective but cheap enough to be lost without compromising the mission or the budget.

In contrast to these legacy systems, the ‘expendable’ model treats hardware as a consumable resource, much like ammunition. By utilising modular designs and civilian-grade components, nations can mass-produce thousands of autonomous units that are inherently ‘attrition-tolerant.’ This does not mean the end of high-end technology, but rather its repositioning. Instead of a single $100 million jet trying to do everything, the future likely involves a ‘high-low’ mix where a few exquisite platforms act as command-and-control hubs, orchestrating vast swarms of cheap, expendable drones. This evolution ensures that even if the enemy successfully targets dozens of units, the collective network remains functional, shifting the strategic advantage back to the side that can sustain the fight through industrial scale and digital adaptability.

Concept of ‘precise mass’

The concept of ‘precise mass’ represents a strategic pivot where quantity possesses a quality of its own, enabled by the democratization of high-end technology. Historically, precision was a luxury available only to the world’s most advanced militaries, requiring specialised Guidance Systems and satellite constellations. Today, the ‘New Arithmetic’ flips this model by integrating commercial-off-the-shelf components—such as GPS chips found in smartphones and engines from hobbyist aircraft—into lethal, autonomous platforms.

This shift allows smaller states and non-state actors to achieve tactical objectives that once required a superpower’s budget, effectively levelling the playing field through the clever application of low-cost innovation.

The ‘Shahed Model’ serves as the primary case study for this transformation. By producing ‘one-way’ suicide drones for approximately $35,000 each, Iran has created a weapon that is essentially a flying piece of ammunition.

Because these drones are built from common, globally available parts, they are insulated from many traditional supply chain disruptions and can be manufactured at an industrial scale that far outpaces sophisticated cruise missiles. This approach prioritises ‘good enough’ technology—systems that are sufficiently accurate to hit a target but inexpensive enough to be deployed in staggering numbers without financial second-guessing.

The true power of this model is realised through ‘swarm tactics,’ which weaponise the mathematical limitations of modern air defences. When a country launches dozens or even hundreds of these low-cost drones simultaneously, it forces the defender into a ‘saturation’ crisis. Even the most advanced missile defence systems have a limited number of interceptors and can only track a finite number of targets at once. By flooding the airspace with cheap decoys and suicide drones, an attacker can ensure that while many units are shot down, a sufficient percentage will inevitably leak through to strike their targets. This creates a state of ‘precise mass,’ where volume becomes the ultimate delivery mechanism for precision, rendering traditional, high-cost defence umbrellas increasingly obsolete.

This evolution signifies that the era of the ‘silver bullet’—the single, perfect weapon—is giving way to the era of the ‘steel rain.’ In this new environment, the strategic advantage shifts to the side that can manage the highest rate of ‘precise attrition.’ Success is no longer measured by the technical sophistication of a single strike, but by the ability to sustain a continuous, overwhelming flow of autonomous threats that exhaust the enemy’s resources, patience, and defensive capacity.

‘Bankruptcy of the Defence’

The ‘Bankruptcy of the Defence’ represents a critical failure in the modern military-industrial complex’s ability to counter asymmetric threats. In the 20th century, the financial burden of warfare typically fell on the aggressor, who had to invest in expensive bombers or long-range missiles to penetrate a nation’s borders. Today, that economic gravity has shifted entirely. The most radical part of this inversion is the ‘cost-exchange ratio,’ a mathematical reality that turns defensive success into a financial liability. When a defender successfully intercepts a threat, they are often winning the tactical battle while simultaneously losing the economic war.

This disparity is most visible in what can be called the ‘$4 Million Solution.’ In modern conflict zones, we regularly see sophisticated air defence batteries—designed to intercept high-altitude ballistic missiles—being forced to engage low-speed, ‘suicide’ drones. Using a $4 million Patriot interceptor to neutralise a $35,000 Shahed-type drone is an unsustainable strategy. Even if the defence achieves a 100% intercept rate, the attacker is essentially ‘trading up’ in value at a staggering scale. The defender is forced to expend a finite, high-cost resource to eliminate a nearly infinite, low-cost nuisance, creating a logistical bottleneck where the supply of interceptors can never meet the demand of the swarm.

This ‘Losing Game’ fundamentally alters the grand strategy of global powers. Mathematically, when a defender is spending over 100 times more than the attacker per engagement, they are participating in a process of rapid financial and material depletion. As Fareed Zakaria notes, this ‘new arithmetic’ shifts the advantage toward smaller states, insurgent groups, or even criminal organisations. These actors do not need to defeat a superpower’s navy or air force in a direct confrontation; they only need to sustain a constant level of low-cost harassment. Over time, the cost of maintaining a ‘perfect’ defense becomes so high that it can effectively bankrupt a wealthier opponent or force them to withdraw from a region simply because the price of protection has become greater than the value of the presence.

Interceptors alone won’t do

Ultimately, this economic inversion suggests that the future of defence cannot rely on ‘exquisite’ interceptors alone. The current model is built on a scarcity of precision, but in an era where precision is mass-produced, the defense must find a way to make interception as cheap as the intrusion. Until a nation can field directed-energy weapons or low-cost kinetic interceptors that match the $35,000 price point of the threat, they remain trapped in a defensive paradigm that is both mathematically flawed and strategically exhausting.

The final piece of this military evolution is the emergence of Ukraine as the ‘Great Laboratory’ of modern warfare, where necessity has birthed a model of adaptation that operates at wartime speed. This environment has transformed the country from a passive recipient of aid into a sovereign architect of a new kind of combat. Central to this transformation is the development of the ‘STING’ interceptor drone. Produced by groups like Wild Hornets for approximately $2,000, these drones can reach speeds of 280 km/h—fast enough to chase down and destroy the lumbering Shahed drones that have plagued Ukrainian infrastructure. By mid-2025, these low-cost predators had already downed over 3,000 enemy targets, proving that a $2,000 solution could reliably neutralize a threat costing tens of thousands, further tilting the economic scales in favor of the agile defender.

However, the most significant output of this laboratory is not the hardware itself, but the data it generates. Defense Minister Mykhailo Fedorov has noted that Ukraine now possesses a unique array of battlefield data that is unmatched anywhere in the world, including millions of annotated images gathered during tens of thousands of combat flights. In a historic move, Ukraine has begun opening access to this ‘digital ammunition’ through a dedicated AI platform. This allows international partners and defense firms to train their algorithms on real-world combat footage—spanning everything from electronic warfare interference to the movements of camouflaged ‘turtle tanks’—bridging the ‘sim-to-real’ gap that often causes sophisticated Western drones to fail in unpredictable, messy environments.

‘Software-defined’ battlefield

This data-centric approach has led to a ‘software-defined’ battlefield where the loop between a lesson learned, and a technical update is measured in days. Ukraine is now moving toward a procurement model where AI-driven analytics, rather than manual requests, determine which systems are purchased based on their real-world effectiveness. By treating every drone sortie as a data point in a broader matrix, the Ukrainian military is effectively closing the loop on procurement and employment, ensuring that only the most effective, attrition-tolerant technologies reach the front. This institutionalisation of failure analysis into the next generation of software means that the ‘Made in Ukraine’ badge has become a global gold standard for battle-proven, autonomous technology.

Ultimately, the implications of this laboratory stretch far beyond the current conflict. As human judgment gradually gives way to computer algorithms for target detection and navigation, the war’s most valuable legacy may be the creation of the world’s first ‘algorithmic’ military. The transition from industrial mass to algorithmic precision suggests that the countries that prevail in the future will not be those with the largest stockpiles of stagnant hardware, but those that can own and manage the ‘data polygons’ necessary to refine their autonomous systems in near-real time. Ukraine is no longer just fighting a war; it is hosting the debut of a future where data is the ultimate force multiplier.

The inversion of war economics signifies a fundamental shift where industrial capacity and software integration have eclipsed the traditional pursuit of ‘technological exquisiteness’ as the primary metrics of military power. For decades, the measure of a superpower was its ability to field a small number of nearly invulnerable, multi-million-dollar platforms. However, in the modern landscape, these ‘exquisite’ systems are increasingly vulnerable to ‘precise mass’—vast swarms of low-cost, autonomous drones that can be produced at a rate of thousands per day. This transition means that the ‘physical platform’ is becoming a commodity, while the true competitive advantage lies in the ‘compute foundation’ and ‘software-defined’ capabilities that allow these systems to be networked and updated in real-time. Consequently, the victor in future conflicts will not necessarily be the nation with the most expensive fighter jet, but the one that can maintain a resilient, high-volume industrial base capable of sustaining an ‘attrition-tolerant’ force that evolves faster than an adversary can target it.

Double-edged sword for smaller nations

For smaller nations like Sri Lanka, the arrival of this new military era offers a double-edged sword of strategic opportunity and profound vulnerability. Traditionally, small states were sidelined in the global arms race due to the prohibitive costs of ‘exquisite’ platforms like advanced fighter jets or missile destroyers, which often consumed unsustainable portions of a national budget. However, the shift toward ‘precise mass’ means that countries with limited resources can now develop significant deterrent capabilities through the localised production of low-cost, high-impact autonomous systems. By investing in software-defined defences and domestic drone manufacturing, a nation like Sri Lanka can achieve a level of coastal and territorial security that previously required a superpower’s investment. Not only that, but Sri Lanka can also develop into an export market for the new precise technology which has a wide demand from warring countries. Conversely, the democratisation of these ‘one-way’ technologies also means that non-state actors or regional adversaries can more easily threaten national infrastructure, forcing small nations to prioritise digital resilience and rapid technological adaptation over the maintenance of ageing, high-cost legacy hardware.

by Prof. M. W. Amarasiri de Silva

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Turning science into action: Prof. Gothamie Weerakoon calls out Biodiversity “Narratives”

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Cladonia species

By Ifham Nizam

In an exclusive interview with The Island, Ifham Nizam speaks with Professor Gothamie Weerakoon—Senior Curator and leading researcher on lichens and slime moulds at the Natural History Museum—who offers a candid, evidence-driven critique of corporate sustainability, global biodiversity governance, and the realities facing countries like Sri Lanka.

With over 450,000 specimens under her care and more than 100 new lichen species described through fieldwork across South and Southeast Asia, Prof. Weerakoon brings a rare combination of deep scientific expertise and frontline ecological observation.

Her message is clear: biodiversity loss is accelerating, and much of what is presented as “progress” remains largely unproven.

Excepts of the full interview

Q: The Natural History Museum speaks of turning science into action—what evidence is there that businesses are actually changing behaviour rather than rebranding sustainability narratives?

A:There is emerging evidence of change, but when biodiversity is the focus, the gap between action and narrative becomes much more visible.

Some companies are moving beyond broad commitments by measuring their impacts on ecosystems, setting targets to halt biodiversity loss, and reporting through frameworks like TNFD (Taskforce on Nature-related Financial Disclosures). But these are still the exceptions.

Real change becomes evident when businesses transform supply chains—eliminating deforestation-linked commodities, adopting regenerative agriculture, and working with local communities to restore ecosystems. Investment in habitat restoration and science-led, location-specific action also signals progress.

Turning science into action: Prof. Gothamie Weerakoon calls out Biodiversity “Narratives”

However, without clear baselines, measurable outcomes, and long-term commitment, biodiversity claims risk remaining abstract. At present, biodiversity is still more visible in corporate language than in verified outcomes.

Q: Are multinational corporations genuinely reducing their biodiversity footprint, or simply shifting environmental costs to developing countries like Sri Lanka?

A: The reality is mixed, but there is strong evidence that impacts are often being shifted rather than reduced.

Consumption in wealthier economies continues to drive habitat loss in biodiversity-rich regions. In countries like Sri Lanka, export-driven sectors, such as agriculture and rubber, contribute to deforestation and habitat fragmentation.

Lichens grow on both natural and artificial surfaces

Companies may improve their environmental performance, domestically, while outsourcing ecological damage to regions with weaker regulation. So while awareness is increasing, most corporations are not yet reducing their global biodiversity footprint.

Q:How do you distinguish between credible biodiversity action and corporate greenwashing in real terms?

A:Credible action is science-based, measurable, and location-specific.

Companies must establish baselines, quantify their ecological impacts, and demonstrate real outcomes—such as reduced deforestation or restored habitats—verified independently.

Greenwashing, on the other hand, relies on vague terms like “nature-positive” without evidence. It often highlights small projects while ignoring major impacts, or depends on offsets instead of reducing harm.

Red Christmas lichens are not a species found in Arctic habitats. Instead, it is characteristic of tropical and subtropical regions, indeed found in the Sinharaja Forest Reserve, particularly in the Morningside and Pitadeniya areas

The key test is simple: can a company prove that biodiversity loss linked to its operations is declining in specific places over time? If not, it is likely narrative rather than action.

Q:Many biodiversity commitments remain voluntary—should there be legally binding global standards for corporate accountability?

A:Yes, there is a strong case for binding standards.

Voluntary commitments lead to uneven progress and make it difficult to separate genuine action from superficial claims. Legal frameworks could ensure consistent reporting, accountability, and minimum standards.

However, biodiversity is highly local. Any global system must allow for flexibility and support developing countries rather than imposing rigid rules.

Q:What sectors are currently causing the most irreversible biodiversity damage, and why are they still operating with limited restrictions?

A:The most damaging sectors include agriculture, forestry, mining, and fossil fuel extraction.

Agriculture—especially large-scale monocultures—drives deforestation and habitat loss. Mining and fossil fuels cause long-term ecological disruption, while marine ecosystems suffer from overfishing.

These sectors persist with limited restrictions because they are economically powerful, biodiversity loss is harder to quantify than carbon emissions, and global supply chains allow impacts to be outsourced. Regulation also remains fragmented and weakly enforced.

Q:In countries like Sri Lanka, development projects often override environmental concerns—how can science-based tools realistically influence political decision-making?

A:Science-based tools can make biodiversity loss visible and measurable.

Environmental impact assessments, ecological mapping, and predictive models allow policymakers to understand trade-offs clearly. When ecological risks are quantified, they become harder to ignore.

The key is integrating these tools into planning systems so environmental considerations are not optional, but a core part of decision-making.

Q:Can biodiversity conservation truly coexist with large-scale infrastructure and energy projects?

A:Yes—but only if biodiversity is considered from the beginning.

Projects must be designed using science-based planning, avoiding sensitive ecosystems and incorporating mitigation strategies like wildlife corridors and habitat restoration.

Conservation and development are not inherently incompatible, but poor planning creates conflict.

Q:Are global biodiversity frameworks failing to address ground realities in developing economies?

They often fall short in implementation.

A:Global frameworks provide guidance, but must be adapted to local conditions. Developing countries face capacity constraints and competing priorities.

Success depends on building local scientific capacity, aligning goals with economic realities, and ensuring flexibility in how targets are applied.

Q:What role should governments play when businesses resist biodiversity regulations citing economic pressures?

A:Governments must act as regulators and enforcers.

They should establish clear legal standards, backed by monitoring and penalties. At the same time, incentives—such as green finance and technical support—can help businesses transition.

Economic arguments should not override ecological realities, especially when long-term costs of biodiversity loss are considered.

Q:Are financial institutions doing enough to penalise environmentally destructive investments?

A:Not yet. While awareness of biodiversity risk is increasing, short-term profits still dominate decision-making. ESG frameworks exist, but enforcement is weak.

Professor Gothamie Weerakoon

Stronger systems are needed—binding criteria, independent audits, and better integration of ecological risk into financial decisions.

Q:How can local communities be given real decision-making power rather than token consultation?

A:Communities must be recognised as partners, not stakeholders.

Legal rights, participatory planning, and co-management systems are essential. Traditional knowledge should be integrated with scientific data.

Without real authority, consultation becomes symbolic rather than meaningful.

Q:What immediate, science-backed interventions can be implemented in Sri Lanka?

A:Practical steps include restoring mangroves, creating wildlife corridors, and community-led reforestation.

Using GIS mapping and monitoring systems can identify high-risk areas, while sustainable livelihood programmes reduce pressure on ecosystems.

These interventions must be evidence-based and locally adapted.

Q:How can policymakers protect biodiversity-rich regions from short-term exploitation?

A:Through zoning laws, protected areas, and mandatory environmental assessments.

Valuing ecosystem services in economic planning is also critical. When biodiversity is treated as an economic asset, it becomes harder to ignore.

Q:What mechanisms exist to hold corporations accountable when biodiversity damage crosses borders?

A:International agreements, supply chain regulations, and reporting frameworks like TNFD play a role.

Financial institutions, legal systems, and civil society also contribute to accountability. But enforcement across borders remains a major challenge.

Q:Is there sufficient transparency in corporate biodiversity reporting?

A:No—current systems are inconsistent and largely voluntary.

Many companies fail to quantify their impacts, and independent verification is limited. Without standardised metrics and audits, transparency remains inadequate.

Q:How can biodiversity be integrated into national economic planning without slowing growth?

A:By recognising that biodiversity supports economic resilience.

Nature-based solutions—such as mangrove restoration or sustainable agriculture—deliver both ecological and economic benefits.

Strategic planning can align conservation with development rather than treating them as opposing goals.

Q:What are the long-term economic risks of biodiversity loss in South Asia?

A:They are severe. Declining pollination, soil degradation, and fisheries collapse threaten food security. Loss of forests and wetlands increases disaster risks.

Ultimately, biodiversity loss undermines economic stability and increases vulnerability to climate shocks.

Q:How can science communication better influence public opinion and policy?

A: By making data accessible and relevant.

Visual tools, storytelling, and collaboration with media can translate complex science into actionable insights. Public engagement is essential for policy change.

Q:Are current conservation models too dependent on international funding?

A:Yes, and that creates vulnerability.

Long-term sustainability requires diversified funding—government support, private investment, and community-based initiatives.

Local ownership is key to lasting impact.

Q:Ultimately, who should bear the greatest responsibility for reversing biodiversity loss?

A:Responsibility is shared—but governments hold the greatest leverage.

They set the rules, enforce regulations, and shape economic systems. Corporations and consumers also play critical roles, but without strong governance, progress will remain limited.

Prof. Weerakoon’s assessment is both measured and uncompromising: biodiversity loss is no longer a distant ecological issue—it is an economic, political, and social crisis.

Aligned with the mission of the Natural History Museum, her message is clear: the future of conservation depends not on promises, but on verifiable, science-based action grounded in real ecosystems—not narratives.

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Looming shadow: How and why a distant war could threaten vitality of Sri Lankan healthcare

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An Independent Freelance Correspondent

As the sun sets over the Indian Ocean, the tranquil beauty of Sri Lanka feels many a world away from the smoke, thunder, misery and deaths in the Middle East, taking place in the midst of a senseless war. Yet for all that, in our interconnected world, a butterfly might flit its wings in the Gulf, and a storm might eventually break over our own little paradise island, as a strange reversal of the status quo. However, the escalating conflict in the Middle East is no longer just a distant headline for Sri Lankans; it is an ominous cloud gathering that threatens the very backbone of our much-bandied social contract, our healthcare system.

While we often view war through the lens of geopolitics or rising oil prices, the “Ground Zero” of its impact in Sri Lanka may well be the hospital ward, the local dispensary, and the dinner tables of our most vulnerable citizens, just as much as it would impact on the healthcare professionals who are responsible for maintaining a well-oiled machine; the pun being intentional.

The Fuel Paradox: When Mobility Becomes a Luxury

Our health service runs on wheels as much as it does on training and wisdom. The entire system has to be supported by energy. The Middle East remains the lifeblood of our energy supply, and any disruption to the Strait of Hormuz would send immediate shockwaves to our fuel pumps. Lack of fuel, as well as skyrocketing prices of oil, would have a cascading detrimental effect on our health service.

For the average citizen, a spike in fuel prices is not just a “transport issue” but a miserable calamity that could become a noteworthy barrier to life-saving healthcare. When bus fares double and three-wheeler charges skyrocket, a mother in a rural village may think twice and even hesitate to take her feverish child to the nearest Base Hospital. In the calculus of poverty, the cost of the journey often outweighs the urgency of the ailment, until and most unfortunately, it sadly and tragically becomes too late.

Furthermore, our healthcare workers, the doctors, nurses, public health midwives, clerks, orderlies, and other grades of minor staff, are certainly not immune to the impacts of the fuel crisis. Unlike many top-tier officials of the rest of the public service, most medical staff rely on their own vehicles or public transport to reach their posts. If fuel becomes a rationed luxury, we risk a kind of inevitable “silent strike” where the healers simply cannot afford to commute to the hallowed places of healing. The other grades of staff mentioned are certainly no less important to run the machine, and they will also be at the receiving end of the fuel crisis and transport problems.

A Bitter Pill: The Private Sector Squeeze

While the state provides free healthcare, the private sector has long acted as a vital pressure valve for the national system. However, the conflict is rapidly tightening the screws here as well.

 =The Price of Healing: Most of our medicines and vaccines are imported. With global shipping routes disrupted and “war risk” insurance premiums surging, the landed cost of a simple strip of a commonly used medicine or a vital course of antibiotics to clear a lung infection would climb disproportionately.

 =The “In-Patient” Inflation: Private hospitals are energy-intensive hubs. From the electricity that powers life-support machines to the diesel that runs emergency generators, rising costs will most unfortunately have to be passed directly to the patient.

 =Consultation Charges: As overheads, maintenance costs, staff salaries, and medical supplies spiral, even the renowned Private Hospitals, as well as even the most dedicated private practitioners, would find themselves forced to increase fees.

When the private sector becomes unaffordable, those patients migrate back to the already overstretched state hospitals, creating a “domino effect” of long queues and exhausted resources.

The Empty Plate: Nutrition as the First Line of Defence will be in danger

Perhaps, the most insidious impact of the Middle Eastern crisis is the one that happens at the grocery store leading to great difficulties in getting food into the table. Sri Lanka relies heavily on remittances from our workers in the Gulf and the robust export of our “black gold”- Ceylon Tea. The war has stalled tea exports to major markets like Iran and Iraq, costing the industry millions every week. Simultaneously, if our workers in the Middle East face displacement, the flow of foreign exchange into our country, which would benefit even the villagers, might just dry up.

When a family’s income drops, the first thing to be sacrificed is often the “quality” and even the quantity of the food that comes onto the table. We might see a return to starch-heavy, protein-poor diets. For a pregnant mother, this means anaemia and untold risks to the yet-to-be-born baby. For a growing young child, it means stunting and weakened immunity. For the elderly, it will mean increasing the frailty of old age. We are essentially “importing” a future health crisis of malnutrition that no amount of free medicine can easily fix.

The Supply Chain Shadow

Modern medicine is a “just-in-time” industry. Many of our specialised vaccines and a variegated plethora of treatments require a “cold chain” – a continuous refrigerated journey. With major Gulf air hubs facing disruptions, these temperature-sensitive medicines must be rerouted. This adds days to the journey and increases the risk of “spoilage.” A vaccine that loses its potency due to a shipping delay is not just a financial loss; it is a lost shield for a child and even, older and elderly people.

Sadly, just like the fuel situation, there have not been any worthwhile efforts to “stockpile” at least some of the essential medicines. Of course, unlike just storing fuel to stockpile, medicines have their own problems with shelf-life and expiry dates. It is indeed a vexing problem that might cause a major, tricky situation at some time in the future. The government is planning to issue medicines for two months from the clinics etc. One only hopes that the currently available stock could be used effectively without that initiative leading to a desperate shortage of essential drugs.

Navigating the Storm: Some Ways to Mitigate the Crisis

This author has brought to light some of the issues that we may see in the future. However, it is not an exhaustive or complete list of all possible consequences. There could be quite a few more. While the situation is grave at present, it is perhaps not unmanageable. To protect the vitality of our healthcare, we must adopt a “War Footing” of preparedness:

1. Fuel Priority for Healthcare: The government must establish a “Green Lane” for healthcare personnel and emergency vehicles, ensuring that they have subsidised or prioritised access to fuel to prevent service interruptions. This has to include the private healthcare personnel as well.

2. Strategic Buffer Stocks: We must move away from “just-in-time” imports and build a minimum 6-month buffer stock of essential medicines and vaccines. We need to utilise regional cooperation with neighbours like India to diversify supply routes.

3. Strengthening Primary Care: By investing in local dispensaries and public health midwives, we can treat ailments before they require expensive hospital stays, as well as extended forms of treatment, reducing the transport burden on patients.

4. Nutritional Safety Nets: Expanding school meal programmes and providing fortified food supplements to pregnant mothers can act as a firewall against the malnutrition that is likely to be caused by economic shocks.

5. Digital Health Integration: Expanding “telemedicine” can allow specialists to consult with rural patients remotely, saving both the doctor and the patient the high cost of travel.

A Call for Preparedness, but not a Harbinger of Panic

It is ever so easy to read these points and see a looming, tremendously gloomy fog that could envelop our revered Motherland in the not-too-distant future. However, from a clearer perspective, the purpose of this analysis is not for the writer to act as a prophet of doom, but for this enterprise to serve as a wake-up call for proactive management and to take all necessary steps, well in time, to avoid a catastrophe.

Our health service is the crown jewel of our nation. It has been built on the Herculean effort of generations who believed that health is definitely a right, and certainly not a privilege. To protect it, we must look beyond our borders and understand that the proverb “a stitch in time saves nine” is what we need now. We must strengthen our social safety nets before the ripples of the Middle Eastern war become a tidal wave that hits our shores. We need to act purposefully now, to be able to steadfastly cushion whatever blows that might come our way in the future.

This is not a forecast of a disaster that is one-hundred per cent certain to occur. In stark contrast, it is meant to be a sober and sombre analysis of possible ramifications that we must prepare for today, to save the lives of our people and look after their health tomorrow.

Dr B. J. C. Perera
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paediatrics), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin),
FRCP(Lond), FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony. FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow, Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.

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