Editorial
May Day signals

May Day falling last week, as is very well known, has long lost its Labour Day intent and flavour certainly in this country, degenerating into the political carnival all Lankans are familiar with. With a presidential election due later this year, predictably the various contending parties made the occasion one of trying to demonstrate their pre-poll strength by transporting their supporters by bus and train for the various rallies organized in Colombo. This, of course, has always been done, but the incentive to make the show bigger was more so last Wednesday. While it was easy enough to see that a great deal of money had been spent for this purpose, it was less easy to judge who put up the biggest show although there were many claimants for that achievement.
The hurrah boys of some of the contenders for the presidency had promised all kinds of revelations on May Day. But very little surfaced with a single, little known MP from the Moneragala district switching allegiance from the SLPP to the UNP. There was also the already stale news that Justice Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe will be the SLFP candidate for the presidential crown. We all know he will not wear it, at least the next time round, but former President Maithripala Sirisena announced his candidature at the SLFP’s muted May Day show at Gampaha.
What Rajapakshe’s intentions are, we don’t know. But the comedy continues and we can easily guess that he’s probably looking at the next parliamentary election rather than the presidency at least at this moment – whatever may happen in the future. He’s been serving many masters since his entry from the legal profession into parliament in 2004 on the national list of the SLFP and later by election. He’s thereafter held several cabinet ministries and chairmanship/membership of different parliamentary oversight committees. He’s now been named acting chairman of the SLFP but since restrained from assuming that position by the courts. The determination of an appeal on that judgment is pending.
The UNP which has been claiming many SJB defections to be announced on May Day pulled in a single minnow from back of beyond, not from the SJB but from the SLPP, into its ranks. Party hacks didn’t bother to even talk about it, leave alone make any noise. But the Wickremesinghe cheering squad keeps saying there are several months to go before the big election and are asking the country to await developments. So also the SLPP, out of the woodwork since the aragalaya, which while repeating they will field a candidate at the presidential poll remains shy of revealing that worthy’s identity. Though his father has said that Namal Rajapaksa has more time, the latter continues to champ at the bit.
One small clue from the SLPP May Day platform was the presence of billionaire businessman Dhammika Perera. Clad in his trademark blue suit and red tie, he looked a fish out of water among the political hoi polloi. Although he had barely spoken in parliament since he succeeded Basil Rajapaksa in an SLPP national list seat and briefly held cabinet office, his DP Education initiative offering free IT distance education remains alive and kicking. Observers believe this signals that Perera is not yet old hat as far as his presidential ambitions are concerned.
The anticipated May Day announcement of his own candidature by the president did not come to pass, some say to the disappointment of the Nimal Lanza-led group of SLPPers waiting to toss their hats into the Wickremesinghe ring. This made them keep off the UNP rally this May Day until the candidature is formally announced by the real McCoy rather than his acolytes. There was no clue last week on why Wickremesinghe chose to remain personally silent of his candidature although there are a multitude of signals that he plans to run. The latest among these was the president’s announcement on the CWCs (Ceylon Workers Congress) Kotagala May Day platform of the long promised Rs. 1,700 daily wage for plantation workers.
Newspaper correspondents resorted this May Day to identifying who was present where, and who was not at particular events to read the political barometer. Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka was present at the SJB rally which he left early probably because he was not given a speech. Observers attribute this to the ongoing squabble between Fonseka and SJB leader Sajith Premadasa.
In May Days of long ago when the old left, affiliated to many trade union federations, was alive and kicking, newspaper correspondents resorted to the not very accurate practice of timing which procession (often called demonstration) took the longest time to pass a given point. Given the pace of the marching and spacing between different sections of the processions, it is doubtful whether this was a reasonably accurate measuring device. But it was often practiced.
Galle Face green was then the most preferred venue, often hogged by whoever was in office, but public meeting are no longer permitted there. Many of this year’s May Day events were confined to the streets with the SLPP choosing the more open Campbell Park – and making much of it – while others chose smaller open spaces and the streets where participants were packed into narrow confined spaces with obvious attempts to outdo each other in terms of crowd show. Mahinda Rajapaksa projected his party as the kingmaker in this year’s presidential contest claiming that nobody could win without their support. The JVP/NPP had four rallies, big ones in Colombo and Matara, one in Anuradhapura and the smallest in Jaffna.
Editorial
Cushioning tariff shock

Thursday 10th April, 2025
President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s letter to US President Donald Trump over the US tariff hikes has received much publicity. The NPP government is reportedly sanguine about a positive response from Washington to its request for lower tariff on Sri Lanka’s exports, especially apparels. Hope is said to spring eternal, and there is nothing wrong with being optimistic, but it behoves Sri Lanka to prepare for the worst-case scenario. President Trump’s mind is so elusive that it is not possible to predict his moves, much less guess what he expects the smaller economies to do if they are to qualify for US tariff reductions, if any. He is eyeing mineral resources in Ukraine in return for US military aid to that war-torn nation. Sri Lanka has no such resources to offer. Is the Trump administration trying to pressure it into going out of its way to help further Washington’s geostrategic interests in this part of the world?
China has retaliated by increasing tariffs on imports from the US thereby aggravating global economic uncertainty. Washington says its tariff increases are reciprocal, and therefore the countries affected by them may think they can gain relief by reducing duties on US exports. But the question is whether such action will help the US rectify its massive trade imbalance significantly. The demand for American exports will not increase substantially even if countries like Sri Lanka lower duties thereon, for factors such as cost and quality basically drive demand. Imports from the West, especially input materials, are not in high demand in the developing world because of the availability of cost-effective alternatives.
So, the Trump administration is likely to insist that apparel producing nations like Sri Lanka import commodities such as cotton fabric from the US so as to give a fillip to the American industries. This is what US Ambassador Julie Chung told former Minister Mano Ganeshan at a recent meeting, according to a report we published on 27 March. Such a move is bound to increase the cost of Sri Lankan apparels because US products are very expensive and will adversely affect the competitiveness of Sri Lanka’s apparels in the global market.
President Trump is hopeful that ‘jobs and factories will come roaring back’ because of the tariff hikes at issue, but he does not seem to have factored in the high cost of production in the US and increases in the prices of imports due to high tariff hikes. Tech analysts have pointed out that Apple iPhone prices would soar if they were to be made in the US, and even if the existing supply chains are maintained, their prices will increase substantially. The same may hold true for other commodities, whose prices remain low in the US at present owing to cheap labour and lax environmental laws in the other countries where they are produced.
The countries hit by the US tariff increases have adopted different strategies to cushion the blow from the drastic US action, which has led to a global stock market rout, and sparked protests in the US itself. India is seeking to strike more trade deals with other nations, according to Indian Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman, who says such measures have become necessary in view of prevailing global uncertainty. Sri Lanka can learn from how India is trying to mitigate the impact of the US tariff hikes.
Prof. C. A. Saliya, a senior banker turned academic, has pointed out in his latest column, Out of the Box, in this newspaper that if the emerging economies get their act together, they may be able to turn disruptions caused by the isolationist, protectionist, and coercive US trade practices into an opportunity to diversify their exports and trade relations, invest in technology and undertake structural reforms to ensure their economic resilience.
Meanwhile, the formulation of Sri Lanka’s strategy to navigate the new US tariff regime should arise from a tripartite effort if it is to be effective. The government, industrialists and workers should be represented in discussions on the issue. It is high time trade unions shifted their focus from their demand-oriented activism to the pressing need to play a crucial role in protecting the domestic industrial sector. The government should do everything in its power to help industrialists keep costs manageable, ensuring the competitiveness of their products in the global market, and the captains of industry must carry out their export operations in a transparent manner without resorting to sordid practices such as parking most of their export proceeds overseas.
Editorial
Lies, damned lies, and political claims

Wednesday 9th April, 2025
Hardly a day passes in Sri Lanka without the government and the Opposition locking horns and trading allegations of deception, lying and corruption. Deputy Minister of Vocational Education Nalin Hewage, who is at the forefront of the government’s propaganda campaign against the ruling NPP’s political rivals, has caused quite a stir by making a false claim about Sri Lanka’s economic recovery process.
Politicians as well as their mistruths, half-truths and blatant lies are rarely, if ever, out of the news in this country. Politics is generally thought to be a web of deceit, intrigue and lies due to manipulation, horse dealing, dishonesty, power struggles, scandals, corruption and other negative factors it is often associated with.
It may not be fair to paint all politicians with the same brush and label them as liars; there are honourable men and women in politics. However, the general perception is that only the politicians following Machiavelli, who has argued that rulers sometimes have to resort to deception and lying, achieve success in Sri Lanka. This view is not without some merit if our experience with politicians’ claims is anything to go by.
Most Opposition politicians who were lucky enough to survive last year’s Maroon Wave, which swept the NPP to power with a steamroller majority, are lying through their teeth. Denying allegations of corruption against them, they make themselves out to be paragons of virtue, but they won’t account for their wealth. It has now been revealed that the SLPP politicians who lost some of their properties due to mob violence in 2022 falsified the estimates of their losses and obtained compensation far exceeding the actual damages. They also have the audacity to make absurd claims and insult the intelligence of the public. Prior to the 2019 presidential election, the SLPP propagandists claimed that a huge cobra had emerged from the Kelani Ganga and it was a miracle signalling the rise of their candidate to the presidency. When the first Treasury bond scam was committed in early 2015, most UNP parliamentary group members, some of whom are in the SJB at present, told blatant lies in a bid to cover it up.
Deputy Minister Hewage has come under a social media piranha attack, as it were, over his claim at a recent NPP local government election rally in Galle that when the NPP took over the reins of government, last year, Sri Lanka’s foreign reserves had plummeted to USD 20 million, and under the incumbent government they had increased to USD 6.1 billion. Interestingly, disappointed that his claim had not elicited a rapturous applause, Hewage faulted his audience!
Hewage is not alone in claiming that it is the incumbent government that put the economy back on an even keel. Almost all NPP leaders make that claim at political rallies. Besides, they have sought to grab the credit for the completion of some projects previous governments launched, such as the restoration of the Elephant Pass salt factory and the construction of a cold storage facility in Dambulla. What takes the cake is the NPP’s claim that the country has gained nothing since Independence.
It will be interesting to see the NPP’s reaction to Hewage’s claim, which continues to draw heavy criticism on social media. The CID is conducting a probe into SLPP National Organiser and MP Namal Rajapaksa’s law exam results. Going by the absurd claims made by the ruling party politicians, it looks as if the NPP government had to order an investigation into the educational qualifications of some of its own parliamentary group members, especially those who claim to be economic experts.
Editorial
Who will guard the guards?

Tuesday 8th April, 2025
The Opposition has been protesting against what it describes as a veiled threat issued by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, at a recent NPP Local Government (LG) election rally. The United Republican Front led by former Minister Champika Ranawaka has complained to the Election Commission (EC) that President Dissanayake has made a statement, implying that his government will make financial allocations expeditiously only to the local councils the NPP will win in the upcoming LG polls, and others will find it difficult to obtain state funds.
One can argue that it is not legally possible for a government to deprive the local councils controlled by the Opposition of funds, but threats of fund cuts or restrictions, made by the President himself, could demoralise the people who intend to vote for parties other than the NPP in next month’s LG polls. Political power takes precedence over the law, ethics and morals, in this country, and therefore anything is possible.
In politics, words can be as impactful as actions, shaping public opinion and influencing decisions. One may recall that in 2015, the then President Maithripala Sirisena, as the SLFP leader, queered the pitch for his bete noire, former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, who was contesting that year’s general election as the prime ministerial candidate of the SLFP-led UPFA. In the run-up to that crucial election, Sirisena said in a television interview something to the effect that Rajapaksa would not be appointed Prime Minister even if the UPFA won enough seats to form a government. His statement had a devastating impact on the morale of UPFA supporters who wanted to make Rajapaksa Prime Minister. The rest is history. Besides, former Minister S. B. Dissanayake was sentenced to prison for contempt of the Supreme Court over a derogatory remark he made, at a public rally in 2003, about the judiciary and its rulings.
Meanwhile, there are numerous questionable practices pertaining to Sri Lankan elections. Political leaders in power, such as the President, the Prime Minister and Ministers, conduct election campaigns at a substantial cost to the state coffers, as we have argued over the past so many years. When the Presidents and other government leaders stump for their parties, across the country, the public has to bear the cost of their travel, security, etc. The Presidents and Prime Ministers even travelled in the Air Force helicopters for campaign purposes. The state-owned media outfits are misused as propaganda organs of the party in power although they belong to the people who hold diverse political views. A large number of meetings of state officials are held on some pretext or another, ahead of elections, to give a boost to the ruling party’s campaign. These practices are not only unethical but also tantamount to violations of the election laws, as they place the ruling party at an advantage at the expense of its rivals in elections. All Presidents, namely J. R. Jayewardene, R. Premadasa, D. B. Wijetunga, Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, Mahinda Rajapaksa, Maithripala Sirisena, Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Ranil Wickremesinghe unflinchingly used state resources for election campaigns. The public expected a radical departure from the past when they voted the JVP-led NPP into office last year. But what is unfolding on the political front does not offer much hope.
As for presidential statements, it was while speaking at a temple ceremony in the South in 1989 that the then President Premadasa announced his decision to ask India to withdraw the IPKF (Indian Peacekeeping Force) from Sri Lanka. Thus, the Executive Presidents’ statements should not be taken lightly, no matter where they are made.
How can a level playing field be ensured in the upcoming LG polls when the incumbent President himself goes around, issuing a veiled threat that the local councils will face fund cuts or restrictions unless they are controlled by his party––the NPP? It has been revealed in Parliament that at the height of a rice shortage, a few months ago, the NPP government did not supply some popular varieties of rice to the cooperative societies won by its rivals. Such action amounts to collective punishment meted out to the public for defeating the NPP in elections. So, the presidential threat in question, albeit veiled, cannot be dismissed as mere platform rhetoric. The JVP has demonstrated that it is capable of far worse things than fund cuts. The EC therefore must act on the complaints the Opposition has lodged in respect of the presidential statement if it is to arrest the erosion of public trust and confidence in the electoral process. That is also the only way the EC can prevent the public from thinking less of it.
As for President Dissanayake’s statement at issue and the EC’s alleged lukewarm response thereto, Juvenal’s famous question comes to mind: Quis custodiet ipsos custodes? — Who will guard the guards themselves?
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