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Editorial

Matilda’s cousins

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Tuesday 15th March, 2022

Matilda may have told dreadful lies that made ‘one gasp and stretch one’s eyes’, but her lies, or what has been said of them, to be exact, pale into childish prattle in comparison to what Sri Lankan politicians tell the public, especially when they seek votes and face trouble after being ensconced in power.

It is only natural that Sri Lankans tend to believe the very obverse of what ruling party politicians and their propaganda lackeys tell them. The President’s Media Division announced, the other day, that power cuts would be over after a few days; people did not buy into its claim, and stocked up on candles! The Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) went ahead with load shedding, and the hapless public continues to be troubled by power cuts. Several moons ago, Trade Minister Bandula Gunawardena vowed to make rice freely available at affordable prices, but rice prices have since gone through the roof.

All shortages that plague the country boil down to one thing—lack of dollars. If the government could find enough dollars to pay for essential imports, nothing would be in short supply, and queues at fuel stations, gas sales points, etc., would be over. The dollar crisis has become the elephant in the room where government politicians are concerned because the Finance Ministry, which is responsible for the current economic mess, is under Basil Rajapaksa, who is the power behind the throne. Ministers have chosen to bark up the wrong tree, and tell lies with a short lifespan lest they should incur the wrath of the powers that be and lose their portfolios.

Minister of Power Pavithra Wanniarachchi would have us believe that the existing power crisis has come about because the CEB’s generation capacity is low. Nothing could be further from the truth. Former Power and Energy Minister Champika Ranawaka has recently told Parliament that the CEB could generate 4,887MW of electricity a day while the daily demand for power does not exceed 2,700MW and, therefore, the CEB’s generation capacity has nothing to do with the current power crisis. He insists that the power crisis is due to lack of foreign exchange to pay for fuel imports to feed the thermal power plants. Ranawaka, an electrical engineer, has thus put his finger on the actual reason for the power crisis. Energy Minister Gamini Lokuge is also wary of telling the public the truth. His predecessor, Udaya Gammanpila, revealed the truth and got under the skins of the SLPP leaders in the process. He did not know what hit him; he lost his ministerial portfolio.

Minister Lokuge has declared that the fuel crisis will be over soon. Last week, he said the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) would not increase fuel prices. The following day, the Lanka IOC jacked up prices; two days later the CPC matched the LIOC prices! When he was the Power Minister, Lokuge said there would be no power cuts!

Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa has claimed that there is no fuel shortage. If so, tens of thousands of people must be waiting in long queues near filling stations for the fun of it! Chief Government Whip and Highway Minister Johnston Fernando has gone a step further; he says some sinister elements are conspiring against the government and spreading false rumours of a fuel shortage! The less said about him, the better; he is troubled by bats in his belfry if his behaviour in Parliament is any indication.

The discerning public is aware of the real causes of the present crises, which could have been averted. If the government had refrained from effecting huge tax cuts for the benefit of big businesses, mostly its cronies, and cared to rationalise pandemic-related expenditure instead of throwing money around, the rupee crisis would not have arisen. The situation further deteriorated following the unveiling of a massive relief package, which has benefited mostly state employees; the ill-conceived relief measures cost the state coffers as much as Rs. 229 billion! The government could have used these funds to cushion the fuel price hike shocks by reducing taxes on diesel, petrol and kerosene. The government has not cracked down on the foreign currency black market, which has been thriving at the expense of the banking system, depriving the state coffers of much-needed dollars. It also got its priorities mixed up and chose to spend colossal amounts of funds on development projects whose expenditure has a sizeable foreign exchange component. Road development is a case in point. If nonessential imports had been restricted when the first signs of the forex crisis were felt, the outflow of dollars could have been curtailed greatly.

Matilda’s story has a tragic end. Our skilled liars are going places, having lied their way into office, but at the rate public anger is welling up, their fate is very likely to be far worse than death—nothing could be more dreadful and hurtful to politicians than to be relegated to the political dustbin.



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Editorial

Jekylls and Hydes

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Monday 13th January, 2025

The JVP-led NPP government is drawing heavy flak for its vitriolic attacks on the media. It has taken umbrage at media reports critical of its MPs and much-advertised programmes like the Clean Sri Lanka initiative. It is apparently labouring under the misconception that the media is all out to sabotage its work and turn public opinion against it.

There is hardly any need for the media to do so; the government has amply demonstrated its inefficiency and incompetence much to the resentment of the public. The Gotabaya Rajapaksa administration also took on the media when it failed to make good on its promises, much less live up to the people’s expectations. Therefore, it may be said, with apologies to Bernard Shaw, that governments that can, do; those that cannot, fight with the media.

Governments in this country expect the media to behave as servilely as the timid curate who, not wanting to embarrass his host, declared that a rotten egg on his plate was good in parts. Sadly, they have the uncritical backing of a section of the media fraternity.

They have control over the state-media, which obsequiously pander to their whims and fancies and would admire their sartorial elegance even if they happened to walk the streets in the buff, but the problem is that they expect all other media organisations to grovel before them and entertain them with journalistic can-can, Raqs Sharqi and pole dancing. There’s the rub.

The NPP government owes its meteoric rise in national politics to the media, both mainstream and social, just like its predecessor, the SLPP, whose ascent to power was also possible owing to an effective media campaign. Goebbels would have done backflips in his grave if he had known that the NPP leaders and their propagandists outdid him in the so-called repetitive propaganda before last year’s elections. The media also served as a conduit for their misinformation and Machiavellian promises.

The NPP leaders are now doing exactly the opposite of what they said about the IMF bailout programme and denying that they ever promised huge power and energy price reductions. Prior to the presidential and parliamentary elections last year, the NPP rallied a great deal of popular support by promising to make rice freely available at affordable prices with a single stroke of the mighty presidential pen; the media gave such promises a lot of publicity. But rice is in short supply and the powerful millers are ruling the roost with the cantankerous NPP leaders tugging at their forelocks. The government has also baulked at going all out to tame the private bus and trishaw operators.

It is in fact the public who should take on the media outfits that collaborate with political parties to dupe them before elections.

Politicians’ love for the media is inversely proportional to power. Only the Opposition members fight for the rights of journalists. Role reversals occur following regime changes. Some members of the former Rajapaksa governments have taken up the cudgels for the rights of the media; they are hauling the NPP government over the coals for issuing threats to media institutions that refuse to toe the government line. When the NPP politicians were in opposition, they shed copious tears for journalists targeted by previous governments.

Some former SLPP politicians have issued hard-hitting statements in defence of media freedom. They would have us believe that they are even ready to risk their dear lives to protect journalists! They may be thanked for having pledged solidarity with journalists vis-à-vis the NPP’s hostile campaign against the media. But they need to be reminded that they had no qualms about being in oppressive regimes that were responsible for savage attacks on media institutions and journalists.

They must explain why they did not call for thorough probes into various crimes against media practitioners, such as the assassination of Sunday Leader Editor Lasantha Wickrematunge during the Mahinda Rajapaksa government in January 2009.

Journalists should realise that their liberation lies in themselves, and it is a mistake for them to rely on politicians to protect their rights and freedoms. All it takes for the Jekylls in the garb of opposition politicians to transmogrify into a bunch of Hydes is a mere chance to savour power.

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Editorial

Lying abroad for the country

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President Anura Kumara Dissanayake last week met four new ambassadors to Qatar, Russia, Kuwait and Egypt and our first high commissioner to New Zealand who will assume their assignments shortly. All of them are members of the Sri Lanka Overseas Service with no political appointee among them. The heads of mission were selected during the incumbency of the last regime and, in fact, had been cleared by the High Posts Committee of the last Parliament. The new Parliament has not yet appointed a committee to oversee senior government appointments requiring such clearance although, as we report in our news columns today, the ruling party has made its nominations and opposition nominations are awaited. Presumably there will be retroactive clearance of those already in office where necessary.

What the president told the new envoys about what is expected of them was all too obvious. No new thrust in the country’s diplomacy under the new order was revealed. President Dissanayake, while expressing his confidence in the newly appointed diplomats, emphasized the importance of their roles in strengthening Sri Lanka’s bilateral ties and fostering mutual cooperation with the countries to which they had been posted. Other matters covered included giving the best possible service to Lankan working in the countries of accreditation, something that is most important as we are heavily dependent on the remittances they send home. A large number of Lankans today work not only in the Middle East as during the early years of foreign employment but also in countries like South Korea and Japan and now Israel. Also the president urged pushing for more foreign investment, supporting the tourism industry, boosting exports etc.

There is reasonable cause for hope that the new administration, unlike its predecessors, will not make blatantly political diplomatic appointments, not only at ambassadorial level but in other positions in our missions overseas. Barely a month ago, Chief Government Whip Nalinda Jayatissa read out in parliament a list of names of politicians who have drawn money from the President’s Fund for whatever reason and promised to make more revelations. A similar list of progeny and close kith and kin of politicians posted to Sri Lanka’s overseas mission would be as revealing. We do not say that all appointments to Sri Lanka missions abroad should only be from the professional diplomatic service. There have been outstanding performances by those coming from outside, notably Mr. Shirley Amarasinghe, CCS, a former Secretary to the Treasury who chaired the UN Law of the Sea Conference with greatest distinction. So much so, when the 1977 JR Jayewardene government refused to keep him in New York as our Permanent Representative to the United Nations, the UN contrived to keep him in his Law of the Sea role.

Soon after the new regime took office, a total of 16 heads of diplomatic missions deemed political appointments were ordered to wind up their affairs and return to Colombo by December 1. As a state visit by the president to India was pending, the serving high commissioner in New Delhi was asked to remain until the visit was concluded. This was a sensible decision as a new appointee or a relatively junior officer may not have been able to competently handle the work involved at an important juncture. Also the high commissioner who was in place in India was a retired member of the Overseas Service with wide experience serving in important capitals. She was re-appointed post-retirement by the previous administration and this, among others, was apparently read as a “political appointment.” The single exception to the recall was former cabinet minister Mahinda Samarasinghe who quit his ministerial position to go to Washington as ambassador. This was purportedly in view of ongoing discussions with the IMF although it is well known that the embassy is little involved in this process.

However that be, several heads of mission positions, including in important capitals overseas like London and New Delhi as well as the UN in New York, remains to be filled. Whether the existing cadre in the Overseas Service has enough trained and experienced officers to meet this requirement is an open question. The late Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar, unquestionably the best foreign minister this country ever had, made some imaginative appointments such as those of business leader SK Wickremesinghe posted to London and eminent lawyer H.L. de Silva who went to New York as our Permanent Representative to the UN. We also had Mr. Mangala Moonesinghe who served in Delhi and briefly in London. The other side of the coin was that there were some rank bad appointments, notably that of a cousin of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa to Washington. He was caught with his pants down profiting from a property acquisition for the state and returned the loot. Nevertheless the then government proposed to appoint him high commissioner to Canada. Fortunately, Ottawa declined accreditation.

The current political leadership like all its predecessors will, no doubt be pressured by supporters, friends and fellow travelers to make various diplomatic appointments for which there is an insatiable greed in this country. An Additional Foreign Secretary in Mrs. Bandaranaike’s day, obtained cabinet approval to abolish the Sri Lanka Overseas Service and amalgamate it with the SLAS, opening the doors to a vast number of patronage appointments, Mr. Dharmasiri Pieris who functioned as Secretary to the Prime Minister has revealed in his autobiography of which we are running excerpts. This was fortunately nipped in the bud. Finding the right people for the jobs that must be done, not only in the diplomatic service but also in the local administration, will be a monumentally challenging task. Hopefully, there will at least some success in this regard.

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Editorial

Soft punches thrown at heavyweights

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Saturday 11th January, 2025

The government has announced a concessionary loan scheme for small and medium-scale (SMS) rice millers and cooperative societies to purchase paddy during the current Maha season. The Treasury has set aside Rs. 10 bn for that purpose, we are told. Successive governments have provided such loans to SMS millers.

One may recall that in February 2024, the Treasury announced that the SMS millers and warehouse owners could obtain loans ranging from Rs. 25 million to Rs. 50 million each under a concessionary pledge loan scheme for paddy purchase during the 2023-2024 Maha season. It was reported that the loans would have to be repaid in six months, and Rs. 9 billion would be disbursed. But that loan scheme did not help make a dent on the problem of powerful millers dominating the paddy market. Such measures could therefore be considered soft punches thrown at heavyweights.

It is doubtful whether the loan amounts to be made available to the SMS millers and cooperative societies will be adequate vis-à-vis the financial prowess of the big-time millers they have to vie with against tremendous odds in purchasing paddy. Most of all, they do not receive funds in time for the commencement of harvesting. The state machinery and lending institutions are geared towards serving the interests of the wealthy millers, who also have politicians on a string.

Worse, large millers double as loan sharks in the rural sector. Many paddy farmers obtain loans from them before the commencement of cultivation seasons on the strict condition that they do not sell their paddy to anyone else. Thus, the Millers’ Mafia keeps the farmers in bondage to all intents and purposes and buys their paddy at unconscionably low prices. Some agricultural experts have pointed out that these millers also keep part of their paddy stocks with the farmers who are beholden to them, and hence it is difficult to trace the hoarded paddy.

Interestingly, the rich millers have taken on the heartless microfinance companies that provide loans to farmers at exorbitant interest rates, and employ draconian recovery methods. They accuse the latter of exploiting farmers! There is hardly any difference between the Millers’ Mafia and the ruthless microfinance companies, where the exploitation of the farming community is concerned. No government has made any serious effort to liberate the hapless farmers from the clutches of the unscrupulous millers and other Shylocks.

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake declared in his New Year message that his government had, inter alia, the goal of eliminating rural poverty high on its agenda. Economically empowering farmers will be half the battle in tackling rural poverty. This ambitious goal however will remain elusive as long as politicians and political parties benefit from the largesse of the big-time millers and baulk at doing what needs to be done to protect the farming community against exploitative practices.

Let the government be urged to make funds available to the SMS millers and cooperative societies expeditiously in sufficient amounts if it is genuinely desirous of making the paddy and rice markets really competitive to safeguard the interests of farmers and consumers. Usually, by the time the government reaches the starting block, the big-time millers are already halfway down the track, sprinting.

The provision of soft loans for paddy purchase is welcome, but much more needs to be done to prevent paddy/rice market manipulations and the exploitation of farmers and consumers. The need for a pro-people government capable of dealing with the exploiters in the garb of millers and wholesalers, with a firm hand, cannot be overstated.

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