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Lion logo loses clout as Ceylon Tea marketing symbol

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Very little pure Ceylon Tea in the packs sold

(Excerpted from the autobiography of Merrill J. Fernando)

The Lion symbol had been used to denote Ceylon Tea for a number of years until, in 1978, it was registered in the UK as a symbol belonging to the Sri Lanka Tea Board. It had also been registered in a dozen countries in Europe, as well as in Australia, South Africa, Pakistan, and in about 15 other countries in the Middle East.

Since the Lion symbol professed to represent quality Ceylon Tea, but without a quality benchmark being attached to the pack which carried the logo, the recommendation of the above committee was that a new symbol should be developed, for the use of the entire export sector, to denote packs containing 100% Ceylon Tea conforming to a specific quality standard. The committee also recommended the promotion of Ceylon Tea in particular geographical areas, such as the Middle East and Western Europe primarily and, secondarily, in the Philippines, Nigeria, and Japan.

Up to that time, as far as I am aware, the above was the most searching examination of Ceylon Tea export promotion carried, out in decades. Unarguably, it was the only evaluation which resulted in proposals giving primary consideration for the benefit of the local exporter.

Discouraging realities

The consumer soon loses interest in a product which does not live up to its projected quality image. As explained in detail above, the Lion logo lost its effectiveness as a promotional tool when the genuine, quality Pure Ceylon Tea packs were debased, by the gradual diminution of the Ceylon Tea content in the pack, and its replacement with cheaper, lower quality tea. My arguments on the matter were based on my firm conviction, that it is important to associate a generic symbol with a guarantee of good quality Ceylon Tea and not of any tea identified as Ceylon Tea. The Lion logo finally became meaningless, as it was available to any brand associated with the legend ‘Ceylon’ on the pack, however tenuous the link.

Another area in which the Secretariat failed was in the very necessary monitoring of rebates and other incentives, extended to exporters to develop their own brands, invest in plant and machinery, and to generate value-added exports, instead of persisting with the export of bulk tea. The concessions were meant to incentivise development and investment with the long-term benefit in view.

What actually happened was that, with very few exceptions, the majority of the exporters discounted these rebates to the benefit of the importers that they were serving, who, anyway, were already buying their tea at prices well below those obtained for finished tea products in their countries.

This highly-irregular strategy resulted in the development of a culture of cutthroat competition among exporters, fighting with each other for the importers’ patronage. Despite the fact that several instances of price-undercutting, through the irregular manipulation of rebates and incentives, were brought to the notice of the Secretariat, it did not take any corrective action. As a result the wide-ranging recommendations of the Advisory Committee, though accepted by the Government and implemented, failed to produce the desired results.

An indication of this type of damaging discounting was provided, in 1988, by no less a person than our Tea Commissioner in Egypt, Hasitha de Alwis, who revealed to the Advisory Committee that Indian and other origin teas were being imported to Egypt, at considerably higher CIF prices than comparable tea from Ceylon. Our research in to this matter confirmed that this was indeed the truth, with Indian tea being offered at around USD 0.50 on average higher than Ceylon Tea.

Quite obviously, the reason was that either the Ceylon Tea was being calculatedly discounted by the exporter, or the tea was of very inferior quality and, therefore, merited the lower price. Either way, it was a highly-detrimental situation for the cause of Ceylon Tea in general. This matter, along with a wide range of other relevant issues, was brought in writing to the attention of the Tea Board by me in July 1989.

`Price warfare’ is an ever-present feature in market competition, irrespective of the product. However, whilst acknowledging the indisputable value of free and healthy competition, it also pre-supposes a private sector which is sensitive to national objectives for the promotion of a product, which identifies the country globally, as in the case of Ceylon Tea.

One of the recommendations of the committee, was that the impact of the rebates and incentives be evaluated by the SLTB, at the end of three years. However, that was never done, and the concessions were allowed to remain, to be abused at will by most exporters. What resulted was a net loss to the industry.

The Tea Board then also supported meaningless and costly exercises, such as the promotion, at a cost of around Rs. 50 million over a period of about five years, between 1983 and 1988, for the marketing of Rabea Tea, a well-established brand in Saudi Arabia. At one point this brand was importing about 18 million pounds of tea, annually. Though the brand was registered in the name of an exporter in Sri Lanka, it was actually owned by a foreign company in Saudi Arabia, allowing it to import tea from any producing country and sell under the same label, if desired, labeled as ‘Ceylon Tea’.

Ideally and logically, the money channeled by the Tea Board to Rabea should have been spent on the development of fully Sri Lankan-owned brands. I predicted to the Board that once the owners established the market for the brand on the strength of the ‘Ceylon Tea Packed in Ceylon’ slogan, they would move to another destination, most likely Saudi Arabia itself, and that is exactly what happened a few years later.

I also became aware that whist I was struggling to secure funds for the promotion of Dilmah in Australia, the Board had actually funded the promotion of bulk tea in Canada, doling out a total of around USD 5,000 at different times, to a Sri Lankan living in Canada, who had imported a few thousand kilos of tea from Sri Lanka. This move begs the question, how on earth can one promote bulk tea and to what purpose?

Another instance of a futile, self-defeating exercise which the CTPB (Ceylon Tea Propaganda Board) indulged in was the funding of the promotion and advertising of Lipton Tea, at the 1980 Moscow Olympics. It was a very costly and self-defeating gesture from the organization, which was, ostensibly, responsible for the promotion of Ceylon Tea, but extending goodwill to a brand which did not originate in Sri Lanka.

Between the period 1977 and 1985, the SLTB (Sri Lanka Tea Board) funded 118 projects. An analysis of those ventures and their outcomes would reinforce my position in regard to the imprudent manner in which such funds were disbursed. In fact, Dilmah was the first major tea brand marketing project undertaken by the SLTB, in its history of overseas tea promotion activities.

It was also the maiden initiative to promote a totally Sri Lankan-owned brand in an overseas market. In that context alone the Dilmah, Pure Ceylon Tea project, was of great strategic significance as an export marketing project, to revitalize the position of Ceylon Tea in that part of the world, providing a launching pad in to New Zealand as well.

Square pegs in round holes

The SLTB Secretariat of the day had neither the talent nor the personnel to understand the intricacies and dynamics of international tea marketing. It tried to please every sector of the trade and be all things to all men, despite the fact that, with so many different agendas, there would invariably be wide-ranging conflicts of interests between involved parties. What was lacking then was a strong secretariat, educated in the ways of global tea marketing, and with a clear perception of the importance of Ceylon Tea in the context of the national economy, as a priority which needed to override parochial sectoral interests.

In 1977 the SLFP Government was swept out of power and the UNP, led by J. R. Jayewardene, took over the governance of the country. In 1979 my ex-father-in-law, Major Montague Jayawickrema, was appointed Minister of Home Affairs, Public Administration, and Plantation Industries, succeeding M. D. H. Jayawardena. One of Major Jayawickrema’s first proposals to me, as Minister, was to appoint me to the Tea Board. I advised him that on account of our previous family connections such a move would attract public criticism and refused to accept his offer. I suggested that, instead, he appoint Dr. Rienzie Peiris, as the latter had some knowledge of the industry.

One year later, without any prior notice to me, the Minister appointed me to the SLTB. Shortly afterwards, a group from the tea industry representing the brokers, tea traders, and planting fraternity had gone to N. G. Panditharatne, then Chairman of the UNP, and lodged a protest against my appointment as, according to them, I was not a ‘team player’ but a ‘rebel’. Panditharatne and I were not acquainted at that time.

However, according to reports, he had told this delegation that disruptors were useful in any society and that if my positions and proposals proved to be untenable, I would be automatically neutralized.

Since he refused to consider their request, this group had approached President JR, who also had turned them down, on much the same grounds as Panditharatne. This deputation had informed the President that Minister Jayawickrema had shares in my publicly-listed company. The President had spoken to the Minister and recommended that he sell those shares, which, in fact, he had bought three years before his appointment as minister.

Lost opportunity – Middle East market

In the early 1980s, the SLTB Chairman was the very competent Bradman Weerakoon and on the Board was I. O. K. G. (Oliver) Fernando, another man with a clear vision, who later became Chairman himself. However, other functionaries of the Secretariat, such as Agalawatte, Sambasivam, and Mrs. Jayatilleke, an Assistant Director of the CTPB then, were completely unhelpful and obstructed in the implementation of any creative policy.

After the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), comprising Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates came into existence in 1981, I pointed out to the Tea Board that it presented an excellent opportunity for Ceylon to consolidate its hold on the Middle Eastern market in totality, and that we should move quickly to establish a monopoly on exports to those regions.

The common economic reforms which were being advocated by this alliance, combined with rising oil prices, would result in a significant increase in buying power across the GCC region, with its total population then of around 70 million. As I have said earlier, the general similarity of consumer preferences for tea, both loose and packeted, across the Middle Eastern countries, would enable us to address the entire region as a common market.

Though the Middle East was one of Sri Lanka’s strongest markets and an area in which Ceylon Tea sells for premium prices, with one or two exceptions in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Jordan, Sri Lanka then had no established brands. Even the prominent Ceylon Tea brands popular in that market did not belong to Sri Lankan firms. Still, the native consumer in the Middle East generally remained loyal to Ceylon Tea for many years, despite the occasional influx of large volumes of Indian tea through bilateral trade agreements, as in the case of Tunisia and Iran.

The Middle East market then was dominated by Lipton in both tea bag and bulk supplies, which was the preference of the expatriate communities in the Gulf region. Much of that tea was sourced from India. Lipton also had in place a very professionally-managed marketing and promotional infrastructure in the region.

For decades, tea sales were conducted largely in the ‘souks,’ the native Arab bazaars, as there were few supermarkets in operation in most Middle Eastern countries. However, the affluence resulting from the oil boom of the 1970s exposed the Gulf world to Western culture and consumerism, and the region started moving swiftly towards more sophisticated marketing. With the growing popularity of tea bags in the Middle East being driven by the expanding supermarket culture, traditional Ceylon Tea started losing market share. Even the desert Bedouin was not immune to the advertising hype!

My point was that if we did not move fast to establish the supremacy of Pure Ceylon Tea in the Middle East sector, leveraging advantage we already had in the traditional popularity of Ceylon

in those regions, the multinationals, with their cheap, multi-origin brands, would soon completely take over those markets. The competition in the Middle East had already created openings for tea from China, Indonesia, and other, cheaper origins.

I advocated an initiative to build a strong, Pure Ceylon Tea brand, commonly owned by say 10 exporters, who would each contribute a reasonable sum of money to establish such a brand. Essentially, it would comprise a Joint Venture public company for the marketing of tea bags in the Middle East, as a single firm would not have the resources to fund such an exercise. That apart, with a common, Pure Ceylon Tea brand, being owned by a group of exporters, the sensitivity demonstrated by the SLTB and other connected State entities, as well as by other local exporters, in regard to sponsoring a single owner brand, would also be eliminated.

I urged that Sri Lankan exporters should quickly develop tea bag export operations, to counter the huge threat from Lipton, which had begun to dominate that segment of the market in the Middle East. I also pointed out that it would be futile to compete with Lipton on its strength, as what it was offering was a near 100% CTC tea with a component of Ceylon Tea. Our counter-initiative should be to offer, on the back of a strong marketing drive, a superior quality Pure Ceylon Tea at a reasonable price.

To this proposed ‘Common Brand Building Exercise,’ the Janatha Estates Development Board (JEDB) and the Sri Lanka State Plantations Corporation (SLSPC), then collectively responsible for managing the nationalized plantation sector, would also contribute in equal proportions. Ranjan Wijeratne, then Chairman of the SLSPC, and Pemsith Seneviratne, Chairman, JEDB, were both very supportive of this proposal, as was Victor Santiapillai.

Finally, it was agreed that the sub-committee to progress this initiative would comprise W. L. P. de Mel (Secretary, Ministry of Trade and Shipping), Mahinda Dunuwille (Chairman, Tea Tang Ltd.), Asoka de Lanerolle (EDB), and the writer. The committee co-opted Victor Santiapillai (Chairman, Export Development Board) and T. G. Peiris (Director, Promotion, Tea Board) as Convenor and Secretary.



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Building a sustainable future for Sri Lanka’s construction industry

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Sri Lanka’s construction industry has long been a central pillar of sustainable development. From roads and bridges to homes, schools, and hospitals, construction shapes the country’s physical landscape and supports economic progress. As the nation continues to rebuild and modernise, the demand for construction materials and infrastructure keeps rising. However, this growth also brings a significant environmental cost. Cement, steel, bricks, aggregates, and timber all require energy, resources, and transportation, contributing to carbon emissions and environmental damage. If Sri Lanka continues with traditional construction practices, the long-term impact on the environment will be severe.

The encouraging news is that Sri Lanka has many opportunities to adopt more sustainable construction practices while still maintaining the highest standards of quality and safety. Sustainable construction does not mean weaker buildings or lower standards. It means using sustainable materials, reducing waste, improving design, and choosing methods that protect the environment. Many countries have already moved in this direction, and Sri Lanka has the potential to follow the same path with solutions that are practical, affordable, and suitable for local conditions.

A promising option

One promising option is the use of Compressed Earth Blocks (CEB), which are different from the concrete blocks commonly used in Sri Lanka for the past 25 years. CEBs are made from soil mixed with a small amount of stabiliser and pressed using machines. Unlike traditional fired clay bricks, CEBs do not require high-temperature kilns, which consume large amounts of firewood or fossil fuels. This makes CEBs a low-carbon alternative with a much smaller environmental footprint. In Sri Lanka, CEBs are already used in eco-resorts, community housing projects, and environmentally focused developments. They offer good strength, durability, and thermal comfort, making them suitable for many types of buildings. By expanding the use of CEBs, Sri Lanka can reduce energy consumption, lower emissions, and promote locally sourced materials.

Recycled aggregates also offer significant potential for sustainable construction. These materials are produced by crushing concrete, demolition waste, and construction debris. In Sri Lanka, recycled aggregates are already used in road construction, particularly for base and sub-base layers. They are suitable for non-structural building work such as pathways, garden paving, drainage layers, landscaping, and backfilling. Using recycled aggregates reduces the need for newly quarried rock and aggregates, decreases landfill waste, and lowers transportation emissions. With proper quality control and standards, recycled aggregates can become a reliable and widely accepted material in the construction industry.

Timber and sustainability

Timber is another important area where sustainability can be improved. In the past, timber for construction was often taken from natural forests, leading to deforestation and loss of biodiversity. Today, this approach is no longer sustainable. Instead, the focus must shift to legally sourced timber from managed plantations. Sri Lanka’s plantation-grown teak, jak, and kubuk can provide high-quality, legally sourced timber for construction while protecting natural forests and supporting rural economies. Using plantation timber ensures that harvesting is controlled, trees are replanted, and the supply chain remains legal and ethical.

Beyond materials, sustainable construction also involves better design and planning. Buildings that are designed to maximise natural ventilation, daylight, and energy efficiency can significantly reduce long-term operating costs. Simple design improvements such as proper orientation, shading devices, roof insulation, and efficient window placement can reduce the need for artificial cooling and lighting. These measures not only lower energy consumption but also improve indoor comfort for occupants. Sri Lanka’s tropical climate offers many opportunities to incorporate passive design strategies that reduce environmental impact without increasing construction costs.

Waste reduction is another key component of sustainable construction. Construction sites often generate large amounts of waste, including concrete, timber offcuts, packaging, and soil. By adopting better site management practices, recycling materials, and planning construction sequences more efficiently, contractors can reduce waste and save money. Proper waste segregation and recycling can also reduce the burden on landfills and minimise environmental pollution.

Promoting sustainable construction

Public projects such as schools, hospitals, and government buildings can play a leading role in promoting sustainable construction. When government projects adopt greener materials and designs, the private sector follows. This creates a positive cycle where environmentally responsible choices become the industry standard. Public sector leadership can also encourage local manufacturers to produce sustainable materials, improve quality standards, and invest in new technologies.

Sri Lanka also carries a proud and remarkable history in construction, with achievements that continue to inspire the world. The engineering brilliance behind Sigiriya, the advanced urban planning of Polonnaruwa, the precision of the Aukana Buddha statue, and the sophisticated water management systems of ancient tanks and reservoirs all demonstrate the deep knowledge our ancestors possessed. These historic accomplishments show that innovation is not new to Sri Lanka; it is part of our identity. As the world moves toward 2050 with increasing sustainability challenges, Sri Lanka can draw strength from this heritage while embracing modern technologies and sustainable practices. With the combined efforts of skilled professionals, industry experts, academic researchers, and strong government support, the country can introduce new systems that improve efficiency, reduce environmental impact, and strengthen resilience. By working together with determination and sharing knowledge across generations, Sri Lanka’s construction industry can build a future that honours its past while leading the way in sustainable development.

Foundation of sustainable development

Sri Lanka’s construction industry has always been a foundation of sustainable development. Today, it also has the chance to take a leading role in sustainability. By choosing sustainable materials, reducing waste, improving design, and supporting responsible sourcing, the country can build a future that is both modern and environmentally responsible. Sustainability is essential for Sri Lanka’s long-term goals of reducing carbon emissions and limiting the impacts of global warming. As Sri Lanka moves forward, the construction industry must embrace sustainability not only as an environmental responsibility but also as an opportunity to create stronger, smarter, and more resilient buildings for future generations. Sri Lanka has the talent, the heritage, and the technical capacity to shape a more sustainable future, and with the right national direction, the construction industry can become a model for the region. If professionals, policymakers, and communities work together with a shared vision, the country can transform its construction sector into one that protects the environment while supporting long-term progress.

About the Author: P.G.R.A.C. Gamlath Menike,

BSc (Hons) Quantity Surveying (University of Reading, UK), MSc Quantity Surveying (University College of Estate Management, UK), MCIArb, Doctoral Student, Department of Building and Real Estate, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hong Kong, is a Senior Quantity Surveyor: Last Project (2022 -2025) Hong Kong International Airport Terminal 2 Construction Project, Gammon Engineering Construction (Main Contractor).

By P.G. R. A. C. Gamlath Menike

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Palm leaf manuscripts of Sri Lanka – 1

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Palm leaf manuscripts

Palm leaf manuscripts have been in existence in Sri Lanka since ancient times. The two oldest palm-leaf manuscripts found in Sri Lanka today are the Cullavagga Pâli manuscript of the H. C. P. Bell collection, which is held at the Library of the National Museum, Colombo, and the Mahavagga Pâli manuscript in the University of Kelaniya collection. Photocopies of both are available at the Library of the University of Peradeniya. Both are dated to 13 century. Cullavagga manuscript has wooden covers richly decorated in lac with a design of flowers and foliage.

Karmmavibhâga

However, the oldest known Sinhala palm leaf manuscript in the world is the Karmmavibhâga which was found in a Tibet monastery in 1936 by the Indian scholar Rahul Sankrityayan. Rahul Sankrityayan, (1893–1963) former Kedarnath Pandey, was an Indian polymath, who searched out rare Buddhist manuscripts on his travels abroad. Sankrityayan visited Sri Lanka as well. Vidyalankara Pirivena is mentioned.

Sankrityayan visited Tibet several times to collect manuscripts from the Buddhist monasteries there. In May 1936 on his second visit to Tibet, Sankrityayan visited the Sa-skya monastery. The Chag-pe-lha-khang Library in this monastery was specially opened for Sankrityayan.

He stated in his autobiography that when the clouds of dust which greeted this rare opening of its doors had subsided, they beheld rows of open racks where volume on volume of manuscripts were kept. “After rummaging around, I came across palm-leaf manuscripts. They were not wrapped in cloth, but were tied between two wooden planks with holes through them.” Sankrityayan found several important manuscripts he had been looking for, in that collection.

Sankrityayan catalogued fifty-seven manuscripts bound in thirty-eight volumes. The thirty-seventh volume was written in the Sinhala script. Sankrityayan records that this volume contained ninety-seven palm- leaves each of which measured 18 1/4 by 1 1/4 in. (46 x 3 cm.) and that there were seven lines of writing on each folio.

According to Sankrityayan, these Sinhala texts originally belonged to a Sri Lankan monk called Anantaśrî who had come to Tibet in the time of ŚSrî Kîrttidhvaja (Kirti Sri Rajasinha). Analysts noted that Sankrityayan does not give the source of this information and the manuscript makes no mention of Anantaśrî.

Sankrityayan had taken with him to Tibet, one Abeyasinghe, (Abhayasimha) to help him with copying manuscripts. They made hand-copies of the important manuscripts. Abhayasimha had copied about 250 to 350 strophes each day. But he fell ill due to the extreme cold and was sent home in June. Abeyasinghe had written letters home during his stay in Tibet.

Photographs of the manuscripts found during Sankrityayan’s expeditions in Tibet are preserved at the National Archives in Colombo. There is also a copy in Vidyalankara pirivena library The Historical Manuscripts Commission In its 1960/1961 report, drew attention to this manuscript, known as Sa-skya Codex, describing it as “a unique document.” (Annual Report of the Government Archivist 1960/61, 1963)

Sinhala scholar P.E.E. Fernando examined photographs of the Sa-skya Codex at the request of the Historical Manuscripts Commission and assigned it to the 13th century. The Historical Manuscripts Commission, dated it to either twelfth or the thirteenth century.

The Historical Manuscripts Commission observed that this manuscript was of great value for the study of the development of the Sinhala script. Ven. Meda Uyangoda Vimalakîrtti and Nähinne Sominda in their edition of the Karmmavibhâga published in 1961 agreed that the Sa-skya Codex represented an early stage in the evolution of the Sinhala language.

Mahavamsa

The Mahavamsa is considered a unique historical document. There is nothing like it in South Asia, and probably all Asia, with the exception of China. Mahavamsa provides a historical account of events, with emphasis on chronology and dating. This, it appears, was rare at the time.

However, Mahavamsa is not a political history, though that is the popular perception of it. It is a religious history. It was written to record the introduction and entrenchment of Buddhism in the country. Other Buddhist countries, such as Cambodia, Burma and Thailand value the Mahavamsa for this reason. They held copies of the Mahavamsa and used events from it in their temple frescoes.

But Mahavamsa is also an important reference source for reconstructing the political history of Sri Lanka. Political and social facts are included in the Mahavamsa narrative when describing religious events, and this makes the Mahavamsa important for historians. This tradition of history writing, beginning with the earlier Sihala Attakatha and Dipawamsa, it is suggested, started in Sri Lanka in 2nd or 3rd BC.

Today, the Mahavamsa has become a major source of historical information, not only for dating kings, temples and reservoirs, but also for reconstructing ancient Sinhala society. The fact that Kuveni was seated beside a pond, spinning thread has been used to indicate that there was water management and textiles long before Vijaya arrived. Dutugemunu (161-137 BC) paid a salary to the workers building the Maha Thupa. This shows that money was used at the time.

Copies of the Mahavamsa have been treasured and looked after in Sri Lanka for centuries. They have been copied over and over again. The manuscripts were held in temple libraries because the subject of the Mahavamsa was the entrenchment of Buddhism in Sri Lanka.

The Mahavamsa manuscripts did not pop up suddenly during British rule as people seem to think. The British did not ‘discover’ the Mahavamsa. It was there. When the British administration started to take interest in the history of the island, the sangha would have directed them to the Mahavamsa, in the same way that they directed HCP Bell to the ruins in Anuradhapura and the Sigiriya frescoes. HCP Bell did not discover those either.

The British administrators saw the value of the Mahavamsa and copies were sent to libraries abroad. The Bodleian library, Oxford has a well preserved Mahavamsa manuscript, taken from Mulkirigala, which Turner used for his translation. Cambridge has two Mahavamsa manuscripts. The two copies at India Office library, and the copy in East India Library are probably in the British Library today. The Royal Library, Copenhagen, has a copy, consisting of 129 sheets, 12 lines to a leaf, written in good handwriting.

In Sri Lanka there are several copies of the Mahavamsa in the Colombo Museum Library. One copy, known as the ‘Cambodian Mahavamsa ‘is in Cambodian script. University of Peradeniya has at least three copies.

It is interesting to note that the Mahavamsa was known to the Sinhala elite and some had copies in their private libraries. The Historical Manuscripts Commission of the 1930s said in its first report that five copies of the Mahavamsa and a 19th century copy of the Dipawamsa were found in private collections.

The temple libraries had many copies of the Mahavamsa. Some were of very high quality. Wilhelm Geiger had looked at the copies held at Mahamanthinda Pirivena, Matara and Mulkirigala vihara. Asgiriya, Nagolla Vihara and Watagedera Sudarmarama Potgul vihara, Matara, are three of the many libraries that held copies of the Mahavamsa.

Sirancee Gunawardene examined the copy at Mahamanthinda Pirivena, Matara, very closely. She says that it is a very old manuscript. According to its colophon, the manuscript was first copied 400 years ago. It is in a very good state of preservation. It has 232 folios. Each 50 cm long 6.25 wide. Nine lines on each side, in Pali metric verse.

The writer of the manuscripts said that his version was an improvement on the copy. He wrote, “I will recite the Mahavamsa which was compiled by ancient sages. [their version] was too long and had many repetitions. This version is free from such faults, easy to understand and remember. It is handed down from tradition, for arousing serene joy and emotion’ .

The Mahamanthinda manuscript records the continuous history of 23 dynasties from 543 BC to 1758 AD. It refers to the principle of hereditary monarchy as 39 eldest sons of reigning monarch succeeded their fathers to the throne. It highlights the fact that fifteen reigned only for one year, 34 for less than four years, 22 kings were murdered by their successors, 6 were killed during battles, 4 committed suicide, 11 were dethroned.

Mahawansa  as a World Heritage document

An ola manuscript of the Mahavamsa, held in the Main Library of the University of Peradeniya has been recognised by UNESCO as a part of World Heritage. UNESCO announced In 2023 that it has included the Mahavamsa as one of the 64 items of documentary heritage inscribed in the UNESCO’s Memory of the World International Register for 2023. The manuscript is dated to the early 19 century.

The certificate declaring the Mahawansa as a world heritage document was handed to the Chancellor of Peradeniya University by UNESCO Director General, who visited the University in 2024 specially to do so. She also unveiled a plaque marking the declaration.

The story began much earlier. The National Library of Sri Lanka and the Ministry of Buddha Sasana had jointly appointed a 6-member committee headed by Prof Malani Endagamage, to find the best preserved copy of the Mahavamsa in Sri Lanka. This would have been in 2000 or so. For two years, this team had examined copies from over 100 temples nationwide.

Temples around the country yielded copies, crumbling to well-preserved, reported Sunday Times. There was one from the Ridi Vihara that almost made the cut, but four other copies were shortlisted. One from the Dalada Maligawa, Kandy and three manuscripts from the Main Library of the University of Peradeniya. Three academics from the University’s History Department, Professors K.M. Rohitha Dasanayaka, Mahinda Somathilake and U.S.Y. Sahan Mahesh examined the three Peradeniya manuscripts

Dasanayaka said, “We poured over the copies together, and it became clear that one copy stood out. While the other two had numerous inconsistencies, this one, written in a curvy hand, was neat and beautiful. After more than two centuries, the manuscript was still very attractive, with a ‘flaming cinnamon orange’ cover and elegant lettering.

The first section of the manuscript ends with Mahasen (274–301 AD), written by the monk Mahanama. The second part ends at 1815. The author is given as Ven. Thibbotuwawe Buddharakkhita but he was dead by 1815. The final part was probably done by an acolyte. He has done a very neat job, seamlessly adding his bit, concluded Dasanayake.

This manuscript was acquired by the Library of University of Peradeniya when K. D. Somadasa, was the Librarian (1964 – 1970). It is held in the Main Library and its Accession Number is 277587.

National Library & Documentation Services Board of Sri Lanka, which administers the National Library of Sri Lanka submitted a nomination to UNESCO on behalf of this manuscript. UNESCO responded positively to the application.

UNESCO said the Mahavamsa was recognized as one of the world’s longest unbroken historical accounts, presenting Sri Lanka’s history in a chronological order from the 6th century BCE. The authenticity of the facts provided in the document has been confirmed through archaeological research conducted in Sri Lanka and India.

It is an important historical source in South Asia, said UNESCO. It was the first of its kind in South Asia, initiating a mature historiographical tradition. It has contributed singularly to the identity of Emperor Asoka in Indian history. The existence of a number of manuscripts of the Mahavamsa in several countries as well as the transliteration and translation of the text to several Southeast Asian and European languages stand testimony to its immense historical, cultural, literal, linguistic and scholarly values, .” UNESCO press release said.

Further, UNESCO found that this manuscript was correctly conserved at the University Library. The university and its library maintained high standards in safeguarding the palm-leaf manuscripts, preventing deterioration, declared UNESCO. (Continued)

REFERENCES


https://archives1.dailynews.lk/2021/02/25/local/242520/ola-leaf-mahavamsa-be-declared-world-heritage

Sirancee Gunawardana Palm leaf manuscripts of Sri Lanka . 1977 p 41,44-47 , 253 290 292, ,

N. E. I. Wijerathne Methods, Techniques and Challenges in Deciphering the Sa-skaya Codex. Vidyodaya Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences (2025), Vol. 10 (01) https://journals.sjp.ac.lk/index.php/vjhss/article/view/8571/6001

First report of the Historical Manuscripts Commision.1933 SP 9 of 1933. p . 53, 95, 96

https://journals.sjp.ac.lk/index.php/vjhss/article/view/8571/6001https://www.austriaca.at/0xc1aa5572%200x00314cc3.pdf

 https://leftword.com/creator/rahul-sankrityayan/

 https://www.reddit.com/r/IndianHistory/comments/1oc5tc2/in_his_autobiography_meri_jeevan_yatra_rahul/

 https://www.sundaytimes.lk/230910/plus/in-search-of-the-perfect-mahavamsa-531513.html

 https://www.dailymirror.lk/breaking-news/Mahawansa-declared-a-world-heritage/108-287528

 https://mfa.gov.lk/en/visit-of-unesco-dg/

 https://sundaytimes.lk/online/education/UNESCO-ready-to-support-digitalisation-of-Ola-leaf-books/290-1146314

 https://media.unesco.org/sites/default/files/webform/mow001/53_131%252B.pdf

by KAMALIKA PIERIS

 

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A new Sherlock Holmes novel

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Tales of Mystery and Suspense – 1

“The House of Silk” is set in a grim Victorian winter, and moves from Baker Street to a luxurious suburban villa, from dingy pubs to elegant London clubs, from a correction school for boys high on a hill to Dr Silkin’s House of Wonders, which provided noisy low life entertainment. Holmes and Watson went there in search of the House of Silk, a name they had heard when looking into the death of one of Holmes’ Baker Street irregulars (slum children who ferreted out information for him) .

I do not think highly of sequels to books written by highly regarded writers, though I must admit that this dislike is based on just a few samples. But while in England I was given by my former Dean, with a forceful recommendation, a book about a Sherlock Holmes mystery, supposedly written by Dr Watson. I began on it soon after I got back home, and found it difficult to put down, so I suppose I will not look on Anthony Horowitz as an exception to my rule. I may even look out for his efforts at continuing the adventures of James Bond, though I suspect Fleming’s laconic style will be less easy to emulate.

“The House of Silk” is set in a grim Victorian winter, and moves from Baker Street to a luxurious suburban villa, from dingy pubs to elegant London clubs, from a correction school for boys high on a hill to Dr Silkin’s House of Wonders, which provided noisy low life entertainment. Holmes and Watson went there in search of the House of Silk, a name they had heard when looking into the death of one of Holmes’ Baker Street irregulars (slum children who ferreted out information for him). They had asked Holmes’ brother Mycroft for help in finding what and where this was, but he had warned them off, having been himself told by someone very senior in government that it might involve those in very high positions, and further inquiries might prove dangerous.

Needless to say, Holmes does seek further, and is lured to an opium den where he is drugged, to be found outside with a gun in his hand and the body of a girl beside him, the sister of the murdered boy Ross. A passer-by swears he had seen Holmes fire the shot, and the owner of the opium den and a customer swear that Holmes had taken too much opium and left the den in a demented condition. A police inspector who had been passing promptly arrests Holmes and Watson, and even their old acquaintance Inspector Lestrade finds it difficult to get access to him.

Watson eventually gets to see him when he is in the infirmary, after he has been told by a mysterious man that Holmes was going to be murdered before his case could be taken up. The man said he had earlier tried to get Holmes to investigate the House of Silk by sending him a white silk ribbon, such as had later been found tied round the hand of the murdered boy. But, as a criminal himself, he said, he could not reveal more, though he himself was horrified by the business of the House of Silk, which gave criminality a bad name, which is why he wanted it all stopped.

Holmes escapes from the infirmary, with a little help from the doctor whom he had once assisted earlier, right under the nose of the nasty Inspector Harriman. He then joins up with Watson, and having with the help of Lestrade overcome the men designed to kill him at Dr Silkin’s House of Wonders, he sets off, with an even large posse of policemen, to the House of Silk.

After much suspense, the habitues of the House of Silk are arrested, the Inspector having broken his neck in the course of a chase downhill, having fled when his misdeeds were exposed. The mastermind claims that he will not face a trial because of the important people involved, but instead falls down a staircase while in prison and breaks his neck. One of the noblemen involved commits suicide, but another, and the medical man who had sworn he saw Holmes kill the young lady, get off without charge.

But then we revert to the original story, which had involved an art dealer who came to Holmes because he was being followed by someone he thought was an American gangster out for revenge. This was because he had shipped some pictures to an American buyer, and these had been destroyed when a train was held up by an Irish gang and the coach with the safe in it dynamited. The buyer and the dealer had got a private agency to investigate, and this had ended with the gang being killed in a shootout, though one of the twins who led it had escaped. The buyer had subsequently been killed, and Mr Carstairs feared that the twin who survived had followed him to England.

Holmes and Watson went to Carstairs’ house, where they met his wife, whom he had met on the boat back from America, and his sister. Their mother had died some months earlier, when gas had filled her room after the flame had gone out. It transpired that there had been a break in, and some money and a necklace stolen from a safe, and it was in tracing these, through a pawnbroker, that Holmes and Watson had found the American murdered in the hotel where he had been staying.

The leader of the irregulars had come to tell Holmes that they had traced the man to the hotel, and Ross had been left on guard. He seemed terrified when Holmes and Watson and Carstairs turned up, but said he had seen nothing. When the boys had been dismissed, and the room opened up, the man was found dead, the murderer obviously having gained entrance through a window.

Holmes assumed the boy had seen someone he recognized, but he could not be traced, until he was found dead, horribly tortured. The silk band around his wrist then led Holmes to pursue the House of Silk. One of the boys at the school where Ross had been mentioned that he had a sister at a pub, and she, when confronted, asked in fear if they were from the House of Silk and then, having lunged at Watson with a knife, ran off – herself only to be found dead outside the opium den, which prompted the arrest of Holmes.

After the drama at the House of Silk, Holmes and Watson go to the Carstairs household, where he explains exactly what had taken place, identifying the murdered man as not a member of the gang but the head of the private agency which had investigated them. As my Dean told me, Horowitz then ties up all the loose ends with consummate skill, connecting with a fine thread all the malefactors, of various kinds.

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