Midweek Review

Killing of Premakeerthi amidst govt., JVP onslaught on media

Published

4 months ago

2025/09/10

Assassinated Premakeerthi de Alwis' second wife Nirmala handing over "Premakeerthini", a book written by her to the then President Mahinda Rajapaksa in 2014. She caused controversy by alleging that a person who held a top post in SLBC was responsible for her husband's killing. The unsubstantiated claim was made in spite of the Colombo HC sentencing a JVPer to life imprisonment for his confessed junior role in the 1989 dastardly and cowardly killing.

‘Premakeerthi Ghathanaye Sulamula briefly discussed the JVP’s association with PLOTE (People’s Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam), one of the Indian sponsored terrorist groups. The PLOTE that received international attention in late 1988 when it, at the behest of a Maldivian businessman Abdulla Luthfee, mounted a sea borne attack on Male. Their bid to assassinate the then President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom went awry. The JVP has received the backing of the PLOTE to set up a radio station of its own. It was called ‘Ranahanda.’ Tamil groups (not the LTTE) also provided support to the JVP to produce landmines. However, the JVP never succeeded in mastering landmine warfare completely, though they carried out several dozens of attacks. Had they mastered landmine warfare, the second JVP terror campaign could have taken an entirely different turn. Whatever the allegations against the military, police and para military units, they defeated the JVP twice and crushed separatist Tamil terrorism for once and for all.

Dharman Wickremaratne’s latest book ‘Premakeerthi Ghathanaye Sulamula’ meticulously examines the killing of radio announcer, producer and lyricist Premakeerthi de Alwis in late July 1989, at the height of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP)-led terror campaign.

Having examined various claims, accusations and assertions by interested parties, including Premakeerthi’s first wife, Daya, the author on the basis of the proceedings at the Colombo High Court, during the UNP rule, declared that the much admired SLBC staffer was killed by the JVP.

A gang of JVPers gunned down Premakeerthi after having taken him out of his home, situated on the Homagama-Katuwana road.

Premakeerthi had been 10 years younger to SLBC announcer and lyricist Daya at the time of their marriage. Mother of one child, Daya had been the widow of journalist Somapala Ranatunga at the time she met Premakeerthi.

Daya, who legally separated from Premakeerthi in 1975, following a five-year tumultuous marriage, sent shockwaves through political parties when she declared her former husband was assassinated at the behest of Hudson Samarasinghe. The shocking but unsubstantiated declaration was made at an event at the SLBC, chaired by President Rajapaksa, to mark the 25th death anniversary of Premakeerthi. This happened on 31 July, 2014, just six months before the change of government.

Hudson Samarasinghe moved court against Daya but she again cleared the JVP of one of the most dastardly killings at that time when she appeared alongside National People’s Power candidate Anura Kumara Dissanayake at a propaganda event at the Colombo Public Library about six years later. She cleared the JVP of Premakeerthi’s killing. AKD, who simultaneously led both the JVP and NPP, had been unsuccessful at the 2019 Nov. presidential election. The event at the Colombo public library was held in late Oct. 2019. Daya’s declaration didn’t make any impact.

Hudson Samarasinghe withdrew his defamation case seeking compensation to the tune of Rs 500 mn in the wake of Daya’s death in late July this year.

Hudson Samarasinghe / Dharman Wickremaratne

Dharman, the former Divaina staffer, who served as the Editor of Silumina for a period of four years, during the administrations of Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Ranil Wickremesinghe (2020-2024,) has so far authored four books on the ’80s terror and he intends to release five more books on that period.

Wickremaratne’s far reaching work on the JVP should be examined cautiously, keeping in mind that the author himself had been accused of being supportive of the JVP, and Upali Newspapers was compelled to discontinue his services as a Divaina staffer. The writer joined The Island in 1987, four years after Wickremaretne joined Divaina.

Both the UNP and the JVP furiously directed attacks on the media with the state media at the receiving end of unbridled violence as the latter sought to overwhelm the government. Wickremaretne skillfully dealt with the violence against the media at a time the South bled. In the Northern and Eastern provinces, the armed forces had been confined to barracks in terms of the Indo-Lanka Accord of July 1987, while the New Delhi’s Army, deployed here as the Indian Peace Keeping Force, battled the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) till they were asked to leave by President Premadasa while supplying truckloads of weapons and money to the Tigers to fight the IPKF.

‘Premakeerthi Ghathanaye Sulamula’ is a must read for those interested in the JVP rise to power after having launched two abortive bids in 1971 and 1987-1989 to capture power. Wickremaretne’s account of Saman Priyankara, who had been sentenced to life in prison in March 1994 during the tail end of the UNP reign, joining the JVP, is exciting. The teenager had been among a gang of activists assigned to kill Premakeerthi for refusing to heed a JVP directive to quit the SLBC. The Prisons Department released him after serving 18 years out of the life term.

The author, who had been digging into the past, met Saman Priyankara, as well as many other former members of the organisation. Wickremaratne’s work is particularly important against the backdrop of the JVP-led NPP enjoying political power. Having secured the presidency at the 2019 Sept presidential poll, the AKD-led NPP won an overwhelming 159 seats – nine more than an extraordinary 2/3 majority.

Inspired by anti-India feelings

The author explained the circumstances Saman Priyankara had been sentenced to life imprisonment though he was not among those who shot Premakeerthi. Those who allegedly shot Premakeerthi hadn’t been identified/apprehended during counter-insurgency operations. Saman Priyankara had been a member of the JVP hit squad though he didn’t cause any physical harm to Premakeerthi.

During court proceedings, it transpired that a gang of JVPers, numbering about six, confronted them (Saman Priyankara and a person identified as Pathmasiri), in July 1989, on the road, close to Magammana Purana Viharaya, and demanded that they join the JVP as the Indian Army was destroying Sri Lanka.

The JVP blatantly exploited the deployment of the Indian Army, in the Northern and Eastern Provinces, in terms of the Indo-Lanka accord that had been forced on Sri Lanka, to muster public support. That is the undeniable truth. The author also very briefly discussed the operations undertaken by the JVP in the eastern Trincomalee district embroiled in post-accord violence that at one point threatened to undermine the whole ‘peace’ process.

While the author placed the number of Indian military deaths at 29 during this period (1987 July to 1990 March), the JVP claimed its Eastern front group killed 63 Indians. India never acknowledged deaths caused by JVPers cadres. The JVP’s claims, as well as Wickremaratne’s assertions with regard to Indian Army deaths, need further verification.

As Wickremaratne pointed, out it would be pertinent to mention that the JVP launched its terror campaign several months before India forced Sri Lanka to accept the deployment of its Army here. The first victim of JVP terror had been 39-year-old H. Jayawickrema, killed on 05 Dec., 1986. The JVP found fault with Jayawickrema, principal of Gonadeniya Vidyalaya, Middeniya, for suspending a group of students over pasting of JVP notices.

The Middeniya killing was followed with the assassination of Daya Pathirana on 15 Dec., 1986. At the time of his death, Pathirana led the Independent Students Union of University of Colombo during the period 1985–1986. However, the deployment of the Indian Army gave a massive boost to the JVP and the supposed Marxist group shook the entire political establishment by mounting grenade attacks on the UNP parliamentary group in Parliament on 18 August, 1987. Both President JRJ and Premier Ranasinghe Premadasa had been present at the time of the attack. That attack compelled both the government and the JVP to go all out against each other.

But what really made me interested is the fact that the JVP involved Saman Priyankara, an Army deserter’s younger brother, in somewhat of a high profile killing within days, if not weeks, after he joined the organisation. Obviously the JVP disregarded the possibility of a novice ending up in police/security forces custody. Perhaps, in the absence of sufficient experienced armed cadre, the organisation absorbed the young novices into units assigned to eliminate opponents. Like the Tigers, the cunning JVP hierarchy attracted youth to their movement in their impressionable young and gullible years.

Saman Priyankara had been just 17 years at the time he pledged his allegiance to the organisation. Wickremaretne disclosed some interesting information pertaining to the use of children by the LTTE. According to him, 171 children, under 15 years of age, had been apprehended and rehabilitated after the annihilation of the JVP. But as a percentage of 11,658 rehabilitated, those under 15 is just 1%. However, of the 15 to 25 age category, which included Saman Priyankara, 5,508 underwent rehabilitation (46%) of the total rehabilitated.

The JVP’s use of children cannot be compared with that of the LTTE during the war in the Northern and Eastern Provinces. The LTTE threw children into high intensity battles, involving armour and artillery, and, in a despicable manner that caused massive loss of life. But that does not absolve the JVP of culpability in using children in terrorist activity as cannon fodder.

The author revealed how a 13-year-old boy received training off Kantale in mid-1989. The boy is alleged to have killed a female UNP supporter. As the JVP collapsed in early 1990, within months after the arrest and execution of its leader, Rohana Wijeweera, the boy, known as ‘bonikka’ (doll) must have carried out the killing at the age of 13 or 14.

One of the gruesome examples given by the author to highlight the use of children is the killing of an SLTB driver, identified as Dingiri Banda, who defied a JVP directive not to work. Two 15-year-old boys, in Grade 09, according to the author, murdered the driver attached to the Kuliyapitiya bus depot, at Giriulla. The killing of an employee of the Udugama Janatha Estate Development Board was also blamed on a child activist who delivered the severed head of the victim on a plate to his home. The possibility of exaggeration cannot be ruled out. Therefore, the JVP, now ensconced in power, should consider inquiring into such allegations.

The involvement of children in two other incidents was also mentioned by Wickremaretne whose exposure surely embarrassed not only the JVP but the NPP as well. A driver, attached to the Kataragama depot, identified as Weerasekera, had been killed just before he stepped onto the traditional Poruwa with his would-be-bride for their marriage ceremony at Pallemalala, Hambantota.

Inquirer into sudden deaths of the Hali-Ela Dehiwini Palatha korale, Weeraratne had been shot dead at his home. The author confidently asserted that though children lacked political ideology they were a new element ready to act swiftly. But on the other hand, when apprehended they quickly succumbed to police and armed forces pressure and ended up being informants.

During that reign of terror, altogether 137 SLTB employees had been murdered by the JVP for refusing to leave employment.

JVP’s swift collapse

By June/July 1989, the government had been desperately trying to cope up with the situation. Amidst JVP attacks, and counter violence unleashed by the police, the armed forces and paramilitary groups, the UNP won the parliamentary elections conducted in February 1989. The JVP ordered a civil disobedience campaign. The JVP issued specific orders against those who disregarded its campaign meant to destabilise the state-run media. The then State Defence Minister Ranjan Wijeratne on 07 July, 1989, vowed to retaliate. The author pointed out the JVP’s response to Wijeratne’s warning by killing four persons attached to state media, namely Thevis Guruge (23 July, 1989), Premakeerthi de Alwis (31 July, 1989), chief news editor of Rupavahini, Kulasiri Amaratunga (13 August, 1989) and Rupavahini announcer Sagarika Gomes (13 Sept., 1989). The situation was so bad, President Ranasinghe Premadasa had no option but to bring state media under the then Air Commodore Ananda Samarakoon.

In fact, Premakeerthi had been among a group of SLBC staffers who received letters on a Friday morning, in the first week of July, threatening them with death. All of the threatened persons had been attached to the News Section of the SLBC. The threatened were Hemasiri Kularatne, Wasantha Lankathilaka, Palitha Perera and Premakeerthi de Alwis. However, Premakeerthi had been quite confident that the JVP, or the so-called Deshapremi Janatha Viyaparaya (DJV), wouldn’t cause him any harm. Obviously he was totally wrong.

In a way, the country had been in the grip of JVP terror with the government making desperate bids to counter such violence. Amidst many employees refusing to serve as announcers, due to direct death threats on them, the government brought in the Army and Air Force personnel to fill the vacuum.

Wickremaratne appreciated the role played by military personnel as announcers. The author recalled how Airwoman Anoma Satharasingha, on the night of 13 Nov., 1989, announced the arrest and death of JVP leader Wijeweera. The author named those who had served the government at the risk to their lives amidst the killing of their colleagues. However, Wickremaretne failed to explain as to why Premakeerthi, in spite of receiving direct and specific death threats, hadn’t been granted military security. There is no explanation as to why Premakeerthi had been deprived of security. Did he decline to accept military security?

While trying to cripple the state-run media, the JVP tried hard to set up its own radio. It was called Ranahanda. The government quickly identified the JVP strategy and took measures to neutralize that threat.

Wickremaretne’s narrative of the Army putting pressure on Director Programmes, Rupavahini, Piyadasa Rathnasinha, to announce Wijeweera’s killing, around 2 am, made good reading. The author based his description on an interview Irida Lankadeepa writer Priyantha Kodipilli had with Piyadasa Rathnasinha, carried in the 12 January, 2024, edition. Piyadasa Rathnasinha’s claim that he declined to adhere with the instructions issued by the Army and got in touch with President Premadasa, around 2 am in the morning, and received order from the head-of-state not to telecast the video but wait till he viewed the tape and decided what to do, underscored the crisis at the time. President Premadasa had visited Rupavahini on the same day, viewed the video and decided to edit Wijeweera’s speech, recorded by the Army, to just two minutes.

After having won the presidential election, conducted in Dec. 1988, President Ranasinghe Premadasa made a desperate bid to reach a consensus with the JVP. Regardless of serious concerns, expressed by the police, the armed forces and members of the government, President Premadasa ordered the release of a large number of detained JVP suspects from various places. The President’s gamble failed. The JVP intensified violence. The government resorted to an all-out campaign. The country bled. Within a couple of months after Premadasa’s election as President, the government gradually overwhelmed the JVP. The latter couldn’t keep up with the pace of the government counter terror campaign. Within four months after Premakeerthi’s assassination, the JVP was in tatters. Its top leadership was executed, barring Somawanasa Amerasinghe, who managed to escape to India with the help of New Delhi, and thousands of activists and supporters killed.

Those who demand legal action against Ranil Wickremesinghe for his association with the Batalanda conveniently forget how the JVP strategy compelled the then government to resort to counter terror tactics. But the JVP may not have contemplated the scale of the government’s counter attack. The UNP, regardless of consequences, also took measures to suppress the Opposition, including the media. The assassination of much loved journalist Richard de Zoysa was obviously part of that counter-insurgency strategy. It certainly was a case of absolute power corrupting absolutely with R. Premadasa and Ranjan Wijeratne, who wanted to consolidate their power at any cost. Similarly, the JVPers are no angels or they were even worse having sent so many innocent people to premature and gruesome deaths for their macabre wishes to succeed with no permanent principles whatsoever. A good example of this is that after the crushing of their second violent uprising they joined every government that came to power, thereafter, as a coalition partner and every time it helped to topple each of those administrations in its cunning march to power.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

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Midweek Review

Opp. MP’s hasty stand on US air strikes in Nigeria and Sri Lanka’s foreign policy dilemma

Published

3 days ago

2026/01/14

Sahan Weerasooriya

Somaliland's President Abdirahman Abdullahi Mohamed (right), posing for a photograph with Israel's Foreign Minister Gideon Saar, at the Presidential Palace in Hargeisa (Pic released by the Somaliland Presidential Office on 06 January, 2026)

Israel’s recognition of Somaliland on 26 December, 2025, couldn’t have taken place without US approval. The establishment of full diplomatic ties with Somaliland, a breakaway part of Somalia, and Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar’s visit to that country, drew swift criticism from Somalia, as well as others. Among those who had been upset were Türkiye, Saudi Arabia and the African Union.

The US-backed move in Africa didn’t receive public attention as did the raid on Venezuela. But, the Somaliland move is definitely part of the overall US global strategy to overwhelm, undermine and belittle Russia and China.

And on the other hand, the Somaliland move is a direct challenge to Türkiye, a NATO member that maintains a large military presence in Somalia, and to Yemen based Houthis who had disrupted Red Sea shipping, in support of Hamas, in the wake of Israeli retaliation over the 07 October, 2023, raid on the Jewish State, possibly out of sheer desperation of becoming a nonentity. The Israeli-US move in Africa should be examined taking into consideration the continuing onslaught on Gaza and attacks on Lebanon, Iran, Syria, Yemen, and Qatar.

Many an eyebrow was raised over Opposition MP Dr. Kavinda Jayawardana’s solo backing for the recent US air strikes in Nigeria.

The Gampaha District Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) lawmaker handed over a letter to the US Embassy here last week applauding US President Donald Trump’s order to bomb Nigeria on Christmas Day. The letter was addressed to President Trump

( https://island.lk/kavinda-lauds-us-president-trumps-actions-to-protect-christians-in-nigeria/)

The former UNPer who had been in the forefront of a high-profile campaign demanding justice for the 2019 Easter Sunday terror victims, in an obvious solo exercise praised Trump for defending the Nigerian Christian community. The US bombing targeted Islamic State Terrorists (ISIS) operating in that country’s northwest, where Muslims predominate.

The only son of the late UNP Minister Dr. Jayalath Jayawardana, he seemed to have conveniently forgotten that such military actions couldn’t be endorsed under any circumstances. Against the backdrop of Dr. Jayawardana’s commendation for US military action against Nigeria, close on the heels of the murderous 03 January US raid on oil rich Venezuela, perhaps it would be pertinent to seek the response of the Catholic Church in that regard.

President Trump, in a wide-ranging interview with the New York Times, has warned of further strikes in case Christians continued to be killed in the West African nation. International media have disputed President Trump’s claim of only the Christians being targeted.

Both Christians and Muslims – the two main religious groups in the country of more than 230 million people – have been victims of attacks by radical Islamists.

The US and the Nigerian government of President Bola Tinubu reached a consensus on Christmas Day attacks. Nigeria has roughly equal numbers of Christians – predominantly in the south – and Muslims, who are mainly concentrated in the north.

In spite of increasingly volatile global order, the Vatican maintained what can be comfortably described as the defence of the national sovereignty. The Vatican has been critical of the Venezuelan government but is very much unlikely to throw its weight behind US attacks on that country and abduction of its President and the First Lady.

Dr. Jayawardana’s stand on US intervention in Nigeria cannot definitely be the position of the main Opposition party, nor any other political party represented in Parliament here. The National People’s Power (NPP) government refrained from commenting on US attacks on Nigeria, though it opposed US action in Venezuela. Although the US and Nigeria have consensus on Christmas Day attacks and may agree on further attacks, but such interventions are very much unlikely to change the situation on the ground.

SL on US raid

Let me reproduce Sri Lanka’s statement on US attacks on Venezuela, verbatim:

“The Government of Sri Lanka is deeply concerned about the recent developments in Venezuela and is closely monitoring the situation.

Sri Lanka emphasises the need to respect principles of international law and the UN Charter, such as the prohibition of the use of force, non-intervention, peaceful settlement of international disputes and the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states.

Sri Lanka attaches great importance to the safety and well-being of the people of Venezuela and the stability of the region and calls on all parties to prioritize peaceful resolution through de-escalation and dialogue.

At this crucial juncture, it is important that the United Nations and its organs such as the UN Security Council be seized of the matter and work towards a peaceful resolution taking into consideration the safety, well-being and the sovereign rights of the Venezuelan people.”

That statement, dated 05 January, was issued by the Foreign Affairs, Foreign Employment and Tourism Ministry. Almost all political parties, represented in Parliament, except one-time darling of the LTTE, Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK), condemned the US attacks on Venezuela and threats on Cuba, Colombia and Iran. The US is also targeting China, Russia and even the European Union.

Dr. Jayawardana requested coverage for his visit to the US Embassy here to hand over his letter, hence the publication of his ‘love’ letter to President Trump on page 2 of the 09 January edition of The Island.

There had never been a previous instance of a Sri Lankan lawmaker, or a political party, endorsing unilateral military action taken by the US or any other country. One-time Western Provincial Council member and member of Parliament since 2015, Jayawardana should have known better than to trust President Trump’s position on Nigeria. Perhaps the SJBer felt that an endorsement of US action, allegedly supportive of the Nigerian Catholic community, may facilitate his political agenda. Obviously, the Opposition MP endorsed US military action purely for domestic political advantage. The lawmaker appears to have simply disregarded the growing criticism of US actions in various parts of the world.

The German and French response to US actions, not only in Venezuela, but various other regions, as well, underscore the growing threat posed by President Trump’s agenda.

French President Emmanuel Macron and German leader Frank-Walter Steinmeier have sharply condemned US foreign policy under Donald Trump, declaring, respectively, that Washington was “breaking free from international rules” and the world risked turning into a “robber’s den”.

US threat to annex Greenland at the expense of Denmark, a founding member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) ,and the grouping itself, has undermined the post WWII world order to such an extent, the developing crisis seems irreversible.

Focus on UAE

Indian Army Chief Gen. Upendra Dwivedi visited the United Arab Emirates on 05 and 06 January. His visit took place amidst rising tension on the Arabian Peninsula, following the Saudi-led military coalition launching air attacks on Yemen based Southern Transitional Council (STC) whose leader Aidarous al-Zubaid was brought to Abu Dhabi.

In the aftermath of the Saudi led strikes on Yemen port, held by the STC, the UAE declared that it would withdraw troops deployed in Yemen. The move, on the part of UAE, seems to be meant to de-escalate the situation, but the clandestine operation, undertaken by that country to rescue a Saudi target, appeared to have caused further deterioration of Saudi-UAE relations. Further deterioration is likely as both parties seek to re-assert control over the developing situation.

From Abu Dhabi, General Dwivedi arrived in Colombo on a two-day visit. Like his predecessors, General Dwivedi visited the Indian Army memorial at Pelawatte, where he paid respects to those who paid the supreme sacrifice during deployment of the Indian Army here – 1987 July to 1990 March. That monument is nothing but a testament to the foolish and flawed Indian policy. Those who portray that particular Indian military mission as their first major peace keeping operation overseas must keep in mind that over half a dozen terrorist groups were sponsored by India.

Just over a year after the end of that mission, one of those groups – the LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam) -assassinated Congress leader Rajiv Gandhi, the former Premier who sent the military mission here.

India never accepted responsibility for the death and destruction caused by its intervention in Sri Lanka. In fact, the Indian action led to an unprecedented situation when another Sri Lankan terrorist group PLOTE (People’s Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam) mounted a raid on the Maldives in early Nov. 1988. Two trawler loads of PLOTE cadres were on a mission to depose Maldivian President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom on a contract given by a disgruntled Maldivian businessman. India intervened swiftly and brought the situation under control. But, the fact that those who had been involved in the sea-borne raid on the Maldives were Indian trained and they left Sri Lanka’s northern province, which was then under Indian Army control, were conveniently ignored.

Except the LTTE, all other major Tamil terrorist groups, including the PLOTE, entered the political mainstream in 1990, and over the years, were represented in Parliament. It would be pertinent to mention that except the EPDP (Eelam People’s Democratic Party) all other Indian trained groups in 2001 formed the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), under the leadership of Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK), to support the separatist agenda in Parliament. Sri Lanka’s triumph over the LTTE, in May 2009, brought that despicable project to an end.

The Indian Army statement on General Dwivedi’s visit here, posted on X, seemed like a propaganda piece, especially against the backdrop of continuing controversy over the still secret Indo-Lanka Memorandum of Understanding on defence that was entered into in April last year. Within months after the signing of the defence MoU, India acquired controlling stake of the Colombo Dockyard Ltd., a move that has been shrouded in controversy.

Indian High Commissioner Santosh Jha’s response to my colleague Sanath Nanayakkara’s query regarding the strategic dimension of the India–Sri Lanka Defence Cooperation Agreement following the Indian Army Chief’s recent visit, the former was cautious in his response. Jha asserted that there was “nothing beyond what is included” in the provisions of the pact, which was signed by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake and has generated controversy in Sri Lanka due to the absence of public discourse on its contents.

Framing the agreement as a self-contained document focused purely on bilateral defence cooperation, Jha said this reflected India’s official position. By directing attention solely to the text of the agreement, the High Commissioner indicated that there were no unstated strategic calculations involved, aligning with the Sri Lankan Foreign Minister’s recent clarification that the pact was not a military agreement but one that dealt with Indian support.

Nanayakkara had the opportunity to raise the issue at a special media briefing called by Jha at the IHC recently.

Julie Chung departs

The US attack on Venezuela, and the subsequent threats directed at other countries, including some of its longtime allies, should influence our political parties to examine US and Indian stealthy interventions here, leading to the overthrowing of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, in July 2022.

The US Embassy in Colombo recently announced that Julie Chung, who oversaw the overthrowing of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, would end her near four-year term. Former Indian High Commissioner in Colombo Gopal Baglay, who, too, played a significant role in the regime change project, ended his term in December 2023 and took up position in Canberra as India’s top diplomat there.

Both Chung and Baglay have been accused of egging on the putsch directly by urging Aragalaya time Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena, on 13 July, 2022, to take over the presidency. Former Minister Wimal Weerawansa and top author Sena Thoradeniya, in their comments on Aragalaya accused Chung of unprecedented intervention, whereas Prof. Sunanada Maddumabanadara found fault with Baglay for the same.

The US Embassy, in a statement dated 07 January, 2026, quoted the outgoing US Ambassador as having said: “I have loved every moment of my time in Sri Lanka. From day one, my focus has been to advance America’s interests—strengthening our security partnerships, expanding trade and investment, and promoting education and democratic values that make both our nations stronger. Together, we’ve built a relationship that delivers results for the American people and supports a free, open, and secure Indo-Pacific.”

The Embassy concluded that statement reiterating the US commitment to its partnership with Sri Lanka and to build on the strong foundation, established during Ambassador Chung’s nearly four-year tenure.

Sri Lanka can expect to increasingly come under both US and Indian pressure over Chinese investments here. It would be interesting to see how the NPP government solves the crisis caused by the moratorium on foreign research vessel visits, imposed in 2024 by the then President Ranil Wickremesinghe. The NPP is yet to reveal its position on that moratorium, over one year after the lapse of the ban on such vessels. Wickremesinghe gave into intense US and Indian pressure in the wake of Chinese ship visits.

In spite of US-India relations under strain due to belligerent US actions, they are likely to adopt a common approach here to undermine Sri Lanka’s relations with China. But, the situation is so dicey, India may be compelled to review its position. The US declaration that a much-anticipated trade deal with India collapsed because Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi hasn’t heeded President Trump’s demand to call him.

This was revealed by US Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick in the ‘All-In Podcast’ aired on Thursday, 08 January. The media quoted Indian spokesman Randhir Jaiswal as having said on the following day: “The characterisation of these discussions in the reported remarks is not accurate.” Jaiswal added that India “remains interested in a mutually beneficial trade deal between two complementary economies and looks forward to concluding it.”

Sri Lanka in deepening dilemma

Sri Lanka, struggling to cope up with post-Aragalaya economic, political and social issues, is inundated with foreign policy issues.

The failure on the part of the government and the Opposition to reach consensus on foreign policy challenges/matters has further weakened the country’s position. If those political parties represented in Parliament at least discussed matters of importance at the relevant consultative committee or the sectoral oversight committee, lawmaker Jayawardana wouldn’t have endorsed the US bombing of Nigeria.

Sri Lanka and Nigeria enjoy close diplomatic relations and the SJB MP’s unexpected move must have caused quite a controversy, though the issue at hand didn’t receive public attention. Regardless of the US-Nigerian consensus on the Christmas Day bombing, perhaps it would be unwise on the part of Sri Lanka to support military action at any level for obvious reasons.

Sri Lanka taking a stand on external military interventions of any sort seems comical at a time our war-winning military had been hauled up before the Geneva Human Rights Council for defending the country against the LTTE that had a significant conventional military capacity in addition to being “the most ruthless terrorist organisation” as it was described by the US Federal Bureau of Investigation. The group capitalised on experience gained in fighting the Indian Army during 1987 July-1990 March period and posed quite a threat. Within five months after the resumption of fighting, in June 1990, the LTTE ordered the entire Muslim population to leave the predominantly Tamil northern province.

No foreign power at least bothered to issue a statement condemning the LTTE. MP Jayawardana’s statement supporting US military action in support of Christian community should be examined in Sri Lanka’s difficult battle against terrorism that took a very heavy toll. Perhaps, political parties represented in Parliament, excluding those who still believe in a separatist project, should reexamine their stand on Sri Lanka’s unitary status.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Midweek Review

Buddhist Iconography

Published

3 days ago

2026/01/14

Sahan Weerasooriya

A Buddha statue from Mathura with a single curl, 2nd cent. CE

Seeing a new kind of head ornament on a recent reproduction of the iconic Avukana Buddha statue, made me ponder how the Enlightened One would have looked in real life, and what relationship that may or may not have with Buddhist iconography. Obviously, there is no record or evidence of any rendering of the Buddha made by an artist who saw him alive, but there are a few references to his appearance in the Pali Sutta Pitaka, that affirms, as he himself has said, Buddha was nothing other than a human being, albeit an extraordinarily intelligent one (Dhammika 2021).

Before enlightenment, Siduhath Gotama was described as having black hair and a beard. One account describes him as “handsome, of fine appearance, pleasant to see, with a good complexion and a beautiful form and countenance” (D.I,114). Venerable Ananda has said, “It is wonderful, truly marvelous how serene is the good Gotama’s presence, how clear and radiant is his complexion. Just as golden jujube fruit in the autumn is clear and radiant … so too is the good Gotama’s complexion” (A.I,181). If Venerable Ananda’s comparison is correct, Gotama must have been of what is called ‘Wheatish’ complexion common in present-day North India, which is described as typically falling between fair and dusky complexions, exhibiting a light brown hue with golden or olive undertones (Fitzpatrick scale Type III to VI).

The Buddha is also described as a slim tall person; slim, perhaps, as a result of practising asceticism before enlightenment and spartan life thereafter. As he aged, he also suffered from back pain and other ailments, according to Sutta Pitaka.

Artists’ imagination

We need not argue that the depictions of the Buddha we see across countries, in various media, are the imaginations of the artists influenced by their local cultures and traditions. The potentially controversial aspect regarding Buddhist iconography is the depiction of his hair, which is almost universal. There are several references in the Sutta Pitaka, where various Brahmin youths derogatorily referred to the Buddha as “bald-pated recluse” (MN 81). There is no reason to believe that he would have been any different from the rest of the Bhikkhus who had and have clean shaven heads. In fact, when King Ajatasattu visited the Buddha for the first time, he had trouble identifying the Buddha from the rest of the sangha, and an attendant had to help the king.

In early Buddhist art, the Buddha was represented by the wheel of dhamma, Bodhi tree, throne, lotus, the footprints, or a parasol. For example, in the carvings of Sanchi temple built in the third century BCE, the Buddha is depicted by some of these symbols, but never in human form. Depiction of the Buddha in human form has started around the first century CE in two places, Gandhara and Mathura. In both places, the Buddha is depicted with hair, and not as a “bald-pated recluse” the way the Sutta Pitaka depicts him.

Figure 1. Bimaran Casket

No scholarly agreeement

So, the question is who started this artistic trend, was it the Gandhara artists under the Greek influence or the Mathura artists following their own traditions? There is no scholarly agreement on this; Western scholars think it was the Greek influence that made presenting the Buddha in human form while Ananda Coomaraswamy presents another theory (Coomaraswamy 1972).

The earliest dateable representation of the Buddha in human form is found on the Bimaran casket found during the exploration of a stupa near Bimaran, Afghanistan in 1834. It has been dated to the first century CE using the coins found along with it, that also depict and refer to the Buddha by name in Greko-Bactrian. This reliquary, a gold cylinder embossed with figures and artwork, is on display at the British Museum (Figure 1). Under the Hellenistic influence, it must have been natural for the Gandhara artists to represent a revered or divine figure in human form; Greeks have been doing it for millennia. The standing Buddha figure is depicted wearing the hair in the form of a knot over the crown. In other carvings from the same period, most male figures are shown with the same hair style. Also, it appears that both Spartan men and women tied their hair in a knot over the crown of the head, known as the “Knidian hairstyle” (Wikipedia). The Gandhara sculpture is famous for the Hellenistic style of realism (Figure 2).

Figure 2. Gandhara statue from 1-2
century CE

Coomaraswamy’s reasoning

Coomaraswamy reasons that the Bhakti movement – the loving devotion of the followers towards the deities, is the reason for the emergence of Buddha figure in Mathura. We cannot say for sure if the Gandhara art induced the Mathura artists to break away from their tradition of aniconic symbolism. What is clear is that they have been influenced by the trend to elevate religious leaders to divinity, to impress the followers and compete or to outdo the practices of other religions. This tradition, which predates the Buddha, has introduced the concept of the thirty-two characteristics or marks of great personalities.

It is this trend that has introduced divine interventions and other mysticisms to Buddhism and culminated in famous poems as Asvagosha’s Buddhacharithaya and exegeses as Lalithavistara a few centuries later and continues to date. Instead of following realism as the Gandhara artists did, Mathura artists have followed this tradition and incorporated the thirty-two characteristics of a great person into their representation of the Buddha figure.

Some of these marks are described as “… there is a protuberance on the head, this is, for the great man, the venerable Gotama, a mark of a great man; the hair bristles, his bristling hair is blue or dark blue, the color of collyrium, turning in curls, turning to the right; the tuft of hair between the eyebrows on his forehead is very white like cotton; he is golden in color, has skin like gold; eyes very blue, like sapphires; under the soles of his feet there are wheels, with a thousand rims and naves, complete in every way…(DN 30, M 91). Thus, the tradition of adding the protuberance referred to as Usnisha to Buddha statues started.

Buddhist traditions in different forms

This practice has been adopted by all Buddhist traditions in different forms. The highly effective outcome of incorporating these great marks into the statuary is that it has created a globally recognisable symbol that is independent of the artist’s skills, cultural affiliation or the medium used. Without such distinct features, we would have difficulty in distinguishing the depictions of the Enlightened One from those of other monks or other religious leaders such as Mahaveera. Nevertheless, in addition to its spiritual aspect, Buddhist iconography has been a flourishing art form, which has allowed human talent and ingenuity to thrive over millennia.

Let us not forget that artistic expression is a fundamental right. Interestingly, the curly hair on the Buddha statues made the early European Indologists to think that the Buddha was an African deity (Allen 2002).

Sri Lankan Buddhist art

Sri Lankan Buddhist art is said to be related to Amaravathi style; all Sri Lankan statues are depicted with curling hair bristles turning to right. The presence and prominence of the usnisha on local statues vary depending on the period. Toluvila statue, prominently displayed at the National Museum, is considered the earliest dateable statue in Sri Lanka. It is dated to 3rd or 4th century CE, has a less prominent usnisha and lacks the elongated ear lobes; it is said to be influenced by the Mathura school.

Since Dambulla temple dates to third century BCE, one wonders if the magnificent reclining statue in Cave 1 could be earlier than the Toluvila statue. There are several bronze statues from Anuradhapura period without usnisha. Towards late Anuradhapura period, usnisha is beginning to be replaced with rudimentary Siraspatha, which represents a flame. This addition evolved over time and became a very prominent feature during the Kandyan period and replaced the traditional usnisha completely (Figure 3).

Figure 3. Kandyan era statue with
Siraspatha

Incomparable workmanship

Then the question is how does the Avukana statue, which belongs to the early Anuradhapura period, have a siraspatha that is not compatible with the style of the period or the incomparable workmanship of the statue itself? I have come across two explanations. According to the Sinhala Encyclopedia, the original siraspatha was destroyed and a cement replacement was installed in recent times, likely in the early 20th century.

The other version is that the statue never had a siraspatha like many other contemporary stone statues. For example, the Susseruwa (Ras Vehera) statue, which is identical in style, and likely a contemporary work, does not have a siraspatha. During the Buddhist revival, a group of devotees from a Southern town felt that the lack of a siraspatha on such a great statue as a major deficiency, and they ceremoniously installed the crude cement ornament seen today.

This raises the question: which is more valuable, preservation and protection of archeological treasures or reconstruction to meet modern expectations and standards? For example, what would have been more impressive, the Mirisavetiya Stupa as it was found before the failed reconstruction attempts, or the current version that is indistinguishable from modern concrete constructs? Even though, one can assume it was done in good faith. What if the Mihintale Kanthaka Chetiya were covered under brick and concrete to convert into a finished product? Would it increase or decrease its archeological value?

Differences between reality and iconography

None of that should matter in following the Buddha Dhamma. In theory. However, when the influence of Buddhist iconography is deeply rooted in devotee’s mind, it is impossible to imagine the Buddha as a normal human being, with or without a clean-shaven head and a brown complexion. The failure to see the difference between reality and iconography or art, poetry, and literature can be detrimental as it could distort the fact that Dhamma is the truth discovered by a human being, and it is accessible to any human, here and now. That is responsible, at least in part, for the introduction of mysticism, myths, and beliefs that are rapidly sidelining of Dhamma.

How often do we think of Enlightened One as a humble mendicant who roamed the Ganges Valley barefoot, in the beating sun, and resting at night on the folded outer robe spread under a tree. Sadly, iconography and other associated myths have driven us too far away from reality and Dhamma.

Up until I was six years old, we lived in a place up in the Balangoda hills that had a kaolin (kirimeti) deposit. The older students in the school used it for various handcrafts, but for the youngsters, it was playdough, even though we had never heard of that term. After witnessing an artist working on a Buddha statue at the local temple, my friend Bandara and I made Buddha statues of all types and sizes. If any of them were to survive for a few thousand years at the site where the schools stood, future archaeologists may wonder if a primitive tribe existed there (of course carbon dating will show otherwise). Like that, looking at some of the thousands of statues that pop up on every street corner, the purpose of which varies, sometimes I wonder if they were made by a civilisation that was yet to finesse the art of sculpture or by kids having access to kirimeti. No wonder birds take liberty to exercise their freedom of expression.

by Geewananda Gunawardana