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Karu made to switch from Colombo to Gampaha district at his first parliamentary election

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Ranil Wickremesinghe and Karu Jayasuriya

A blessing in disguise

The disharmony that exists between the ruling party and the opposition within Sri Lanka’s parliament, provincial councils and local government authorities at any given time is evident to those familiar with Sri Lankan politics. The cause for this animosity is perhaps the competition and the deep-rooted distrust between the two groups. This often results in the opposition working actively to disrupt all projects and programs proposed by the government, while in turn more often than not promptly dismisses almost all positive proposals brought forward by the opposition.

During his 18-month tenure as Mayor of Colombo, Karu Jayasuriya adopted a vastly different attitude to the opposition. He not only paid attention to the proposals made by members of the opposition, but he also took great effort to implement all the positive ideas put forward by the opposition. Due to this attitude, clashes between him and his opponents at the Colombo Municipal Council were few and far between.

Following the Western Provincial Council election of 1999, Ranil Wickremesinghe also appointed Jayasuriya as a deputy leader of the UNP. Karu says as the opposition leader of the Western Provincial Council he decided to adopt a similarly positive attitude (as he did as Mayor) towards the ruling party. There existed a mutual cooperation between him, and the ruling party led by the Western Province Chief Minister. Karu says he always extended his fullest support to certain beneficial projects proposed, setting aside all differences and political party affiliations.

“I proposed that each member of the provincial council be given Rs 2.5 million for public work. This proposal was readily accepted by Chief Minister Susil Premajayantha and was implemented thereafter…” Karu says. Utilizing these funds, members were able to fulfil the various needs of the public in their respective electorates.

Sri Lanka’s next presidential election was to follow the provincial council elections and was scheduled to be held in the year 2000. But in October 1999, when Chandrika Kumaratunga was in the fifth year of her first six-year term, she called for an early presidential poll. It was believed Kumaratunga was propelled by the belief that the United National Party (UNP) had weakened after several of its MPs including Sarath Amunugama, Nanda Mathew, Wijayapala Mendis, Ronnie de Mel, Susil Moonesinghe, Harindra Corea and Sarath Kongahage had defected to the government.

Karu recalls how the UNP defectors had appeared on various media outlets slamming both their previous political party and its leader.

“Perhaps certain opinions expressed by them had some validity. But they should have given it more thought before so publicly criticizing the political party they were once part of…” Karu says, failing to hide his displeasure at their actions. He believed the government hoped to gain political advantage at the 1999 Presidential election when they welcomed the UNP defectors rather than theircreased numbers in parliament.

Despite the various opinions expressed by these MPs, the UNP had no doubts about who it would field as its Presidential candidate in the upcoming election. Therefore the name of UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe was put forward to the party’s working committee as its presidential candidate by Karu himself. This proposal was unanimously approved by the party. Meanwhile, Karu was named as the party’s prime ministerial candidate.

“During the 1999 elections, I travelled across the country and took part in every major political rally. Even though I was not a talented orator, my speeches were received favourably by the people…” Karu says. He also notes that state media organizations acted in an extremely biased manner in favour of the government during the election period.

“On certain days while the state-owned Dinamina newspaper featured five government rallies, it only featured one UNP rally or not at all in comparison. Later we complained to the Election Commissioner regarding this unacceptable behaviour. But as expected it was to no avail…” he says laughingly.

During the pre-election period, parties linked to the government launched a derogatory poster campaign across the island against Wickremesinghe. The posters even poked fun at the election promises given by the UNP leader to the country’s youth. “They portrayed these promises as infantile and claimed they would not solve the burning issues faced by the people…” Karu recalls.

“Politicians aligned with the People’s Alliance (PA) also ridiculed him at election rallies. They said he dressed like Bill Clinton. The PA used a breakaway group from the UNP to carry out such verbal attacks and take cheap shots at the party and Wickremesinghe…” Karu says.

“It was the politicians of the PA who spread the notion that the country’s youth would receive bracelets and chewing gum if Wickremesinghe emerged victorious at the election…” Karu says while recalling the mudslinging campaign the government had launched against the UNP ahead of the 1999 election.

The grassroots level cadres of the UNP felt the party’s presidential election operations committee at Sirikotha was failing to address this islandwide propaganda campaign launched by the PA’s media unit. But according to Karu, this was not a result of the UNP committee’s incompetence. “They were unable to counter this anti-Wickremesinghe campaign due to the actions of biased state and private media organizations that were favourable to the government…” he opined.

Although the state media outlets were completely under the control of the government, and some private media organizations were extremely biased, the majority of the populace who were disillusioned with the government were gradually turning to the UNP. Accordingly, some impartial election monitoring agencies believed that the will of the people was constantly oscillating and therefore the outcome of the presidential election could not be predicted.

Meanwhile, both leading presidential candidates were under constant threat from the Tamil Tigers. As a result of this Chandrika Kumaratunga and Ranil Wickremesinghe were provided with special security teams from the Police Special Task Force (STF) and the Sri Lanka Army’s Commando regiment. But no such protection was accorded to Karu, who travelled extensively with Wickremesinghe on the campaign trail. Karu’s only protection was the two police personnel from the Ministers’ Security Division provided to all provincial council members.

“Fortunately no serious incident was reported until the final day of campaigning…” Karu says. But this was to change following a devastating suicide bomb attack on the night of December 18, 1999. The final election rally of the PA attended by President Chandrika Kumaratunga and party stalwarts was held in Town Hall, Colombo on the day.

Kumaratunga was about to get into her car after addressing the meeting when a rocking blast ripped through the venue. While Kumaratunga miraculously survived the assassination attempt she lost vision in her right eye. Twenty-six persons lost their lives including Colombo’s Deputy Inspector General of Police T.N. de Silva while scores of rally goers including three senior cabinet ministers also suffered serious injuries.

Minutes later, another bomb exploded at a UNP election rally held in Wattala. Ten people including Karu’s schoolmate. Major General Lucky Algama, were killed in this explosion. Algama had become a UNP activist following his retirement from the Sri Lanka Army. Karu had also been in attendance at the UNP rally on that fateful day.

“Anura Bandaranaike addressed the meeting and left. Next, it was my turn. After addressing the crowd I decided to head to the UNP’s final rally being held in Maradana. It was on the way that I got the devastating news…” Karu recalls. Karu had escaped the terror attack by just nine minutes. Had he remained at the venue for longer, Karu says it is likely he too would have lost his life at the hands of the LTTE that day.

Karu believes that Wickremesinghe was leading the race right up till the terrorist attack on President Kumaratunga. “This completely changed following the Town Hall bombing…” he says. An emotional but formidable Kumaratunga, with a plaster covering her injured eye, appeared on national television and addressed the nation following the attack.

“There was a wave of sympathy towards the president after this. Even the wives of staunch UNP activists were moved to tears and cast their vote for her at the elections….” he recalls. According to him, even though any form of election campaigning is not allowed during the election silence period, Bandaranaike’s supporters held Bodhi Pooja and Seth Kavi – poems of good wishes chanting programs at Temples across the country.

“Party supporters in villages went from house to house distributing election propaganda leaflets…” he says, adding that however, the laws barred UNP supporters from engaging in similar acts. “This is how the public was influenced to vote for Kumaratunga instead of Wickremesinghe at the eleventh hour…” he claims.

The result of this was that People Alliance candidate Chandrika Kumaratunga emerged victorious at the presidential election held on December 1999, by securing 4,312,157 votes. In comparison, UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe received 3,602,748. Kumaratunga had received 51.12 per cent of all the votes cast. “Had it not been for an edge of just 1.12 per cent to take her over the 50 per cent mark, the preferential votes would have had to be counted and could have possibly challenged the result…” Karu opined. But Kumaratunga was fortunate and her reelection as Sri Lankan’s fifth President went unchallenged.

Following the election, Kumaratunga held a swearing-in ceremony to mark the commencement of her second term. The President had done so on legal advice received even though she still had a year left to complete her first six-year term. Right after the ceremony, Kumaratunga left for London to receive treatment for the injuries sustained in the attack, and returned to Sri Lanka several weeks later.

All opposition parties including the UNP had anticipated Kumaratunga would call for a general election hot on the trails of the 1999 presidential election in a bid to capitalize on her win. Karu says at the time he too predicted a parliamentary election would be imminent. Despite Wickremesinghe’s loss in the recent presidential election, Karu also estimated the UNP led by Wickremesinghe could easily secure a win at a general election.

The UNP’s working committee and the executive committee had also taken note of this possibility. Therefore the party decided it should begin its preparations to face a possible parliamentary election in the near future. At the time Karu had been appointed as the party’s chief organizer for Colombo East and Colombo West by the party leadership in addition to his position as the UNP’s deputy leader. This entailed Karu would contest as a candidate from the Colombo district at any upcoming election.

Karu had already estimated he would be able to secure close to 265,000 votes as he had received a similar number of votes at the recently held Western Provincial Council elections. But this was not to be. The UNP’s working committee had decided it would be unfavourable for both the party’s leader and deputy leader to contest from the same district. It was UNP stalwart John Amaratunga who had suggested that Karu contest from the neighbouring Gampaha district instead.

“It would be a great strength to the party…’ Amaratunga had said. Karu was forced to leave Colombo East and Colombo West behind to contest from Gampaha instead. The next matter in question was appointing Karu as the UNP organizer for the Gampaha district.

A number of UNP stalwarts including Joseph Michael Perera, John Amaratunga, Anura Bandaranaike and Dr Jayalath Jayawardena were already serving as UNP organizers for the Gampaha district. “The party asked me to pick an electoral seat of my preference The choices given were Attanagalla, Gampaha, Divulapitiya and Minuwangoda…” Karu says.

But he was now faced with a serious problem. “No matter which seat I opted for, it would have given rise to a conflict. It was clear no organizer would like to give up their electoral seat to another,” Karu says. Declining a party organizer post, Karu informed the party he would however accept the party’s request and contest from the Gampaha district.

Despite Karu’s refusal to accept an organizer post the party still decided to appoint him as an organizer for the Gampaha electorate. Renting out a house on Church road in Gampaha, Karu commenced his election campaign in the district. Karu says surprisingly, UNP activists and youth in the area extended their fullest support to him. I received the support of my relatives living in the area as as my hometown of Mirigama which is also located in Gampaha district.”

In October 2000, for the first time in his politics. career, Karu Jayasuriya was elected to Parliament from Gampaha District. He had received a remarkable 237,387 preferential votes at the election.

(Excerpted from the biography of Karu Jayasuriya by Nihal Jagathchandra)



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Disaster-proofing paradise: Sri Lanka’s new path to global resilience

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iyadasa Advisor to the Ministry of Science & Technology and a Board of Directors of Sri Lanka Atomic Energy Regulatory Council A value chain management consultant to www.vivonta.lk

As climate shocks multiply worldwide from unseasonal droughts and flash floods to cyclones that now carry unpredictable fury Sri Lanka, long known for its lush biodiversity and heritage, stands at a crossroads. We can either remain locked in a reactive cycle of warnings and recovery, or boldly transform into the world’s first disaster-proof tropical nation — a secure haven for citizens and a trusted destination for global travelers.

The Presidential declaration to transition within one year from a limited, rainfall-and-cyclone-dependent warning system to a full-spectrum, science-enabled resilience model is not only historic — it’s urgent. This policy shift marks the beginning of a new era: one where nature, technology, ancient wisdom, and community preparedness work in harmony to protect every Sri Lankan village and every visiting tourist.

The Current System’s Fatal Gaps

Today, Sri Lanka’s disaster management system is dangerously underpowered for the accelerating climate era. Our primary reliance is on monsoon rainfall tracking and cyclone alerts — helpful, but inadequate in the face of multi-hazard threats such as flash floods, landslides, droughts, lightning storms, and urban inundation.

Institutions are fragmented; responsibilities crisscross between agencies, often with unclear mandates and slow decision cycles. Community-level preparedness is minimal — nearly half of households lack basic knowledge on what to do when a disaster strikes. Infrastructure in key regions is outdated, with urban drains, tank sluices, and bunds built for rainfall patterns of the 1960s, not today’s intense cloudbursts or sea-level rise.

Critically, Sri Lanka is not yet integrated with global planetary systems — solar winds, El Niño cycles, Indian Ocean Dipole shifts — despite clear evidence that these invisible climate forces shape our rainfall, storm intensity, and drought rhythms. Worse, we have lost touch with our ancestral systems of environmental management — from tank cascades to forest sanctuaries — that sustained this island for over two millennia.

This system, in short, is outdated, siloed, and reactive. And it must change.

A New Vision for Disaster-Proof Sri Lanka

Under the new policy shift, Sri Lanka will adopt a complete resilience architecture that transforms climate disaster prevention into a national development strategy. This system rests on five interlinked pillars:

Science and Predictive Intelligence

We will move beyond surface-level forecasting. A new national climate intelligence platform will integrate:

AI-driven pattern recognition of rainfall and flood events

Global data from solar activity, ocean oscillations (ENSO, MJO, IOD)

High-resolution digital twins of floodplains and cities

Real-time satellite feeds on cyclone trajectory and ocean heat

The adverse impacts of global warming—such as sea-level rise, the proliferation of pests and diseases affecting human health and food production, and the change of functionality of chlorophyll—must be systematically captured, rigorously analysed, and addressed through proactive, advance decision-making.

This fusion of local and global data will allow days to weeks of anticipatory action, rather than hours of late alerts.

Advanced Technology and Early Warning Infrastructure

Cell-broadcast alerts in all three national languages, expanded weather radar, flood-sensing drones, and tsunami-resilient siren networks will be deployed. Community-level sensors in key river basins and tanks will monitor and report in real-time. Infrastructure projects will now embed climate-risk metrics — from cyclone-proof buildings to sea-level-ready roads.

Governance Overhaul

A new centralised authority — Sri Lanka Climate & Earth Systems Resilience Authority — will consolidate environmental, meteorological, Geological, hydrological, and disaster functions. It will report directly to the Cabinet with a real-time national dashboard. District Disaster Units will be upgraded with GN-level digital coordination. Climate literacy will be declared a national priority.

People Power and Community Preparedness

We will train 25,000 village-level disaster wardens and first responders. Schools will run annual drills for floods, cyclones, tsunamis and landslides. Every community will map its local hazard zones and co-create its own resilience plan. A national climate citizenship programme will reward youth and civil organisations contributing to early warning systems, reforestation (riverbank, slopy land and catchment areas) , or tech solutions.

Reviving Ancient Ecological Wisdom

Sri Lanka’s ancestors engineered tank cascades that regulated floods, stored water, and cooled microclimates. Forest belts protected valleys; sacred groves were biodiversity reservoirs. This policy revives those systems:

Restoring 10,000 hectares of tank ecosystems

Conserving coastal mangroves and reintroducing stone spillways

Integrating traditional seasonal calendars with AI forecasts

Recognising Vedda knowledge of climate shifts as part of national risk strategy

Our past and future must align, or both will be lost.

A Global Destination for Resilient Tourism

Climate-conscious travelers increasingly seek safe, secure, and sustainable destinations. Under this policy, Sri Lanka will position itself as the world’s first “climate-safe sanctuary island” — a place where:

Resorts are cyclone- and tsunami-resilient

Tourists receive live hazard updates via mobile apps

World Heritage Sites are protected by environmental buffers

Visitors can witness tank restoration, ancient climate engineering, and modern AI in action

Sri Lanka will invite scientists, startups, and resilience investors to join our innovation ecosystem — building eco-tourism that’s disaster-proof by design.

Resilience as a National Identity

This shift is not just about floods or cyclones. It is about redefining our identity. To be Sri Lankan must mean to live in harmony with nature and to be ready for its changes. Our ancestors did it. The science now supports it. The time has come.

Let us turn Sri Lanka into the world’s first climate-resilient heritage island — where ancient wisdom meets cutting-edge science, and every citizen stands protected under one shield: a disaster-proof nation.

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The minstrel monk and Rafiki the old mandrill in The Lion King – I

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Why is national identity so important for a people? AI provides us with an answer worth understanding critically (Caveat: Even AI wisdom should be subjected to the Buddha’s advice to the young Kalamas):

‘A strong sense of identity is crucial for a people as it fosters belonging, builds self-worth, guides behaviour, and provides resilience, allowing individuals to feel connected, make meaningful choices aligned with their values, and maintain mental well-being even amidst societal changes or challenges, acting as a foundation for individual and collective strength. It defines “who we are” culturally and personally, driving shared narratives, pride, political action, and healthier relationships by grounding people in common values, traditions, and a sense of purpose.’

Ethnic Sinhalese who form about 75% of the Sri Lankan population have such a unique identity secured by the binding medium of their Buddhist faith. It is significant that 93% of them still remain Buddhist (according to 2024 statistics/wikipedia), professing Theravada Buddhism, after four and a half centuries of coercive Christianising European occupation that ended in 1948. The Sinhalese are a unique ancient island people with a 2500 year long recorded history, their own language and country, and their deeply evolved Buddhist cultural identity.

Buddhism can be defined, rather paradoxically, as a non-religious religion, an eminently practical ethical-philosophy based on mind cultivation, wisdom and universal compassion. It is  an ethico-spiritual value system that prioritises human reason and unaided (i.e., unassisted by any divine or supernatural intervention) escape from suffering through self-realisation. Sri Lanka’s benignly dominant Buddhist socio-cultural background naturally allows unrestricted freedom of religion, belief or non-belief for all its citizens, and makes the country a safe spiritual haven for them. The island’s Buddha Sasana (Dispensation of the Buddha) is the inalienable civilisational treasure that our ancestors of two and a half millennia have bequeathed to us. It is this enduring basis of our identity as a nation which bestows on us the personal and societal benefits of inestimable value mentioned in the AI summary given at the beginning of  this essay.

It was this inherent national identity that the Sri Lankan contestant at the 72nd Miss World 2025 pageant held in Hyderabad, India, in May last year, Anudi Gunasekera, proudly showcased before the world, during her initial self-introduction. She started off with a verse from the Dhammapada (a Pali Buddhist text), which she explained as meaning “Refrain from all evil and cultivate good”. She declared, “And I believe that’s my purpose in life”. Anudi also mentioned that Sri Lanka had gone through a lot “from conflicts to natural disasters, pandemics, economic crises….”, adding, “and yet, my people remain hopeful, strong, and resilient….”.

 “Ayubowan! I am Anudi Gunasekera from Sri Lanka. It is with immense pride that I represent my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka.

“I come from Anuradhapura, Sri Lanka’s first capital, and UNESCO World Heritage site, with its history and its legacy of sacred monuments and stupas…….”.

The “inspiring words” that Anudi quoted are from the Dhammapada (Verse 183), which runs, in English translation: “To avoid all evil/To cultivate good/and to cleanse one’s mind -/this is the teaching of the Buddhas”. That verse is so significant because it defines the basic ‘teaching of the Buddhas’ (i.e., Buddha Sasana; this is how Walpole Rahula Thera defines Buddha Sasana in his celebrated introduction to Buddhism ‘What the Buddha Taught’ first published in1959).

Twenty-five year old Anudi Gunasekera is an alumna of the University of Kelaniya, where she earned a bachelor’s degree in International Studies. She is planning to do a Master’s in the same field. Her ambition is to join the foreign service in Sri Lanka. Gen Z’er Anudi is already actively engaged in social service. The Saheli Foundation is her own initiative launched to address period poverty (i.e., lack of access to proper sanitation facilities, hygiene and health education, etc.) especially  among women and post-puberty girls of low-income classes in rural and urban Sri Lanka.

Young Anudi is primarily inspired by her patriotic devotion to ‘my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka’. In post-independence Sri Lanka, thousands of young men and women of her age have constantly dedicated themselves, oftentimes making the supreme sacrifice, motivated by a sense of national identity, by the thought ‘This is our beloved Motherland, these are our beloved people’.

The rescue and recovery of Sri Lanka from the evil aftermath of a decade of subversive ‘Aragalaya’ mayhem is waiting to be achieved, in every sphere of national engagement, including, for example, economics, communications, culture and politics, by the enlightened Anudi Gunasekeras and their male counterparts of the Gen Z, but not by the demented old stragglers lingering in the political arena listening to the unnerving rattle of “Time’s winged chariot hurrying near”, nor by the baila blaring monks at propaganda rallies.

Politically active monks (Buddhist bhikkhus) are only a handful out of  the Maha Sangha (the general body of Buddhist bhikkhus) in Sri  Lanka, who numbered just over 42,000  in 2024. The vast majority of monks spend their time quietly attending to their monastic duties. Buddhism upholds social and emotional virtues such as universal compassion, empathy, tolerance and forgiveness that protect a society from the evils of tribalism, religious bigotry and death-dealing religious piety.

Not all monks who express or promote political opinions should be censured. I choose to condemn only those few monks who abuse the yellow robe as a shield in their narrow partisan politics. I cannot bring myself to disapprove of the many socially active monks, who are articulating the genuine problems that the Buddha Sasana is facing today. The two bhikkhus who are the most despised monks in the commercial media these days are Galaboda-aththe Gnanasara and Ampitiye Sumanaratana Theras.  They have a problem with their mood swings. They have long been whistleblowers trying to raise awareness respectively, about spreading religious fundamentalism, especially, violent Islamic Jihadism, in the country and about the vandalising of the Buddhist archaeological heritage sites of the north and east provinces. The two middle-aged monks (Gnanasara and Sumanaratana) belong to this respectable category. Though they are relentlessly attacked in the social media or hardly given any positive coverage of the service they are doing, they do nothing more than try to persuade the rulers to take appropriate action to resolve those problems while not trespassing on the rights of people of other faiths.

These monks have to rely on lay political leaders to do the needful, without themselves taking part in sectarian politics in the manner of ordinary members of the secular society. Their generally demonised social image is due, in my opinion, to  three main reasons among others: 1) spreading misinformation and disinformation about them by those who do not like what they are saying and doing, 2) their own lack of verbal restraint, and 3) their being virtually abandoned to the wolves by the temporal and spiritual authorities.

(To be continued)

By Rohana R. Wasala ✍️

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US’ drastic aid cut to UN poses moral challenge to world

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An UN humanitarian mission in the Gaza. [File: Ashraf Amra/Anadolu Agency]

‘Adapt, shrink or die’ – thus runs the warning issued by the Trump administration to UN humanitarian agencies with brute insensitivity in the wake of its recent decision to drastically reduce to $2bn its humanitarian aid to the UN system. This is a substantial climb down from the $17bn the US usually provided to the UN for its humanitarian operations.

Considering that the US has hitherto been the UN’s biggest aid provider, it need hardly be said that the US decision would pose a daunting challenge to the UN’s humanitarian operations around the world. This would indeed mean that, among other things, people living in poverty and stifling material hardships, in particularly the Southern hemisphere, could dramatically increase. Coming on top of the US decision to bring to an end USAID operations, the poor of the world could be said to have been left to their devices as a consequence of these morally insensitive policy rethinks of the Trump administration.

Earlier, the UN had warned that it would be compelled to reduce its aid programs in the face of ‘the deepest funding cuts ever.’ In fact the UN is on record as requesting the world for $23bn for its 2026 aid operations.

If this UN appeal happens to go unheeded, the possibilities are that the UN would not be in a position to uphold the status it has hitherto held as the world’s foremost humanitarian aid provider. It would not be incorrect to state that a substantial part of the rationale for the UN’s existence could come in for questioning if its humanitarian identity is thus eroded.

Inherent in these developments is a challenge for those sections of the international community that wish to stand up and be counted as humanists and the ‘Conscience of the World.’ A responsibility is cast on them to not only keep the UN system going but to also ensure its increased efficiency as a humanitarian aid provider to particularly the poorest of the poor.

It is unfortunate that the US is increasingly opting for a position of international isolation. Such a policy position was adopted by it in the decades leading to World War Two and the consequences for the world as a result of this policy posture were most disquieting. For instance, it opened the door to the flourishing of dictatorial regimes in the West, such as that led by Adolph Hitler in Germany, which nearly paved the way for the subjugation of a good part of Europe by the Nazis.

If the US had not intervened militarily in the war on the side of the Allies, the West would have faced the distressing prospect of coming under the sway of the Nazis and as a result earned indefinite political and military repression. By entering World War Two the US helped to ward off these bleak outcomes and indeed helped the major democracies of Western Europe to hold their own and thrive against fascism and dictatorial rule.

Republican administrations in the US in particular have not proved the greatest defenders of democratic rule the world over, but by helping to keep the international power balance in favour of democracy and fundamental human rights they could keep under a tight leash fascism and linked anti-democratic forces even in contemporary times. Russia’s invasion and continued occupation of parts of Ukraine reminds us starkly that the democracy versus fascism battle is far from over.

Right now, the US needs to remain on the side of the rest of the West very firmly, lest fascism enjoys another unfettered lease of life through the absence of countervailing and substantial military and political power.

However, by reducing its financial support for the UN and backing away from sustaining its humanitarian programs the world over the US could be laying the ground work for an aggravation of poverty in the South in particular and its accompaniments, such as, political repression, runaway social discontent and anarchy.

What should not go unnoticed by the US is the fact that peace and social stability in the South and the flourishing of the same conditions in the global North are symbiotically linked, although not so apparent at first blush. For instance, if illegal migration from the South to the US is a major problem for the US today, it is because poor countries are not receiving development assistance from the UN system to the required degree. Such deprivation on the part of the South leads to aggravating social discontent in the latter and consequences such as illegal migratory movements from South to North.

Accordingly, it will be in the North’s best interests to ensure that the South is not deprived of sustained development assistance since the latter is an essential condition for social contentment and stable governance, which factors in turn would guard against the emergence of phenomena such as illegal migration.

Meanwhile, democratic sections of the rest of the world in particular need to consider it a matter of conscience to ensure the sustenance and flourishing of the UN system. To be sure, the UN system is considerably flawed but at present it could be called the most equitable and fair among international development organizations and the most far-flung one. Without it world poverty would have proved unmanageable along with the ills that come along with it.

Dehumanizing poverty is an indictment on humanity. It stands to reason that the world community should rally round the UN and ensure its survival lest the abomination which is poverty flourishes. In this undertaking the world needs to stand united. Ambiguities on this score could be self-defeating for the world community.

For example, all groupings of countries that could demonstrate economic muscle need to figure prominently in this initiative. One such grouping is BRICS. Inasmuch as the US and the West should shrug aside Realpolitik considerations in this enterprise, the same goes for organizations such as BRICS.

The arrival at the above international consensus would be greatly facilitated by stepped up dialogue among states on the continued importance of the UN system. Fresh efforts to speed-up UN reform would prove major catalysts in bringing about these positive changes as well. Also requiring to be shunned is the blind pursuit of narrow national interests.

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