Features
Karu made to switch from Colombo to Gampaha district at his first parliamentary election

A blessing in disguise
The disharmony that exists between the ruling party and the opposition within Sri Lanka’s parliament, provincial councils and local government authorities at any given time is evident to those familiar with Sri Lankan politics. The cause for this animosity is perhaps the competition and the deep-rooted distrust between the two groups. This often results in the opposition working actively to disrupt all projects and programs proposed by the government, while in turn more often than not promptly dismisses almost all positive proposals brought forward by the opposition.
During his 18-month tenure as Mayor of Colombo, Karu Jayasuriya adopted a vastly different attitude to the opposition. He not only paid attention to the proposals made by members of the opposition, but he also took great effort to implement all the positive ideas put forward by the opposition. Due to this attitude, clashes between him and his opponents at the Colombo Municipal Council were few and far between.
Following the Western Provincial Council election of 1999, Ranil Wickremesinghe also appointed Jayasuriya as a deputy leader of the UNP. Karu says as the opposition leader of the Western Provincial Council he decided to adopt a similarly positive attitude (as he did as Mayor) towards the ruling party. There existed a mutual cooperation between him, and the ruling party led by the Western Province Chief Minister. Karu says he always extended his fullest support to certain beneficial projects proposed, setting aside all differences and political party affiliations.
“I proposed that each member of the provincial council be given Rs 2.5 million for public work. This proposal was readily accepted by Chief Minister Susil Premajayantha and was implemented thereafter…” Karu says. Utilizing these funds, members were able to fulfil the various needs of the public in their respective electorates.
Sri Lanka’s next presidential election was to follow the provincial council elections and was scheduled to be held in the year 2000. But in October 1999, when Chandrika Kumaratunga was in the fifth year of her first six-year term, she called for an early presidential poll. It was believed Kumaratunga was propelled by the belief that the United National Party (UNP) had weakened after several of its MPs including Sarath Amunugama, Nanda Mathew, Wijayapala Mendis, Ronnie de Mel, Susil Moonesinghe, Harindra Corea and Sarath Kongahage had defected to the government.
Karu recalls how the UNP defectors had appeared on various media outlets slamming both their previous political party and its leader.
“Perhaps certain opinions expressed by them had some validity. But they should have given it more thought before so publicly criticizing the political party they were once part of…” Karu says, failing to hide his displeasure at their actions. He believed the government hoped to gain political advantage at the 1999 Presidential election when they welcomed the UNP defectors rather than theircreased numbers in parliament.
Despite the various opinions expressed by these MPs, the UNP had no doubts about who it would field as its Presidential candidate in the upcoming election. Therefore the name of UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe was put forward to the party’s working committee as its presidential candidate by Karu himself. This proposal was unanimously approved by the party. Meanwhile, Karu was named as the party’s prime ministerial candidate.
“During the 1999 elections, I travelled across the country and took part in every major political rally. Even though I was not a talented orator, my speeches were received favourably by the people…” Karu says. He also notes that state media organizations acted in an extremely biased manner in favour of the government during the election period.
“On certain days while the state-owned Dinamina newspaper featured five government rallies, it only featured one UNP rally or not at all in comparison. Later we complained to the Election Commissioner regarding this unacceptable behaviour. But as expected it was to no avail…” he says laughingly.
During the pre-election period, parties linked to the government launched a derogatory poster campaign across the island against Wickremesinghe. The posters even poked fun at the election promises given by the UNP leader to the country’s youth. “They portrayed these promises as infantile and claimed they would not solve the burning issues faced by the people…” Karu recalls.
“Politicians aligned with the People’s Alliance (PA) also ridiculed him at election rallies. They said he dressed like Bill Clinton. The PA used a breakaway group from the UNP to carry out such verbal attacks and take cheap shots at the party and Wickremesinghe…” Karu says.
“It was the politicians of the PA who spread the notion that the country’s youth would receive bracelets and chewing gum if Wickremesinghe emerged victorious at the election…” Karu says while recalling the mudslinging campaign the government had launched against the UNP ahead of the 1999 election.
The grassroots level cadres of the UNP felt the party’s presidential election operations committee at Sirikotha was failing to address this islandwide propaganda campaign launched by the PA’s media unit. But according to Karu, this was not a result of the UNP committee’s incompetence. “They were unable to counter this anti-Wickremesinghe campaign due to the actions of biased state and private media organizations that were favourable to the government…” he opined.
Although the state media outlets were completely under the control of the government, and some private media organizations were extremely biased, the majority of the populace who were disillusioned with the government were gradually turning to the UNP. Accordingly, some impartial election monitoring agencies believed that the will of the people was constantly oscillating and therefore the outcome of the presidential election could not be predicted.
Meanwhile, both leading presidential candidates were under constant threat from the Tamil Tigers. As a result of this Chandrika Kumaratunga and Ranil Wickremesinghe were provided with special security teams from the Police Special Task Force (STF) and the Sri Lanka Army’s Commando regiment. But no such protection was accorded to Karu, who travelled extensively with Wickremesinghe on the campaign trail. Karu’s only protection was the two police personnel from the Ministers’ Security Division provided to all provincial council members.
“Fortunately no serious incident was reported until the final day of campaigning…” Karu says. But this was to change following a devastating suicide bomb attack on the night of December 18, 1999. The final election rally of the PA attended by President Chandrika Kumaratunga and party stalwarts was held in Town Hall, Colombo on the day.
Kumaratunga was about to get into her car after addressing the meeting when a rocking blast ripped through the venue. While Kumaratunga miraculously survived the assassination attempt she lost vision in her right eye. Twenty-six persons lost their lives including Colombo’s Deputy Inspector General of Police T.N. de Silva while scores of rally goers including three senior cabinet ministers also suffered serious injuries.
Minutes later, another bomb exploded at a UNP election rally held in Wattala. Ten people including Karu’s schoolmate. Major General Lucky Algama, were killed in this explosion. Algama had become a UNP activist following his retirement from the Sri Lanka Army. Karu had also been in attendance at the UNP rally on that fateful day.
“Anura Bandaranaike addressed the meeting and left. Next, it was my turn. After addressing the crowd I decided to head to the UNP’s final rally being held in Maradana. It was on the way that I got the devastating news…” Karu recalls. Karu had escaped the terror attack by just nine minutes. Had he remained at the venue for longer, Karu says it is likely he too would have lost his life at the hands of the LTTE that day.
Karu believes that Wickremesinghe was leading the race right up till the terrorist attack on President Kumaratunga. “This completely changed following the Town Hall bombing…” he says. An emotional but formidable Kumaratunga, with a plaster covering her injured eye, appeared on national television and addressed the nation following the attack.
“There was a wave of sympathy towards the president after this. Even the wives of staunch UNP activists were moved to tears and cast their vote for her at the elections….” he recalls. According to him, even though any form of election campaigning is not allowed during the election silence period, Bandaranaike’s supporters held Bodhi Pooja and Seth Kavi – poems of good wishes chanting programs at Temples across the country.
“Party supporters in villages went from house to house distributing election propaganda leaflets…” he says, adding that however, the laws barred UNP supporters from engaging in similar acts. “This is how the public was influenced to vote for Kumaratunga instead of Wickremesinghe at the eleventh hour…” he claims.
The result of this was that People Alliance candidate Chandrika Kumaratunga emerged victorious at the presidential election held on December 1999, by securing 4,312,157 votes. In comparison, UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe received 3,602,748. Kumaratunga had received 51.12 per cent of all the votes cast. “Had it not been for an edge of just 1.12 per cent to take her over the 50 per cent mark, the preferential votes would have had to be counted and could have possibly challenged the result…” Karu opined. But Kumaratunga was fortunate and her reelection as Sri Lankan’s fifth President went unchallenged.
Following the election, Kumaratunga held a swearing-in ceremony to mark the commencement of her second term. The President had done so on legal advice received even though she still had a year left to complete her first six-year term. Right after the ceremony, Kumaratunga left for London to receive treatment for the injuries sustained in the attack, and returned to Sri Lanka several weeks later.
All opposition parties including the UNP had anticipated Kumaratunga would call for a general election hot on the trails of the 1999 presidential election in a bid to capitalize on her win. Karu says at the time he too predicted a parliamentary election would be imminent. Despite Wickremesinghe’s loss in the recent presidential election, Karu also estimated the UNP led by Wickremesinghe could easily secure a win at a general election.
The UNP’s working committee and the executive committee had also taken note of this possibility. Therefore the party decided it should begin its preparations to face a possible parliamentary election in the near future. At the time Karu had been appointed as the party’s chief organizer for Colombo East and Colombo West by the party leadership in addition to his position as the UNP’s deputy leader. This entailed Karu would contest as a candidate from the Colombo district at any upcoming election.
Karu had already estimated he would be able to secure close to 265,000 votes as he had received a similar number of votes at the recently held Western Provincial Council elections. But this was not to be. The UNP’s working committee had decided it would be unfavourable for both the party’s leader and deputy leader to contest from the same district. It was UNP stalwart John Amaratunga who had suggested that Karu contest from the neighbouring Gampaha district instead.
“It would be a great strength to the party…’ Amaratunga had said. Karu was forced to leave Colombo East and Colombo West behind to contest from Gampaha instead. The next matter in question was appointing Karu as the UNP organizer for the Gampaha district.
A number of UNP stalwarts including Joseph Michael Perera, John Amaratunga, Anura Bandaranaike and Dr Jayalath Jayawardena were already serving as UNP organizers for the Gampaha district. “The party asked me to pick an electoral seat of my preference The choices given were Attanagalla, Gampaha, Divulapitiya and Minuwangoda…” Karu says.
But he was now faced with a serious problem. “No matter which seat I opted for, it would have given rise to a conflict. It was clear no organizer would like to give up their electoral seat to another,” Karu says. Declining a party organizer post, Karu informed the party he would however accept the party’s request and contest from the Gampaha district.
Despite Karu’s refusal to accept an organizer post the party still decided to appoint him as an organizer for the Gampaha electorate. Renting out a house on Church road in Gampaha, Karu commenced his election campaign in the district. Karu says surprisingly, UNP activists and youth in the area extended their fullest support to him. I received the support of my relatives living in the area as as my hometown of Mirigama which is also located in Gampaha district.”
In October 2000, for the first time in his politics. career, Karu Jayasuriya was elected to Parliament from Gampaha District. He had received a remarkable 237,387 preferential votes at the election.
(Excerpted from the biography of Karu Jayasuriya by Nihal Jagathchandra)
Features
A visa for bringing in expertise and expanding tourism

In this article, I introduce an idea which is simple to implement but is powerful and helps with building technical skills, strengthening the country brand and creating international opportunities for Sri Lankans. Furthermore, it can diversify and extend the country’s tourism revenue streams.
The simple idea is to introduce a hassle-free visa for Internships, Volunteering, Expert Exchange Programs and Short-term Studies. For brevity, let me call it a Knowledge Transfer Visa or KTV. There are three important clarifications to make up-front. Firstly, this visa is not for those seeking paid employment in Sri Lanka. Secondly, the local partner needs to ensure that if any local permits or permissions are applicable, these are in place and cover any KTV holders. Thirdly, it is not a resident’s visa and tourist rates will have to be paid by KTV holders for their sightseeing.
It is also important to spell out up-front a critical requirement for success. This is that an applicant from a country who is entitled to obtain an online tourist visa quickly and easily should be able to obtain a KTV with the same ease and convenience. It would be reasonable for the Department of Immigration to have an additional information box in the visa application to ask for the name and contact details of the local partner (corporate or individual). But it should not be the role of the visa issuing officer in a Sri Lankan foreign mission or the Department of Immigration to examine paperwork to assess the credentials of the visitor and the local partner. This should be left to the applicant and local partner to assess each other. By analogy, a tourist is not asked to demonstrate that the hotel they have booked into is validly registered as a tourism business. Nor does the visa issuing process ask the hotel if they have vetted the tourist’s ability to pay. If the KTV is kept as simple as an online tourist visa, it will succeed, otherwise it will fail to deliver the potential benefits.
A reader may ask why this sort of visa is needed. The answer is that Sri Lanka is well positioned to benefit from activities covered in a knowledge transfer visa. However, such visits will only materialise if foreign nationals are reassured that they can arrive for such purposes with a visa where the purpose of their visit is explicitly recognised and they are confident that their visit is welcomed. Visitors on a KTV will bring in hard currency revenues in much the same way as ordinary tourists but importantly lead to other benefits such as the import of expertise, building international networks for local corporates and individuals and being potential repeat visitors. Let me explain by running through the various strands.
Internships
With the first strand, Internships, there is an overt intention that people want to work in a very structured manner and obtain useful work experience to help obtain paid employment back in their home country. Sri Lanka for various reasons, wishes to have tight controls over foreign workers and to limit foreign nationals on work visas. It is important to point out that facilitating internships need not conflict with this thinking. Incoming foreign interns are different to full-time foreign workers and caters to a younger demographic looking for a short period of work experience. If Sri Lanka restricts foreign internships to unpaid internships, this will limit the candidate pool to those interns who have parental financial support. Nevertheless, this is still a start and better than not opening the door at all.
In many sectors, Sri Lanka can offer meaningful summer internships of up to 3 months or longer. Two obvious examples are Tourism and Information Technology (IT). Sri Lankan companies cannot run viable business models by relying on a supply of foreign interns. Therefore, foreign interns do not in any way threaten the prospects for locals for employment. On the contrary, foreign interns from developed economies can benefit locals working with them in various ways. These could include improving language skills, and locals gaining exposure to skills such as time-management and project planning. Internships can also be used for foreign students to engage in undergraduate and postgraduate university projects with local academics.
To explain how foreign interns can be very useful, let me construct an example. It is a fact that Sri Lankan companies are writing the software for some of the most technologically advanced companies in the world. Imagine Sri Lankan IT companies actively pitch this to foreign universities in advanced economies and foreign undergraduates take up internships in Sri Lanka. Not only do they gain work experience of an equivalent standard to working in London or New York, but they will have a more exciting time in a tropical country. When they graduate, they will take up jobs in London, New York or wherever. When their employers are looking to outsource work, they may recommend the companies they worked with in Sri Lanka. Some of these foreign interns may even start their own companies in the future and look to outsource work to the Sri Lankan companies they worked with. If the new start-ups do well, there may be frequent business visits. When their former interns start families, they will visit Sri Lanka on visits which combine business meetings with a family holiday. Their children in turn will grow up with Sri Lanka being a place that was a regular holiday destination and, in the future, bring their own children on holiday. Internships in Sri Lanka to foreign students can grow future business revenues and also create a multi-generation chain of tourists.
Some foreign interns can also work in a three-way collaboration between their university, a local university and a private sector company. Take for example, a hotel that has placed camera traps on its property to study wildlife. If they do it on their own, it may simply be for marketing the hotel. If they can partner with a local academic or conservation NGO, it could be elevated into a formal study, perhaps even a long-term study. For both the local academic and the hotel, it would be useful if any work they do is part of a long-term study with a foreign university. International collaborations like this are also more useful to the hotel in their efforts for international publicity. For the local academic or conservation NGO, the international collaboration could also open opportunities for funding and recognition and invitations to present in international conferences. A win for all.
If Sri Lanka companies open up to foreign interns, it may result in them realising the value of well-structured internship programs and the dialogue with overseas interns and their academic supervisors may lead to good internship programs being set up for both local and foreign applicants. This can only help young resident Sri Lankans who at present are frustrated by the paucity of structured internship programs even amongst Sri Lanka’s leading companies.
Before I continue to the next two strands, it is useful to reiterate why a knowledge transfer visa is important. The above-mentioned benefits can only arise if potential foreign interns and volunteers have a mechanism of a special visa to reassure them that the purpose of their visit is properly disclosed and that their activity in Sri Lanka is welcomed and completely above-board within the stated purpose of the visa.
The same will apply, with voluntourism, which is a form of commercial tourism activity. Overseas companies that have a business model of arranging voluntourism abroad are more likely to add Sri Lanka as a destination if a KTV existed.
Volunteering
The second strand is Volunteering and here I define it narrowly to cases where a volunteer is not volunteering to build out their CV to help them gain paid employment in their home country. If they are doing so, it is covered under the Internship category. Under this definition, volunteers are people who fall into two broad categories. They may be volunteering for recreational purposes, coupled with wanting to do something that is societally useful. Or they may be people who are retired and on a comfortable retirement income who now have time and money to give something back to society. For example, a person in a highly paid job may come and volunteer for two weeks on a science (e.g. biodiversity surveys) or an arts project (e.g. cataloguing temple art). They may do this because they enjoy doing something different from their day job which is related to their personal interests and societally useful. This type of volunteering has become a significant form of tourism, known as voluntourism.
For the second type of volunteering an example would be a retired wildlife reserve manager from overseas who is happy to work for free with a Sri Lankan hotel or game lodge to train guides and provide practical help in rewilding the grounds of the property. They may enjoy mentoring and want to share their experience with others who are happy to learn from them. To take another example, it could be a retired museum curator who is happy to volunteer at a government museum to train local staff and inject fresh thinking into how exhibitions are curated.
The host country receives free expertise and valuable time from such volunteers. The volunteers are also paying tourists.
In G20 countries, volunteering is highly organised and has resulted in businesses that provide on-line platforms to match volunteers with recipient organisations. Sri Lanka can benefit from making it easy for people to volunteer and to come over, whether it is to paint hospital wards, help in beach clean-ups, or to help at a literary, music or cultural festival or to train local wildlife guides. Many volunteers will also look to add on a holiday extension to their volunteering stay. It is not just free people-hours of work and spending as foreign visitors: Carefully chosen good volunteers also bring in ideas, know-how, enthusiasm and energy.
Expert Exchange
The third strand in the knowledge transfer visa is for Expert Exchange. This is for people who are established in their discipline and looking to diversify their experience and build an international network by engaging in short term unpaid assignments overseas. For example, let’s assume a senior academic would like to spend a month working with local counterparts. Perhaps it is someone from a Management Science faculty who is interested in South Asian trade and wishes to work with local counterparts in a Sri Lankan professional institution or the Management Science faculty of a university. Or, perhaps it is an academic with an interest in contemporary Asian art. In such situations, a mutually useful arrangement between the foreign visitor and any local counterparts would be for the visitor to be provided a desk and some working space in the local faculty. Perhaps the visiting academic or professional can even undertake to give a certain number of lectures to Sri Lankan students. Relationships established in this way could lead to reciprocal invitations for Sri Lankan academics to attend foreign conferences and workshops and possibly help with Sri Lankan students receiving guidance and support with doing a PhD overseas. The visiting academic or expert is not being paid by the local partners in Sri Lanka and will continue to be on the payroll of their employer in their home country. Again, such visitors need to be reassured that what they are doing is deemed above -board and welcomed. They would not wish to come to Sri Lanka on a standard tourist visa for an engagement of this kind.
Short-term Study
The final strand of the knowledge transfer visa is for Short-term Study. Sri Lanka already has the skilled teachers and education infrastructure to offer undergraduate degrees from several foreign universities. It also runs accredited courses for professional qualifications from organisations that are based in G20 countries, whether it is in Accountancy or Marketing or IT. This capability can be expanded to provide ‘summer schools’ where foreign students arrive for a combination of classroom and field teaching. Local educational institutions can use their business initiative to develop curricula in consultation with foreign universities to meet the coursework credit requirements. If it is simple and easy to obtain a visa to attend such a course in Sri Lanka, this becomes a tempting offer for foreign students. In areas spanning from medicine, tourism, and the biological sciences, Sri Lanka can become an exciting destination for classroom and field work.
Conclusion
The results won’t be seen immediately as it takes years for local counterparts and foreign counterparts to respond and adapt to the benefits of such a visa. But slowly and steadily, we will see benefits accruing to the country. We also need to keep in mind that with anything that involves people, sometimes things don’t work out. A few foreign visitors or the Sri Lankan partners may not fulfil their obligations properly. We should not allow misguided fears of a few bad apples to block the massive potential for Sri Lanka to benefit from a simple but powerful idea that is easy to implement. It would benefit the private sector, state institutions, the universities, and many other sectors to encourage the government to introduce such a visa.
To conclude, if a knowledge transfer visa (KTV) is created which is as simple and quick to obtain as an online tourist visa, it will create a comforting and reassuring environment to encourage foreign visitors who are looking for something more than a short holiday. This will result in hard currency revenues in multiple ways as with ordinary tourism. However, there are potentially significant additional benefits from the bringing in of know-how, skilled people-hours of work, the scope for new types of businesses to develop, and allow Sri Lankan individuals, corporates and institutions to have doors opened for them for international business and academic opportunities. Furthermore, there is a huge Sri Lankan diaspora out there whose children and grandchildren do not have dual nationality but could be encouraged to bring their money and know-how for a longer length of time in Sri Lanka through a knowledge transfer visa.
by Gehan de Silva Wijeyeratne
Features
Corruption outed; Stirrings in the West

TV news showed Keheliya Rambukwella with a walking aid and grizzled unshaven, attending courts and leaving in a prison van. His son Ramith is implicated in a corruption case being heard against his father. So it’s a case of like father, like son. We recall this cricketer son was no gentleman. He supposedly broke into an office in his college – Royal, Colombo 7 – to interfere with a marks sheet or whatever. More notoriously, returning from Australia as a member of a cricket team, he attempted opening a door of the Sri Lankan plane they were in. Doors in planes are extra strong and difficult to open; otherwise if he had succeeded, there would have been a fierce rush of air and he surely would have been dragged out to fall to the ocean or land and sure death. More seriously, havoc would have been created within the plane accompanied by dire danger to passengers. He is supposed to be unemployed but living in a very expensive, luxurious flat.
Wages of sin
Not many like to see others suffering, particularly mothers of sons. But there was no sorrow, not a twinge, on seeing Keheliya limping and getting into a prison van; so different from the suave man he was. The reason is that one has to pay for sins and transgressions including the procurement of substandard and fake medicinal drugs for government hospitals.
There is no sympathy in Cass’ heart, even for Rambukwella Jr. since he developed within himself his father’s nature. The uppermost thought in her is that retribution is inevitable. Most people think it passes to manifest itself in the sinner’s next and future births. Not always. They suffer in this life too. Here is a solid example to prove this point.
When we women talk about corruption in this beautiful island some note that entire families are corrupt to the core and have collected vast amounts of illicit money, safely stashed away. They seem to be fine; the younger ones grinning from ear to ear, cock sure of themselves. But what about their minds, their nightly dreams? Are they afraid? Do nightmares torment them? Sure the older thieves suffer thus.
“Retribution often means that we eventually do to ourselves what we have done unto others.”
Why two remembrances?
Politicians particularly, often prove that Sri Lanka is a land like no other – negatively – Cass adds. The Medamulana Rajapaksa family proved this point on Tuesday 20 May.
The War Heroes Commemorative ceremony, which is Remembrance Day in Sri Lanka, is observed on May 19, when the end of the civil war in 2009 is marked. Those who died in the 28 year war, both armed forces personnel and civilians, are remembered on this day. A solemn ceremony was held in Battaramulla in the grounds of the stately National War Memorial, with the President, and army, navy and air force heads of that time present. Also the nearest kin of those who gave their lives to save the country, mostly mothers and wives, laid red roses at the foot of the memorial.
Then surprise, surprise, another ceremony was held the following day at the same venue and most prominent were Mahinda and Gotabaya Rajapaksa. The news reporter of the channel Cass watched announced it was a memorial service for war heroes. But the war heroes had already been duly remembered the previous day by the entire nation. Pohottu members would have been present but it was not an SLPP ceremony. What was it then? A public remembrance by private persons since both brothers are out of politics and out of job now.
It is only in Sri Lanka that such a ‘circus’ can be staged. IWere the dead being used to shore waning popularity? Perfectly true, the two brothers did much to bring peace to the country; they went to war against severe objections and obstacles placed by local persons in secondary power, and foreign nations. But that does not justify a separate remembrance.
Maybe they do not know how such ceremonies are conducted in civilized foreign countries. They would not have watched the anniversary of VE Day (May 8) held in London and the respect and homage paid to WWII veterans and the remembrance of those who died in battle. Such an impressive, dignified late morning ceremony with King Charles III, Queen Camilla and other Royals present. The country and its leaders unified in remembrance and gratitude. No politics whatsoever. In this country politics rears its Medusa head in all public occasions and even very private ones like weddings. Next year we may have two separate celebratory events for National Day – February 4.
Lies and subterfuges
As usual a mega Trump deal is surrounded by lies, denials, drawing the wool over the public eye and subterfuges which last means “deceit used in order to achieve one’s goal.” The goal was getting a replacement for the presidential airplane which certainly is old – 40 years – and its interior not up to Trump’s garishly lavish standards. The Trump administration first approached Qatar to acquire a redundant Boeing 747 with a price around USD 400m to replace Air Force One. The other story is that Qatar reached out and offered the jet as a gift to Trump. The 747 flew to Florida in March so Trump could inspect it, which he did. A circulated report is that Qatar gifts the 747 to Trump personally to be used as his presidential jet and once he leaves the White House, it is his private possession. This tale one could well believe knowing the sort of a person Trump is and how wily Middle East potentates are: no giving without getting in return.
Cancer stalks American VVIP
Trump’s immediate predecessor has had another trauma. President Joe Biden announced he had been diagnosed with aggressive prostate cancer, which means his days are numbered. He was the oldest US Prez but much admired and polled to be the 14th best president in the history of the US. His first wife and one-year daughter died in a car accident on December 18, 1972, just four years after marriage. He was a devoted father to his two sons aged 2 and 3 years then. At age 46, in 2015, his elder son Beau died of brain cancer, which Biden maintained was due to his service in the Kosovo war where dangerous gases were used. And now this illness at 82. A good man given more than his fair share of tribulations.
Cruelty beyond measure
Deaths in the Gaza strip increase by the day as Israel bombards it with air missiles and debars food aid getting in. Children are dying by the hundreds and doctors in large numbers as hospitals are targeted for attack. Netanyahu has pronounced he wants the entire Gaza strip as part of Israel. How can he possibly expect this? However, at the rate the war is proceeding he will soon overcome Hamas and ride into Gaza as a vanquisher and acquirer. No nation seems to be ready to help the Palestinians.
Features
Trump’s trade tariffs pose hidden threats to Sri Lankan economy

Colombo, Sri Lanka – While U.S. President Donald Trump’s trade war primarily targeted global economic heavyweights like China and the European Union, its ripple effects are being felt across smaller economies including Sri Lanka. Experts warn that Trump’s protectionist trade policies, particularly the imposition of tariffs and the “America First” doctrine, could significantly impact Sri Lanka’s export-driven growth model.
Global Supply Chains Under Pressure
One of the most immediate threats stems from the disruption of global supply chains. Sri Lanka’s key industries, including textiles, apparel, and electronics components, are heavily reliant on imported raw materials. The U.S. tariffs on Chinese and other foreign goods increased global production costs, leading to delays and price hikes that affect Sri Lankan exporters.
“These disruptions trickle down,” says an economist at the Central Bank of Sri Lanka. “Higher input costs and reduced access to affordable materials can hurt the competitiveness of our exports.”
Falling Global Demand Hits Exports
Trump’s tariffs contributed to broader economic uncertainty, weakening global trade and slowing growth. This downturn has lowered demand for Sri Lankan goods, particularly in Western markets. Apparel exports, which account for over 40% of Sri Lanka’s total exports and rely heavily on U.S. consumers, are especially vulnerable.
“As American retailers reevaluate their sourcing strategies, Sri Lankan garment manufacturers face increased competition from countries like Vietnam and Bangladesh, some of which benefit from more favourable trade agreements,” notes a trade policy analyst in Colombo.
Foreign Investment and Tourism at Risk
The trade tensions also made investors more cautious, leading to a decline in foreign direct investment (FDI) in emerging markets. Sri Lanka, already grappling with high debt levels and political instability, may find it increasingly difficult to attract investment in its export-oriented industries and infrastructure projects.
Tourism a vital source of foreign exchange could also see knock-on effects. Global economic instability tends to reduce travel spending, which directly impacts Sri Lanka’s tourism sector.
Regional Spillovers from China and India
China, a key trading partner and infrastructure investor in Sri Lanka, was one of the main targets of Trump’s tariffs. As Chinese economic growth slows due to reduced U.S. trade, its demand for Sri Lankan commodities and its ability to invest abroad could also decline. Similarly, any reduction in India’s economic engagement due to trade tensions with the U.S. may impact regional cooperation and investment flows.
Out of the Trade Bloc Loop
Perhaps, more concerning in the long term is the global realignment of trade alliances. As the U.S. withdrew from multilateral trade deals and others like the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) gained momentum, Sri Lanka risks being left behind.
A Wake-Up Call for Trade Policy Reform
The indirect but significant threats posed by Trump-era tariffs underline the urgent need for Sri Lanka to diversify its markets, join new trade alliances, and upgrade its export infrastructure.
While the Trump administration, the shift towards economic nationalism and trade protectionism continues to influence global policy. Sri Lanka, as a small and open economy, must adapt quickly or risk falling further behind.
By M. I. D Perera,
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