Features
JVP and the Cost of Lost Revolution
By Indrawansa de Silva, Ph.D.
Professor Emeritus, USA
Fifty years ago, thousands of us took to arms in what we thought was the Marxist-Leninist revolution to capture power of the state overnight. That’s what our Dear Leader promised. We were made to believe that it was a well-thought out plan of action guided by field-tested Marxist theory. We had no doubt, especially in the early days, that our leader, Comrade Rohana Wijeweera, with his commanding knowledge of Marxist-Leninist Maoist ideology and an intimate knowledge of guerilla warfare fine-tuned by none other than Che Guevara, knew what he was talking about.
The fifth of the now legendary five “Classes” was fully devoted to the game plan of Lankan revolution. That Class was aptly titled “The path Lankan revolution should take.” It summed up all the Marxist revolutions that had taken place since the Bolsheviks toppled the Czar in 1917 and quite convincingly argued to slack-jawed audiences why none of the past revolutions could be a template to the “unique conditions” of the motherland. How original, we thought. So, it was our Dear Leader who dreamed up what the Lankan revolution would be: a simultaneous attack on the police stations and strategically selected Army camps. The entire attack would take a single night.
We know how that fateful night ended fifty years ago. All told, about five thousand youth died in their prime and more than twenty thousand of us were rounded up and corralled to overflowing prisons, subjected to every torture technique in the book plus new ones. We all remember the horrifying incident of the 20-year old beauty queen of Kataragama, Prema Manamperi, who was tortured overnight and paraded nude in broad daylight and summarily executed in full view of the public on April 17, 1971. That sadistic brutality was just the tip of the iceberg of torture that took place behind the closed doors. The very universities many of us attended were converted into makeshift prisons. Tens of thousands of families were destroyed, their homes torched and the impact of that naïve adventure is still raw. For those of us who took part in that uprising and for the country that was so scarred, an important question still remains: What, as a nation, have we learned?
Like many of my fellow comrades I was barely 17 years old when I was “hooked” – JVP terminology – to JVP. Everything I knew about Marxism, Leninism, Stalinism, Maoism and the glorious Cuban Revolution, I learned in my late teens from the clandestine classes and political camps as well as from the propaganda material quite generously handed out to us by the Soviet, Chinese and North Korean embassies. I was well schooled in revolutionary ideology. And the secrecy of every aspect of our revolution kept my adrenaline running high at all times. I was busy. Enlarging the maps of Colombo district, marking bridges to be blown up so we could immobilize the army, pinpointing where the counter revolutionaries, reactionaries and traitors reside so we could “take care” of them when we gained power. I even had my blue uniform made and waited for my tetanus shot. Ready to revolt. It was my drug of choice. We were different from the lumpen proletariat surrounding us. I, like all of us, did not smoke or drank. No relationships. Even personal hygiene such as bathing regularly, was looked down as petit bourgeois and unkempt hair was part of the trademark. (Only later did we come to know that most of these cultist taboos did not apply to our leaders.) Our devotion to the cause and the proletariat class made us feel unique and special. I “knew” I was right and anyone who questioned what we were espousing or even dared to suggest that we could be wrong was either a reactionary, a traitor or class-enemy. Branding the enemy came quite easily. Their number would be up very soon.
It is quite clear that we believed in violence from the outset. It was in our party’s DNA. We openly promoted the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist violent revolution in anticipation of proletariat dictatorship. We were in agreement with Mao when he said that political power grows out of the barrel of a gun. A revolution is an insurrection, an act of violence by which one class overthrows another. Our writings, classes, publications, posters and public speeches were very open about our belief in violence. Destruction must precede construction, whether it is imperialism, capitalism, feudalism or the State machinery. And if we were to kill en masse to reach our goal so be it. We didn’t shy away from saying how brutal we could be. One of our posters read: The liberation of the masses won’t come until the last capitalist is hanged from the last imperialist’s bowels! – JVP.
Incidentally, this was the time Mao’s Cultural Revolution was taking place in full throttle and I remember how approvingly we talked about that mass murder campaign. According to Mao successful revolution wouldn’t guarantee socialism and occasional cleansing of the party and the society from the reactionary and petit bourgeois mindset is a must. We were in total agreement with Mao on that. Absent cultural revolution a nation would end like Khrushchev’s Russia, revisionist! We celebrated Chairman Mao’s improvements to “scientific” Marxist-Leninist theory. It would take another decade for me to truly understand what a murderous enterprise Mao had launched as a cultural revolution. By then Communist China was in top gear towards capitalism and Deng Xiaoping was telling people that to get rich was glorious. A bit too late, Comrade Deng.
What would Sri Lanka have been if the JVP had captured power in 1971? I am not sure about the JVP establishing a proletariat dictatorship, but I am quite sure about Wijeweera establishing a dictatorship. And because of that, like many of my fellow revolutionaries, I am glad that we did not succeed in 1971. I say this with a very heavy heart as thousands of courageous, caring and very patriotic youth died for this misguided “revolution.” Had we succeeded it is more than likely that Sri Lanka would have ended up worse than Cambodia under Pol Pot. I am not being just speculative here. The JVP has shown time after time its violent and authoritarian tendencies whenever and wherever it got even a small taste of power. Just take some early signs. If someone with an opposing view tried to sell a newspaper or distribute a pamphlet at our rallies they were promptly beaten up and kicked out. We did not hesitate to use power of the fist when met with opposition even within the organisation. Honest and sincere questioning of ideas and theories we espoused in our classes and camps was seen as a threat to the movement and branded as reactionary, counter-revolutionary, or petit bourgeois tendencies.
The JVP is intolerant of challenge. I left the JVP in 1971 on principle, like many others, but we were always under its radar. In 1977, I was the President of the Students’ Council of Vidyodaya Campus and of the Inter-University Students’ Federation when Wijeweera was released from prison and held his first rally at the Hyde Park. He openly threatened me as we were a major challenge to the JVP on university campuses. The winds of terror were such that I left the country in the mid-1980s. There is not an iota of doubt in my mind that I would have been killed by the JVP, had I stayed. Looking back, the JVP’s talk about “centralised democracy” in theory is the biggest running joke. The JVP has proven that it doesn’t have a single democratic bone in its body.
The best example of how JVP would have governed comes from Hammenheil Prison in Jaffna, where hundreds of JVP cadres were held right after the uprising. In his excellent memoir, Tears of April (Bak Maha Kandulu), Ranjith Henayake Arachchi (Bertie) describes leading the attack on the Jaffna prison in an attempt to get Wijeweera rescued and its tragic consequences. He recounts how, in a remarkable show of courage and determination, the political prisoners in Hammenheil ended up winning some fundamental rights to take care of themselves inside the walls of the prison. In no time, Ranjith continues, the JVP equated that mutiny to a socialist revolution and claimed ownership of it. A “revolutionary army” was established to safeguard the “proletariat dictatorship” in Hammenheil that promptly took care of the “class-enemies” and “traitors” in the only way known to JVP––physical force. Anyone who questioned anything the JVP was up to was branded as the class enemy. According to Ranjith, those who cried for help when brutally beaten in broad daylight by the “revolutionary army” had only “shown their true colours as class-enemies.” Kangaroo courts (aka Peoples’ Court) were held in Hammenheil to try “reactionaries” and “counter-revolutionaries” whom the JVP always found guilty as charged with deadly consequences. Everything that took place in Hammenheil had the blessings of Wijeweera himself as there was an effective line of communication between Hammenheil and Jaffna prison where he was held. ‘The Socialist Republic of Hammenheil’ was a microcosm of what the country would have become had the JVP ever grabbed power.
Looking back, it appears that Sri Lanka has instinctively realised what JVP is: a brutal political entity. A wolf in sheep’s clothing. Underneath its flowery rhetoric of democracy, liberty, secularism and freedom of the press and speech, the JVP remains true to its origins fifty plus years ago. Its insatiable appetite for violence as a means to achieve power was vividly shown in the late 1980s. This may be the reason that JVP was never able to break the four-percent barrier – the percentage of votes it has consistently received since it entered parliamentary politics.
The JVP seems immune to the humiliating rejections from the North and the East at every election it contested in those districts. Minorities in the North and the East appear to recognise the racism running in JVP’s veins since it tried to sugarcoat its racist views from the outset under the guise of so-called Indian expansion.
Over the past fifty years, the JVP had many opportunities to come clean of its sins but it hasn’t even tried to pretend it will do so. The JVP has done nothing wrong, the argument goes. All the carnage it created was the results of “reactionaries” “traitors” and the “class-enemies” who infiltrated the party to destroy it. At a forum in Europe, when faced with the question of atrocities committed during the so-called second uprising in the late 1980s, the current leader of JVP sought the cover of Mao’s rhetoric again: revolution is not a dinner party, he answered.
It is high time the JVP got its head out of the sand and face the jury of history. It owes that much to the thousands of youth still seeking its refuge for a political future.
Features
Management of a contingency
by Premananda Atapattu
nandaata@gmail.com
A retired Senior Police Officer has reported and cautioned that there might be an attempt to disrupt the conduct of the presidential elections. It is a statutory obligation of the Executive to facilitate the smooth conduct of the polls and subsequent statutory events. However, to my knowledge even today the Sri Lankan government does not have a contingency plan to meet with such a situation.
The law enforcement authorities in Sri Lanka were not prepared to meet the contingencies which arose in the country begining from the 1971 insurrection. It has always been a recovery attempt made, in each case, except for the 1962 coup to overthrow the government, which came to light at the last minute, accidentally.
State outfits tasked with collecting and analysing the likely threats to national security have failed in their role during the last five decades. There was no central intelligence agency at the highest executive level of the State to collect, collate and analyse every piece of information relating to the national security and disseminate appropriately, timely, under acknowledgement; and create a preventive programme and have feedback obtained. This position should be regularised by stipulating as statutory obligations of each individual authority and appropriate records be maintained.
In a policing environment, it is an executive function that operates above the umbrella organisation in managing natural disasters and environmental hazards. Peace and safety of life and property of citizens is a priority. A policy framework needs to be identified as to how the State should manage its functions and policies in the context of the changing regional and global situation affecting National Security. Roles of the Executive; Armed forces and the Police should be stipulated as statutory obligations. It includes a coup to overthrow the government; jail breaks; hijacking of a VIP or an Aircraft and many other similar possibilities. In order for a police organization to draft a contingency plan, it must recognise a deficiency in the organis ation’s ability to operate efficiently and effectively in a crisis situation and there exists a need for a plan to put into action within the shortest possible time frame.
Therefore, it has to be in conformity with the National Security policy framework already in place and should receive the approval of the Executive. An action plan specifying how the policing function should be undertaken in a contingency situation has to be developed with the participation of the security forces and the police and all other state agencies executing and providing logistical support. Final product should identify a programme of action, which shall be a statutory obligation.
Man-made emergencies: While Law Enforcement agencies are responsible for dealing with the man-made emergencies, crisis situations and disasters, such incidents can be prevented or loss of life and property and the damage caused could be prevented or minimised, if carefully monitored in an intelligence gathering mechanism and included in a well-prepared prevention programme
Developing a Contingency plan.
The Objective of a Disaster Management Plan: Identifying threats to national security; public peace and the well-being of the citizens and implementing suitable plans to achieve and safeguard these objectives. Reducing the vulnerability and the effects of human induced hazards to a manageable level by identifying risk factors. Developing programmes to reduce the risks that can be envisaged and develop the capacity of the disaster management systems; response and recovery management systems at all levels to restore normalcy.
A contingency plan of the State:
A contingency plan of the State is a programme of actions prepared by the government aiming to respond to hazards and crisis situations that may occur in the country. The plan will provide the basis for rapid appropriate action. It has to identify all possibilities or vulnerabilities and how to respond to each of them effectively and take preventive and risk reduction measures. It has to identify clear policies, procedures and guidelines for action in response to early warnings. Each Ministry, responsible for providing essential services is required to take necessary measures to keep the country alive and function smoothly. It also has to prepare its own plans for meeting any contingency or a crisis situation that may occur. This includes supply of essentials like food and water; medicine; energy and power; public transport and many other essential services like health care utilization required to keep the citizens alive and secure civic conveniences as the nature and scale of the crisis may seriously affect people’s access to them. These include environmental hazards, flood; droughts; cyclones; epidemics and other likely hazards. “…To be effective, disaster management should be implemented as a comprehensive and continuous activity, and not as a periodic reaction to individual disaster circumstances…” (William, Vice President ADB, 1992.)
National Development and Disaster Management Policy:
First, most major departments within Government have a tangible and practical connection with disaster management. They have clearly defined roles and responsibilities throughout the total process of prevention, mitigation, preparedness, response, and recovery (especially in these last three segments). These roles and responsibilities are formally laid down in the relevant counter disaster plans…” (. Disaster management: A Disaster manager’s handbook. Carter, W. Nick., Asian Development Bank, 2008.)
Under Sec: 10. (1) of the Disaster Management Act, “It shall be the duty of every Ministry; Government Department to prepare its own plan to meet an impending disaster”. However, even after two decades of passing the above noted Act, the Ministry in charge of Defence or the Department of Police and other agencies providing essential services to the nation, do not have such a plan of action which makes the destiny of citizens uncertain. Therefore, it is essential that the government should prepare a statutory framework to normalise a crisis situation and an action plan to restore the peaceful living of the citizens.
Maritime safety:
Sri Lanka also does not have a contingency plan for the safety of Maritime zones. This Plan should have the operational ability to operate throughout the Maritime Zones of Sri Lanka. It should identify all vulnerabilities like smuggling of arms and weapons of destruction and prohibited goods; robbery and all other illegal activities in territorial waters; acts causing environmental damage and pollution; oil spills or chemical spills etc. The role of each agency in normal situations and in a contingency should be identified. It includes the specific role of the Ministry of Foreign affairs; Ports authority; SL Navy; SL Air Force, and the agencies responsible for Policing including prosecution and all other agencies providing logistical support in a crisis situation.
Public alert system: In all contingency situations, it is the duty of the State to make the public aware that there is an impending disaster or a crisis situation or a crisis already occurred. Issue of public warnings and alert systems will be required, depending on the likely situation, may be amber or red alert system and the public will be ready to meet the crisis. The losses incurred could be reduced and the public will co-operate with the authorities and co-ordination of activities among authorities will also be achieved gainfully. This cause of action will ensure the public will not be panicky and daily routines and essential services will be carried out. In order to prevent each mass media broadcasting misinformation or different stories; versions, authorities should take full control of any situation.
Disaster mitigation and prevention: Disaster prevention and mitigation principles should be incorporated into all contingency plans.
A contingency Plan for the Police Department: Police department did not have a contingency plan in the year 1983 to prevent ethnic riots in the country or to execute at the time of attack on catholic churches in April 2019 or attack on peaceful demonstrators in Galle Face ground and Island wide attacks on the houses of ruling party politicians in May 2022 and the incidents that made the Head of the state to resign.
Attacks by Islamic terrorists in 2019:
Police department suffered the worst black mark on 21 April 2019,
by its failure to prevent attacks by Muslim terrorists in five locations in the country. Police department failed in their role to take action to prevent these incidents, although the Executive Head of the country, Secretary to the Ministry of Defence and the Head of the Police department and those at the periphery level had sufficient and clear information about a planned attack which was conveyed to the appropriate authorities well in advance.
Defining the role of police and their powers: Drawbacks with the existing statutory provisions.
Existing statutory provisions in Sri Lanka do not address the statutory obligations and the role of the Police, Secretary and the Executive Head of the country adequately in the context of socio – economic and infrastructure and constitutional developments that had taken place since independence and in varied contingencies that may arise in different situations. The need for a such a plan was felt since the 1971 insurrection with the incidents disturbing the peace and in restoration of the public confidence and stability of the country.
Vulnerability assessment and profiling the risk factors: national security.
Absence of a sound Economic development strategy and a Policy framework to uplift living standards: With the change of every government, development policies had been changed since 1952 to date. Policy decisions have not been identified to preserve and develop the domestic industries, including manufacturing industries. Natural resources were not gainfully utilised. Developing global economic trends were not carefully followed in order to structure the economy to meet the actual challenges.
‘…A recent World Bank Group (WBG)study of road safety investment in South Asia revealed a crisis that has been exacerbated by the rapid growth in vehicle ownership and diversity of motorized and non-motorized traffic of varying sizes and speeds, without adequate protection for the most vulnerable. Vehicle ownership in Sri Lanka is already high by regional standards and grew by 67 percent between 2011 and 2018. If this trend continues, as expected, crash fatalities and injuries will steadily climb unless urgently required measures are implemented…”.
Absence of a permanent Foreign policy: In the absence of a permanent balanced foreign policy, the county suffers the risk of facing pressure to become a victim of global superpowers.
Demand for a power sharing mechanism:
It is essential that the Sri Lankan NATION should reach a settlement acceptable to both parties in order to ensure that the population in the Northern province and as well as their kinsmen in other provinces should not be denied their legitimate rights and to ensure that entire country will achieve benefits of a long lasting peace which will enable the saving of costs incurred in maintaining of national security.
Development of Jihadist movement and other extremist Muslim organizations:
Development of terrorist cells within the Muslim community also creates a major threat to national security. Adequate protection to prevent the spread of such cells within the country should be taken. Law enforcement agencies should be trained to collect and analyse all such forms of threats. Immigration department should be adequately trained to prevent unlawful force entry into the county which is not being done at present. “…Since Sri Lanka’s Easter Sunday massacre, the world’s worst terrorist attack in 2019, every Sri Lankan should understand that the next attack is in the making. To prevent a possible next attack, the recommendations of the Parliamentary Select Committee should be implemented…”. (Prof. Gunaratne.2022) In his book titled Sri Lanka’s Easter Sunday Massacre. Lessons for the international community he makes suggestions in detail, under the title “shaping the domain” 2023, as to how the Islamic space could be regulated, it should essentially draw the attention of Administrators dealing with the subject of Defence.
Interference of the NGOO in internal affairs of the country. Non-governmental Organizations (NGOO) operating here continues to accelerate their interference in the internal matters of the country, in the absence of an effective immigration control system and a statutory framework to control their sabotage activities.
The global superpowers are continuing with their undue interference in the internal affairs of the country as rivalry in the region continues to grow.
Overcrowding of Prisons and possible break away of a Jail. Overcrowding of prisons is a major threat and should find solutions to detain remand prisoners and convicts in separate prisons to prevent the formation of any heretical, subversive gangs and train the staff to counter a riot and jailbreak.
Identifying likely threats, creating buffers; developing strategies to prevent and meet them: The possibility of occurrence of actions such as the following and other possible situations should be considered and plans should be developed to prevent and meet these vulnerable situations by regular training of the Armed Forces and the respective authorities. Coup to overthrow the government; Abduction of a VIP; Hijacking of a VIP boarded Aircraft, etc.
Meeting a contingency: development of a national contingency plan.
Ultimate objective of a contingency plan: The ultimate objective of the measures identified should be to ensure that the citizens will feel that they are safe in any part of the country during all hours of the day and they are able to get on with their normal day to day affairs in a peaceful environment.
Response to a contingency: Establishing a Level of Response and identifying duties of all stakeholders: “…. Modern disaster management goes beyond post-disaster assistance. It now includes pre-disaster planning and preparedness activities, organizational planning, training, information management, public relations and many other fields. “…There are several options for dividing a plan into components or parts, such as: The main plan* usually contains the primary parts of the plan, such as the statement of mission, definition of the threat, legislative authority, policy matters, relationship to other emergency plans, organizational and operational implementation, warning mechanism, resources, request for assistance etc…”(Nick 2008)
Main components that should be accommodated in a DM plan. Plans prepared should identify the following roles of the police and the umbrella Ministry.
All types of risks and vulnerabilities to national security envisaged, likely threats to peace and stability, including man-made disasters.”…While it is recognized that no single emergency plan can reflect the full scope of the jurisdictional and emergency response complexities of a modern society, society can be served well by the sum total of several well-designed and focused agent-specific contingency plans, if these plans take care to focus on the jurisdiction and expertise of the agency assigned the specific task, and take advantage of the authority and expertise available in other quarters and through other contingency plans without unnecessary duplication of effort…” Guidelines for the Development of a National Environmental Contingency Plan” Peter G. Belling,. United Nations Environment Programme,2017.
The plan should also be made flexible enough to accommodate moderate political and structural changes to government departments without the need to make structural changes to the plan or significant revisions to the plan’s main elements. Such changes are usually subject to complex and time-consuming approvals processes…”. (Nick 2008)
Contingency plan for the Divisional Commands: It should be made the obligation of the Range DIGG and OICC Divisions to develop a separate contingency plan for each police Administrative Division, based on the vulnerabilities in each Division. Special attention should be given to safeguarding the State properties. Sacred places; Reservoirs; Electrical installations and water supply etc. A plan of action that should be taken to prevent / reduce and mitigate them.
Strategy to meet with a contingency after an incident; Recovery procedure; short and long term; Plan of action to mitigate them and the judicial procedure should be stipulated.
(The Writer is the author of the book, Crime Prevention Efforts in National Planning in Sri Lanka (2015). Second edition of this book contains a chapter on the above subject.)
Features
The Outside World
The frenzy of the Sri Lankan presidential election is gradually decelerating itself. The outward frenzy fizzled out as Wednesday ended with the cessation of electioneering. We hope the frenzy will not simmer in the more violent of party members. What we earnestly hope for is a peaceful polling day, quiet when results come streaming in and peace to be absolute when the winner is announced.
Hence Cass decided to cast her jaundiced eye out across the oceans to comment on the week’s happenings. She is also weary of all the election meetings shown on television and strongly desires a change. She was faced with devastating floods in Poland; fires in Portugal, worse death causing retaliation by Israel in Lebanon. She chooses however to first dwell on the latest far out narrative concerning Trump.
Sniper attempt
On Monday 16 September, BBC News had the story breaking that Trump had been targeted the previous day by a lone gun-toting interloper in his Trump International Golf Club in West Palm Beach, Florida, near his 126-room palatial resort, Mar-a Lago. Trump was on the course golfing and a secret service agent spotted the barrel of a gun and shot at the bush it emerged from. The man escaped but was apprehended – name announced and fact he was an activist for Ukraine. No need to go into him and his explanation as those facts will be fully unraveled by the time you read this.
When the news broke on BBC News, Cassandra’s first thought in her doubting mind was that it was staged; considered in Trump’s or his advisors’ strategy as an effective weapon to discredit Harris and the Democrats and show Trump off as targeted but bravely continuing his run for presidency and campaigning, not giving up even his routines of golf. Any gimmick, however cheap or rotten, is possible with this man.
Trump spoke with Fox News Digital on Monday, the day after the attempted shooting, indirectly accusing the Democrats. He said the would-be assassin believed all that was said by his political rivals. “He believed the rhetoric of Biden and Harris, and he acted on it” was what 78-year-old Trump said. “Their rhetoric is causing me to be shot at, when I am the one who is going to save the country and they are the ones that are destroying the country – both from inside and out. They say I am anti-democratic; they have brought cases against me. And, I am the one who will save you.”
Opposed to all these exaggerations and bluster, both Biden and Harris expressed their shock and great relief that he was not harmed. They definitely sounded sincere. Not for them turmoil in the country with the election so close at hand and also so close in competitiveness. No one else but Trump will suspect it was a Party or, to be exact, Harris’ manoeuver to eliminate him and thus assure a Democratic presidency. Her success is sure even now, to admirers of Harris like Cassandra. Trump’s diatribe is so juvenile; like the ranting of a child who has been punched by a co-primary student: puerile like the man himself.
Sleaze
Sir W S Gilbert, English poet, dramatist and journalist said that “It’s Love that makes the world go round.” It is true since among very many other reasons, most literatures – English undoubtedly – revolves around the theme of love, whether it be poetry, prose or drama. History from before the time of Adam and Eve is dotted with love stories. Love did cause writing, painting, songs and drama. Now the world seems to be revolving around money and looming large among the revolving impetuses is sex and sleaze.
BBC News broadcast much on one of its longest serving, highest paid news anchors, Huw Edwards; who pleaded guilty in July this year that he was involved in receiving from December 2020 onwards pornography of the illicit kind with children featured in them–something definitely criminal. His supplier of indecent images was Alex William, a 25-year-old convicted paedophile who pleaded guilty to possessing and distributing prohibited images of children. He was sentenced to a suspended one year’s conviction.
What Edwards was charged with was “making indecent images of children”. Cass further read what ‘indecent’ means in this context. It is archaic legalese for depictions of abuse. The trial was conducted in a London Court and he was given a suspended six-month sentence. So, he need not go to jail but he will be on the Sex Offender Register for seven years; has to follow a 40-day Sex Offender Treatment Programme and 25 related sessions. His light sentence was because he admitted to being severely mentally troubled for a long time.
There were calls between the supplier of the horrible sleaze and Huw but a fee as such was not paid. Rather was £ 200 gifted by Edwards to Williams for a pair of Nike trainers and again around one thousand five hundred which paid for Williams’ entry to university.
This case is not written about by Cass merely because it is of a BBC high status employee who now is sent out of the Corporation and has to give back salaries paid to him while the case was going on. It is relevant to us in Sri Lanka since corruption is rampant in this fair isle and sleaze and sex crimes cannot be out of the picture.
That US rapper, Sean ‘Diddy’ Combs, is in trouble for his being mired in sex dirt. I quote: “Combs was arrested by federal agents in New York on 16 Sept, charged with alleged sex trafficking and racketeering conspiracy. He was caught off guard by federal authorities at the Park Hyatt Hotel in Manhattan.” Personally, Cass has never ever listened to this man’s singing, if you can call what he does for money, singing.
Most shocking and notorious was the Jeffrey Epstein case with his famous friends like Prince Edward, who was relieved of all royal duties which means his position in the inner Brit Royal Family is kaput now. Epstein offered underage girls to his customers known as friends. Listening to a video interview with Melinda Gates, Cass was shocked to hear that one reason she was forced to divorce Bill after 27 years of so successful a life together of immense social work for humanity, so to say, was his friendship with Epstein. It emerged she had been patient on many issues, even allowed with grace his demand to meet an ex-girlfriend once every month. But maybe the inevitable men’s seven-year itch or more likely mid-life crisis hit Bill Gates.
Epstein reportedly committed suicide by hanging himself while in prison and before his case was called. Many disbelieved the verdict of suicide. It was rumoured he was killed due to the names he could divulge. At a poll conducted soon after, 16% respondents believed he committed suicide, 45% believed he was murdered and 39% were unsure. Natural justice prevailed; his bad karma manifested itself in this life itself.
What about our country and our men? Lily white? Particularly those clad in pristine white kapati suits. Tell Cass another; don’t anger her beyond measure.
Why this second part of her Cry this Friday just prior to a pivotal point in the history of our land? One because she is tired of election talk. Two because of what she hears about political high-ups. Many should be in prison or rehabilitation camps or offender treatment programmes! Particularly relevant to know punishments are meted out in other countries with no impunity and subverting the rule of law. In Cass’ opinion SL is well in the sickness of sleaze and sleazy behaviour. Can a woman walk a crowded street or travel in a crowded bus without being harassed? With system change promised by most of the presidential candidates and sworn to by the Big Three, shivers may be running along spines of offenders. We may see a better, cleaner, less rotten bunch of bigwigs being chosen to govern us by the new President. He is just days away!
Features
International Day of Democracy posers for the South
September 15th marked International Day of Democracy and the aptness of reflecting on the future of democracy could not be stressed more at this juncture. The urgency of addressing this question is underscored by no less an incident of grave import than the recent second attempt, within just a few months, on the life of US presidential hopeful Donald Trump, besides other developments.
The apparent repeat attempt on the life of Trump by a lone gunman should ideally have the effect of alerting supporters of democracy the world over to the need to continually strengthen the values, processes and institutions that would ensure the continuance of this unique governance system. To begin with, globe-wide forces of democracy need to come together to unitedly voice a strong ‘No’ to the use of political violence within and outside democracies.
This is a matter that should not be treated as merely pertaining to the domestic politics of the US. If an attempt is being made to stymie democratic processes within the world’s ‘mightiest democracy’ through the use of murderous violence, the observer could not be faulted for taking the position that no state professing to be democratic could rest assured that it is free of the scourge of lurking, anti-systemic violence.
Since Sri Lanka will be conducting yet another presidential poll come September 21, it would need to take notable cognizance of the multiple dangers confronting democracy. As this is being written, reports have surfaced of a political killing and other forms of lawlessness in the country’s provinces, although the latter are of a sporadic nature currently. This ought to be a reminder that, although Sri Lanka is seen in some quarters as a successful democracy, it is a very fragile one. Democratic processes within it are in constant need of strengthening and consolidation.
Needless to say, Sri Lanka has been time and again witness to ‘nation-breaking’ violence. The 30-year, humanly highly costly ‘anti-LTTE’ war was one of these manifestations of runaway violence that could have torn the country apart. Yet, the totality of causes that led to the war remains apparently unrecognized by governments and sections of the public, rendering Sri Lanka’s democracy several-fold more fragile.
If Lankan governments are seeking a durable answer to ‘nation-breaking’ violence, there are specific democratic measures that could be taken by them to effectively manage such disruptions. One of these is substantive power devolution to the country’s North-East. Despite Sri Lanka arriving at what is considered a landmark presidential poll, this need is yet to be addressed notably.
The security forces’ military victory over the LTTE in 2009 has bred a sense of complacency among Sri Lanka’s power and social elites, which fosters the belief that the country is free of separatist violence forever, but this could prove a dangerous illusion in the absence of a durable political solution to the ethnic conflict. This state of mind is fraught with risks, considering that the roots of the conflict are remaining unaddressed.
In the case of the second attempt on Trump’s life, the world is confronted with a disquieting irony. This is on account of the fact that no less a political actor than Trump himself encouraged anarchic tendencies within the US by initially turning a blind eye on them and by even inciting his supporters to seize control of the Capitol Building on January 6, 2021, subsequent to his defeat at the hands of Joe Biden at the last presidential election. For example, he is on record as telling the US public that the ‘election had been stolen from him.’
This amounts to a gross subversion of the democratic process and to date Trump evinces no signs of his deeply regretting his supporters’ anarchic violence, although he went back on some of his initial pronouncements. Thus has democracy been undermined by a US President himself.
Besides making the democratic system of governance a laughing stock of authoritarian states, such as Russia and China, Trump has given anti-democratic forces the world over a huge fillip by failing to unreservedly accept the result of the last US presidential poll, which was seen by the relevant authorities as free of blemish.
However, the damage to democracy stemming from Trump’s incitement of anarchic violence, could be considered as already having been done in the case of the weaker democracies of the South. The admirers of Trump are far and wide and there is no doubt that they would be already seeing the violent overthrow of a democratically-constituted state as legitimate.
The appeal of populist and authoritarian political personalities, such as Donald Trump, within Southern polities should be considered quite extensive in view of the fact that the majority of the latter states are prone to personalism; that is, the irrational glorification of political leaders by the masses.
This could be seen as a Fatal Cleopatra of democratically-deficient Southern states. To the extent to which they uncritically acclaim populist political leaders in particular, to the same extent do they weaken their democratic institutions and associated value systems. The answer to this is the growth of a vibrant democratic culture which is a long-gestation project that needs to be nourished over decades.
The induction of technocratic elites into governance is not necessarily the solution to this deep-seated problem in the South. These elites could help in the economic growth process to a degree, but the fostering of democratic cultures could be made possible by only those visionary leaders who place at the heart of their development schemes social and economic equity in the truest sense. Thus far, with the exception of Mahatma Gandhi of India, it is difficult to identify any Southern leader in post-independence times who could be considered as having been a catalyst in substantive democratic development; which is essentially all about combining growth with equity.
Hopefully, these Southern polities would think deeply on these matters, going forward. A broad-based, deeply humanistic and secular education could be considered as essential to the building of Gandhi-type visionary leaders with broad sympathies. This undertaking could no longer be postponed by Southern states desirous of fostering democratic governance.
The issue is; could Sri Lanka be considered as equal to this challenge? Unfortunately, the answer at the moment is ‘No’. None of its ‘leaders’ vying for the presidency, for instance, has conceived of development for their country in strictly the above terms. We need to begin with humanity or ‘Reverence for Life’ and there don’t seem to be takers for this among Sri Lanka’s ‘leaders’.
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