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JULY 1983: TAMILS DO NOT BLAME SINHALESE PEOPLE

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Mobs on the rampage. 1983 anti-Tamil violence in Colombo.

By Jayantha Somasundaram

(This articlecontinued from yesterday (25) is based on reporting by the international media on the events in Sri Lanka forty years ago.)

“For day after day Tamils were beaten, hacked or burned to death in the streets, on buses, on trains – sometimes in the sight of horrified foreign tourists. Their homes and shops were burned and looted. Yet the security forces seemed either unwilling or unable to stop it – indeed, in Jaffna and Trincomalee, some members of the armed forces themselves joined in the fray, claiming an admitted 51 lives. And not until the fifth day, did President Jayewardene finally appear on television. In that address he did not utter a single word of sympathy for the victims of the violence and destruction.” (Paul Sieghart Sri Lanka: A Mounting Tragedy of Errors International Commission of Jurists 3/1/84)

“Mr Athulathmudali, who was later to be appointed Minister of Security on the same television programme, nearly wept with ponderous histrionics over a sight he had never dreamed he would see – lines of Sinhalese people waiting to buy food as a result of the riots! He had not a word to say in sympathy for the frightened Tamils crowded in indescribable conditions in refugee camps. In the first days after the holocaust neither the President nor the Cabinet, nor even a single prominent Sinhalese politician visited them,” wrote Harvard Professor S. J. Thambiah, in Ethnic Fratricide and the Dismantling of Democracy.

The British Guardian said that “The President has decided that his immediate task is to placate the majority Sinhalese mobs which are still rioting, burning, looting and murdering at the expense of the Tamil minority. He has· effectively outlawed the only serious Tamil party (TULF). Instead of throwing a protective Gandhian arm around the minority population, the President has thus at a stroke disfranchised the great mass of them and turned them into a race of untermenschen or institutionalised second class citizens. The danger is that the President’s decision may be seen both by the Sinhalese mobs and the Tamil masses as a virtual endorsement of the blood bath.”

“When presented with evidence that the Army or the Police have committed atrocities against defenceless Tamils, the Government has reacted with a shrug of the shoulders,” wrote Francis Wheen in the London Times (30.7.83). “Police misconduct has actually been rewarded. In two separate cases the Supreme Court found that police officers had acted illegally; in both cases the officers concerned were promoted.”

“On the first day of violence in Colombo,” wrote T.R. Lansner in the London Observer (14.8.83) “when thousands of Tamil businesses and residences were gutted, police had orders not to intervene, it is claimed. Certainly hundreds of armed Police deployed through the city could be seen standing idly by as mobs broke vehicles and looted homes and businesses. Even when Tamils were set upon and beaten and burned to death, police armed with automatic weapons did nothing.”

Conspiracy Theory

Having watched silently for almost a week as anti-Tamil violence engulfed Sri Lanka, Indian Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi finally telephoned Jayewardene on 28 July and expressed concern about the situation in Sri Lanka and the fate of its Tamil population. She also informed him that she was sending her External Affairs Minister Narasimha Rao on the following day to Colombo. “The Indian Foreign Minister, P.V. Narasimha Rao, met with President J.R. Jayewardene today to discuss the situation.” (New York Times 30/7/83)

Given international media reporting and diplomatic concern, the Jayewardene-Premadasa Regime now found it necessary to change its position and distance themselves from the perpetrators of violence. Government spokesmen thereafter laid claim to an anti-Government plot, a Communist Conspiracy and foreign involvement, to explain the unchecked anti-Tamil violence of the previous week. To substantiate this they proscribed the Communist Party, the Nava Sama Samaja Party and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP). “The Colombo Sun called for the closing of all Soviet bloc embassies, specifically those of the Soviet Union and East Germany.” (New York Times 2/8/83)

But in a letter to the President, TULF leader Amirthalingam said: The Tamil people do not believe that Left parties had any hand in the attack on them. They regard this as an attempt to win the sympathy and support of the Western powers. The attack on the Tamil people was executed by the same forces that attacked the strikers in July 1980, attacked Professor (Ediriweera) Sarachchandra and demonstrated outside the houses of Judges (in June).”

“Initially Mr. Jayewardene hinted publicly at an Indian-Soviet Conspiracy and rumours spread that he had asked Western powers for help,” wrote John Elliot in the Financial Times. “Then he said he had no ‘direct evidence’ of a foreign power’s involvement but he was sure that army officers loyal to the JVP planned civil disturbances. Recently in an interview in Colombo he told me that the trouble was caused by the JVP together with people in his own party who are violently anti-separatist.

“Cyril Matthew, a member of the rigidly Buddhist Jaggery caste and boss of the UNP’s trade union is widely suspected in Colombo of having a guiding influence over the riots.”

John Elliot continued: Many foreign and local observers regard the claims of Mr. Jayewardene and his fellow Ministers as an attempt to cover up the fact that a few leading members of his own Government may have played a role in the plot which was partly aimed at striking a death blow at Tamil activists and at removing Tamils from their positions.

Mrs B: Govt. looking for Scapegoats

In an interview with Asiaweek (12.8.83) former Prime Minister Mrs. Bandaranaike dismissed the ‘conspiracy theory’. “It is definitely racial,” she said. “Anyone who says the violence was anything else but racial is living in a fool’s paradise. This government since it came to power in 1977 has been trying to encourage lawlessness. The UNP (United National Party) and its members have been on the wrong side of the law all the time. Now they are telling lies – that this is a plot to overthrow the government. They are only interested in looking for scapegoats.”

“There is a wealth of theory and a remarkable shortage of fact,” comments the International Commission of Jurists, “(State Minister Ananda Tissa de Alwis saw in the master plan ‘the minds of certain foreign elements’. He had previously said much the same about the 1981 outbreak. In a press interview in December 1983, he identified those foreign elements as the KGB. In parallel press interviews his colleague Cyril Matthew saw ‘the dirty hand of India’. For simpler-minded Tamils the answer is only too obvious: the entire blame falls on the Government but interestingly and encouragingly they do not blame the Sinhalese people as such, nor have they attempted any reprisals against them. What I find most extraordinary is that to this day there has been no attempt to find out the truth through an official, public and impartial enquiry when the situation in the country cries out for nothing less.”

“Virtually every Tamil I met was of the opinion that the violence against them was organised by the Government,” reported Princeton University Professor Gananath Obeysekera in Political Violence and the Future of Democracy.

“Both the Tamils hurt by these events and even Sinhalese people, as well as the foreign press, openly stated that the government either condoned the attack or it was done by factions within the government. As a response the government came out with its own theory of an international and local Communist conspiracy,” continues Professor Obeysekera. “According to this anti- Government plot scenario the Muslims and Christians were to be massacred next. All three of the proscribed parties were sympathetic with Tamil language aspirations. Similarly it is difficult to believe that a government so promptly informed of (Vijaya Kumaranatunga’s) ’Naxalite’ plot by the CID a day after the presidential elections were ignorant of a more serious plot by Marxist groups to create race riots. In other words, the government was forewarned of a plot that did not occur but not warned of one that did! If the race riots were caused by Marxists why did the government imply that it was a popular uprising by the Sinhalese and why in heavens name did no one offer sympathy for the dispossessed?”

The Jayewardene Regime now carried the pogrom to its logical conclusion. First, they made it clear that the remaining Tamil population were hostage against any external intervention to protect them. J.R. Jayewardene told India Today “The worst that India can do is to invade us. If they invade us that is the end of the Tamils in this country.”

Fourteen Hours: Fourteen Minutes

In The Break-Up of Sri Lanka, A.J. Wilson Founding Professor of Political Science at the University of Ceylon quotes Minister Gamini Dissanayake as telling a meeting at (UNP HQ) Sri Kotha on 5th September: “They are bringing an army from India. It will take 14 hours to come from India. In 14 minutes, the blood of every Tamil in the country can be sacrificed to the soil by us.”

The Regime proceeded with the Sixth Amendment to the Constitution which removed the TULF from parliament. Tamil MPs supporting the UNP Regime took the required oath and retained their seats. But none of them: S. Thondaman, Bill Devanayagam and C. Rajadurai, were re-elected to Parliament at the next General Election. Thondaman did return to Parliament, but on the National list.

Second, the pogrom was used to economically marginalise the Tamils. Ananda Tissa de Alwis explained that the ownership of Tamil businesses would be restructured to deny them a majority shareholding. And trade itself would be reorganised. “The Trade Minister has already reorganised rice wholesaling to break the Tamil grip. It is no longer in my interests to allow one community to dominate, insists Lalith Athulathmudali,” in the Irish Times (24.8.83). ‘The Tamils have dominated the commanding heights of everything good in Sri Lanka,’ explained Finance Minister Ronnie de Mel, “the only solution is to restore the rights of the Sinhala majority.’ “

“Today, after nearly a week of killing and burning Sri Lanka’s aura of stability and progress has evaporated. Hundreds of businesses and factories lie in ashes, and economic development, the Government says, has been set back three years, five years, even more. Tamils were dragged from their homes, set fire, stabbed, hacked with axes and run over. The true extent of the killings remains unknown, because many are still missing. Thousands of Tamils fled to refugee camps … Tamil homes were burned down, and Tamil-owned businesses in Colombo were gutted. Seventeen major factories wholly or partly owned by Tamils were turned into ash, including two that employed thousands of people each. Three plants that produced textiles for export were destroyed. Damage estimates are uncertain and incomplete, but the total economic loss has been placed at $300 million or more, and 150,000 people are said to have been rendered jobless. About 10,000 foreign tourists were here when the trouble started. All but about 1,500 have left. ‘If the Tigers take one more Sinhalese life in the north,” T. D. S. A. ‘Jungle’ Dissanayake, a Government official, said, ”I hate to think of the consequences.” (New York Times 4/8/83)

The final toll may never be known but during that week when homes, shops farms, cinemas, factories and vehicles belonging to Tamils were destroyed 140,000 of them fled to refugee camps. Government estimates were that 100 factories and 2,497 shops were destroyed and so large was the collection of burned out vehicles that they had to be carried out to sea for disposal.

Nazism

“Not only may foreign investors now be frightened away, but the island’s once-prosperous Tamils may no longer be counted as a mainstay of Sri Lanka’s economy…. An estimated 100,000 were left homeless. Government miscalculation and inaction have contributed to the violence,” explained The Christian Science Monitor. “So has a breakdown in discipline among the almost exclusively Sinhalese Army and police… Bewildering to even some of Mr. Jayewardene’s aides, is that the President has not made a conciliatory public statement to the Tamils; has offered no compensation; and done nothing to appease. Rightly or wrongly, this is being interpreted as a colossal show of weakness, indifference or isolation, by both Tamils and educated Sinhalese. Rather, he has permitted his Cabinet members to flail on the ”involvement of foreign powers,” a well-coordinated ”foreign plot.” When such statements were received with annoyance and some derision by Colombo’s elite, the President himself spoke only of a Sri Lankan ‘leftist plot.’”

“Half of the 4,100 Tamil shops in this once-gracious capital have been burnt to the ground. Seventeen major Tamil owned textile factories have been gutted in Colombo alone… The export-oriented tea industry in the lush hills has, according to the finance minister, nearly disappeared. For it was Sri Lanka’s Tamils who were the entrepreneurial class. In the greater Colombo area, though they represent only 9 percent of the population, one-third of the capital’s businesses and investments were in Tamil hands.” (Mary Anne Weaver The Christian Science Monitor Boston, Mass. 8 Aug 1983)

“In 2004, President Chandrika Kumaratunga gave a public apology to Tamils for Black July, likening it to Nazism. She appointed a commission, which concluded that nearly 1,000 people died and 700,000 were exiled. And she acknowledged there might be many more unreported incidents. … Despite Mrs Kumaratunga’s gestures, no one has been held accountable for the July killings.” (BBC 23 July 2013)



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Opinion

Ranwala crash: Govt. lays bare its true face

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The NPP government is apparently sinking into a pit dug by the one of its members, ‘Dr’ Asoka Ranwala; perhaps a golden pit (Ran Wala) staying true to his name! Some may accuse me of being unpatriotic by criticising a government facing the uphill task of rebuilding the country after an unprecedented catastrophe. Whilst respecting their sentiment, I cannot help but point out that it is the totally unwarranted actions of the government that is earning much warranted criticism, as well stated in the editorial “Smell of Power” (The Island, 15 December). Cartoonist Jeffrey, in his brilliance, has gone a step further by depicting Asoka Ranwala as a giant tsunami wave rushing to engulf the tiny NPP house in the shore, AKD is trying to protect. (The Island, 18 December).

The fact that Asoka Ranwala is very important to the JVP, for whatever reason, became evident when he was elected the Speaker of Parliament despite his lack of any parliamentary experience. When questions were raised about his doctorate in Parliament, Ranwala fiercely defended his position, ably supported by fellow MPs. When the Opposition kept on piling pressure, producing evidence to the contrary, Ranwala stepped aside, claiming that he had misplaced the certificate but would stage a comeback, once found. A year has passed and he is yet to procure a copy of the certificate, or even a confirmatory letter from the Japanese university!

The fact that AKD did not ask Ranwala to give up his parliamentary seat, a decision he may well be regretting now following recent events, shows that either AKD is not a strong leader who can be trusted to translate his words to action or that Ranwala is too important to be got rid of. In fact, AKD should have put his foot down, as it was revealed that Ranwala was a hypocrite, even if not a liar. Ranwala led the campaign to dismantle the private medical school set up by Dr Neville Fernando, which was earning foreign exchange for the country by recruiting foreign students, in addition to saving the outflow of funds for educating Sri Lankan medical graduates abroad. He headed the organisation of parents of state medical students, claiming that they would be adversely affected, and some of the photographs of the protests he led refer to him as Professor Ranwala! Whilst leading the battle against private medical education, Ranwala claims to have obtained his PhD from a private university in Japan. Is this not the height of hypocrisy?

The recent road traffic accident he was involved in would have been inconsequential had Ranwala been decent enough to leave his parliamentary seat or, at least, being humble enough to offer an apology for his exaggerated academic qualifications. After all, he is not the only person to have been caught in the act of embellishing a CV. As far as the road traffic accident is concerned, too, it may not be his entire responsibility. Considering the chaotic traffic, in and around Colombo, coupled with awful driving standards dictated by lack of patience and consideration, it is a surprise that more accidents do not happen in Sri Lanka. Following the accident, may be to exonerate from the first count, a campaign was launched by NPP supporters stating that a man should be judged on his achievements, not qualifications, further implying that he does not have the certificate because he got it in a different name!

What went wrong was not the accident, but the way it was handled. Onlookers claim that Ranwala was smelling of alcohol but there is no proof yet. He could have admitted it even if he had taken any alcohol, which many do and continue to drive in Sri Lanka. After all, the Secretary to the Ministry overseeing the Police was able to get the charge dropped after causing multiple accidents while driving under the influence of liquor! He, with another former police officer, sensing the way the wind was blowing formed a retired police collective to support the NPP and were adequately rewarded by being given top jobs, despite a cloud hanging over them of neglect of duty during the Easter Sunday attacks. This naïve political act brought the integrity of the police into question. The way the police behaved after Ranwala’s accident confirmed the fears in the minds of right-thinking Sri Lankans.

In the euphoria of the success of a party promising a new dawn, unfortunately, many political commentators kept silent but it is becoming pretty obvious that most are awaking to the reality of a false dawn. It could not have come at a worse time for the NPP: in spite of the initial failures to act on the warnings regarding the devastating effects of Ditwah, the government was making good progress in sorting problems out, when Ranwala met with an accident.

The excuses given by the police for not doing a breathalyser test, or blood alcohol levels, promptly, are simply pathetic. Half-life of alcohol is around 4-5 hours and unless Ranwala was dead drunk, it is extremely unlikely any significant amounts of alcohol would be detected in a blood sample taken after 24 hours. Maybe the knowledge of this that made government Spokesmen to claim boldly that proper action would be taken irrespective of the position held. Now that the Government Analyst has not found any alcohol in the blood, no action is needed! Instead, the government seems to have got the IGP to investigate the police. Would any police officers suffer for doing a favour to the government? That is the million-dollar question!

Unfortunately, all this woke up a sleeping giant; a problem that the government hoped would be solved by the passage of time. If the government is hoping that the dishonesty of one of its prominent members would be forgotten with the passage of time, it will be in for a rude shock. When questioned by journalists repeated, the Cabinet spokesman had to say action would be taken if the claim of the doctorate was false. However, he added that the party has not decided what that action would be! What about the promise to rid Parliament of crooks?

It is now clear that the NPP government is not any different from the predecessors and that Sri Lankan voters are forced to contend with yet another false dawn!

by Dr Upul Wijayawardhana ✍️

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Ceylon pot tea: redefining value, sustainability and future of global tea

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The international tea industry is experiencing one of the most difficult periods in its history. Producers worldwide are caught in a paradox: tea must be made “cheaper than water” to stay competitive, yet this very race to the bottom erodes profitability, weakens supply chains, and drives away the most talented professionals whose expertise is essential for innovation. At the heart of this crisis lies the structure of commodity tea pricing. Although the auction system has served the world for over a century, it has clear limitations. It rewards volume rather than innovation, penalises differentiation, and leaves little room for value-added product development.

Sri Lanka, one of the world’s finest tea origins, feels this pressure more intensely than most. The industry’s traditional reliance on auctions prevents it from accessing the full premium that its authentic climate, terroir, and craftsmanship deserve. The solution is not to dismantle auctions—because they maintain transparency and global trust—but to evolve beyond them. For tea to thrive again, Ceylon Tea must enter the product market, where brand value, wellness benefits, and consumer experience define price—not weight.

Sri Lanka’s Unique Comparative Advantage

Sri Lanka possesses both competitive and comparative advantage unmatched by any other tea-producing nation. One of the least-discussed scientific advantages is its low gravitational pull, enabling the tea plant to circulate nutrients differently and produce a uniquely delicate, flavour-rich leaf. This natural phenomenon, combined with diverse microclimates, gives Sri Lankan tea extraordinary antioxidant density, rich polyphenols, and a full sensory profile representative of the land and its people.

However, this advantage is undermined by weaknesses in basic agronomy. Most estates do not use soil augers, and soil sampling is often inconsistent or unscientific. This leads to overuse of artificial fertilizer, underinvestment in regenerative practices, and weak soil organic matter (SOM). Without scientific soil management, even a world-class tea origin can lose its competitive edge. Encouragingly, discussions are already underway with the Assistant Indian High Commissioner in Kandy to explore sourcing 3,000 scientifically engineered soil augers for Sri Lanka’s perennial agriculture sector—a transformative step toward soil intelligence and sustainable input management.

Improving SOM, moderating fertilizer misuse, and systematically diagnosing soil nutrient deficiencies represent true sustainability—not cosmetic commitments. Plantation agriculture, which supports over one million Sri Lankan livelihoods, depends on this shift.

The Real Economic Challenge: Price per Kilogram

The most urgent sustainability problem is not climate change or labour cost—it is the low price per kilogram Sri Lanka receives for its tea. Nearly 20% of the tea leaf becomes “refuse tea”, a stigmatized fraction that still contains antioxidants and valuable nutrients but fetches a low price at auctions. The system inherently undervalues almost a fifth of the raw material.

A rational solution is to market the entire tea leaf without discrimination, transforming every component—tender leaf, mature leaf, fiber, and fines—into a premium product with a minimum retail value of USD 15 per kilogram. Achieving this requires product innovation, not further cost reduction.

Ceylon Pot Tea: A Transformative Opportunity

Ceylon Pot Tea emerges as a comprehensive solution capable of addressing long-standing structural issues in Sri Lanka’s tea industry. Unlike traditional tea grades, Pot Tea compresses the entire fired dhool into a high-value cube, similar to the global success of soup cubes. Every part of the leaf is represented, unlocking maximum biochemical utilisation and offering consumers a fuller taste profile with richer aroma, deeper colour, and higher antioxidant content.

Pot Tea is perfectly aligned with the health and wellness market, one of the fastest-growing global consumer segments. As an Herbal Medicinal Beverage (HMB), it captures the complete phytonutritional matrix of the tea leaf, including polyphenols, catechins, and climate-influenced compounds unique to Ceylon. The product also offers storytelling power: every cube reflects the terroir, the gentle fingers that plucked the leaf, and the mystical nature of tea grown in a land with unusually low gravitational intensity.

Already, international partners—particularly in Russia—and domestic innovators have expressed enthusiasm. Pot Tea aligns closely with the policy direction set by the Hon. Samantha Vidyarathne and the NPP Government, especially the national goal of achieving 400 million Kgs of national annual production per year by unlocking new value chains and premium product categories.

Why Immediate Government Intervention Is Necessary

For Sri Lanka to fully benefit from Ceylon Pot Tea and other modernized value chains, the government must urgently introduce:

1. Minimum Yield Benchmarks per hectare (3-year targets) for all perennial crops, informed by scientific investment appraisals.

2. A classification shift from “plantations” to land-based investment enterprises, recognising the capital-intensive, long-term nature of tea cultivation.

3. Incentives for soil testing, soil auger adoption, and SOM improvement programs.

4. Support for value-added tea manufacturing and export diversification.

These steps would create an enabling environment for Pot Tea to scale rapidly and position Sri Lanka as the world’s leading innovator in tea-based wellness products.

Way Forward: Positioning Ceylon Pot Tea for Global Leadership

The path ahead requires a coordinated national and industry-level effort. Sri Lanka must shift from simply producing tea to designing tea experiences. Ceylon Pot Tea can lead this transformation if:

1. Branding and Certification Are Strengthened

CCT (Ceylon Certified Tea) standards must be universally adopted to guarantee purity, origin authenticity, and ethical production practices.

2. Research, Soil Science & Agronomy Are Modernized

With scientific soil audits, optimized fertigation, and regenerative agriculture, Sri Lanka can unlock higher yields and stronger biochemical profiles in its leaf.

3. A Global Wellness Narrative Is Created

Position Pot Tea as a nutritional, therapeutic, anti-aging, and calming beverage suited for the modern lifestyle.

4. Export Market Activation Begins Immediately

Pilot shipments, influencer partnerships, and cross-border digital campaigns should begin with Russia, the Middle East, Japan, and premium EU markets.

5. Producers Are Incentivised to Convert Dhools to Cubes

This ensures minimal waste, improved margins, and equitable value distribution across the supply chain.

Conclusion: A New Dawn for Ceylon Tea

Ceylon Pot Tea offers Sri Lanka a rare chance to pivot from a commodity-driven past to a premium, wellness-oriented, high-margin future. It aligns economic sustainability with environmental responsibility. It empowers estate communities with modern agronomy. And most importantly, it transforms every gram of the tea leaf into value—finally rewarding the land, the planter, and the plucker.

If implemented with vision and urgency, Ceylon Pot Tea will not only revitalise an industry under immense pressure but also secure Sri Lanka’s place as the world’s most innovative and scientifically grounded tea nation.

By. Dammike Kobbekaduwe

(www.vivonta.lk & www.planters.lk) ✍️

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Opinion

Lakshman Balasuriya – simply a top-class human being

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It is with deep sorrow that I share the passing of one of my dearests and most trusted friends of many years, Lakshman Balasuriya. He left us on Sunday morning, and with him went a part of my own life. The emptiness he leaves behind is immense, and I struggle to find words that can carry its weight.

Lakshman was not simply a friend. He was a brother to me. We shared a bond built on mutual respect, quiet understanding, and unwavering trust. These things are rare in life, and for that reason they are precious beyond measure. I try to remind myself that I was privileged to spend the final hours of his life with him, but even that thought cannot soften the ache of his sudden and significant absence.

Not too long ago, our families were on holiday together. Lakshman and Janine returned to Sri Lanka early. The rest of the holiday felt a bit empty without Lakshman’s daily presence. I cannot fathom how different life itself will be from now on.

He was gentle and a giant in every sense of the word. A deeply civilized man, refined in taste, gracious in manner, and extraordinarily humble. His humility was second to none, and yet it was never a weakness. It was strength, expressed through kindness, warmth, and dignity. He carried himself with quiet class and had a way of making everyone around him feel at ease.

Lakshman had a very dry, almost deadpan, sense of humor. It was the kind of humor that would catch you off guard, delivered with too straight a face to be certain he was joking, but it could lighten the darkest of conversations. He had a disdain for negativity of any kind. He preferred to look forward, to see possibilities rather than obstacles.

He was exceptionally meticulous and had a particular gift for identifying talent. Once he hired someone, he made sure they were cared for in unimaginable ways. He provided every resource needed for success, and then, with complete trust, granted them independence and autonomy. His staff were not simply employees to him. They were family. He took immense pride in them, and his forward-thinking optimism created an environment of extraordinary positivity and a passion to deliver results and do the right thing.

Lakshman was also a proud family man. He spoke often, and with great pride, about his children, grandchildren, nephews, and nieces. His joy in their achievements was boundless. He was a proud father, grandfather, and uncle, and his devotion to his family reflected the same loyalty he extended to his colleagues and friends.

Whether it was family, staff, or anyone he deemed deserving, Lakshman stood by them unconditionally in times of crisis. He would not let go until victory was secured. That was his way. He was a uniquely kind soul through and through.

Our bond was close. Whenever I arrived in Sri Lanka, it became an unspoken ritual that we would meet at least twice. The first would be on the day of my arrival, and then again on the day I left. It was our custom, and one I cherished deeply. We met regularly, and we spoke almost daily. He was simply a top-class human being. We were friends. We were brothers. His passing has devastated me.

Today I understood fully the true meaning of the phrase ‘priyehi vippaogo dukkho’ — (ප්‍රියෙහි විප්පයෝගෝ දුක්ඛෝපෝ) ‘separation from those who are beloved is sorrowful.’

My thoughts and prayers are with Janine, Amanthi, and Keshav during this time of profound loss. Lakshman leaves behind indelible memories, as well as a legacy of decency, loyalty, and quiet strength. All of us who were fortunate to know him will hold that legacy close to our hearts.

If Lakshman’s life could leave us with just one lesson, that lesson would be this. True greatness is not measured in titles or possessions, but in the way one treats others: with humility, with loyalty, with kindness that does not falter in times of crisis. Lakshman showed us that to stand by someone, to believe in them, and to lift them up when they falter, is the highest of callings, and it was a calling he never failed to honour.

Rest well, my dear friend.

Krishantha Prasad Cooray

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