Opinion
JULY 1983: TAMILS DO NOT BLAME SINHALESE PEOPLE

By Jayantha Somasundaram
(This articlecontinued from yesterday (25) is based on reporting by the international media on the events in Sri Lanka forty years ago.)
“For day after day Tamils were beaten, hacked or burned to death in the streets, on buses, on trains – sometimes in the sight of horrified foreign tourists. Their homes and shops were burned and looted. Yet the security forces seemed either unwilling or unable to stop it – indeed, in Jaffna and Trincomalee, some members of the armed forces themselves joined in the fray, claiming an admitted 51 lives. And not until the fifth day, did President Jayewardene finally appear on television. In that address he did not utter a single word of sympathy for the victims of the violence and destruction.” (Paul Sieghart Sri Lanka: A Mounting Tragedy of Errors International Commission of Jurists 3/1/84)
“Mr Athulathmudali, who was later to be appointed Minister of Security on the same television programme, nearly wept with ponderous histrionics over a sight he had never dreamed he would see – lines of Sinhalese people waiting to buy food as a result of the riots! He had not a word to say in sympathy for the frightened Tamils crowded in indescribable conditions in refugee camps. In the first days after the holocaust neither the President nor the Cabinet, nor even a single prominent Sinhalese politician visited them,” wrote Harvard Professor S. J. Thambiah, in Ethnic Fratricide and the Dismantling of Democracy.
The British Guardian said that “The President has decided that his immediate task is to placate the majority Sinhalese mobs which are still rioting, burning, looting and murdering at the expense of the Tamil minority. He has· effectively outlawed the only serious Tamil party (TULF). Instead of throwing a protective Gandhian arm around the minority population, the President has thus at a stroke disfranchised the great mass of them and turned them into a race of untermenschen or institutionalised second class citizens. The danger is that the President’s decision may be seen both by the Sinhalese mobs and the Tamil masses as a virtual endorsement of the blood bath.”
“When presented with evidence that the Army or the Police have committed atrocities against defenceless Tamils, the Government has reacted with a shrug of the shoulders,” wrote Francis Wheen in the London Times (30.7.83). “Police misconduct has actually been rewarded. In two separate cases the Supreme Court found that police officers had acted illegally; in both cases the officers concerned were promoted.”
“On the first day of violence in Colombo,” wrote T.R. Lansner in the London Observer (14.8.83) “when thousands of Tamil businesses and residences were gutted, police had orders not to intervene, it is claimed. Certainly hundreds of armed Police deployed through the city could be seen standing idly by as mobs broke vehicles and looted homes and businesses. Even when Tamils were set upon and beaten and burned to death, police armed with automatic weapons did nothing.”
Conspiracy Theory
Having watched silently for almost a week as anti-Tamil violence engulfed Sri Lanka, Indian Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi finally telephoned Jayewardene on 28 July and expressed concern about the situation in Sri Lanka and the fate of its Tamil population. She also informed him that she was sending her External Affairs Minister Narasimha Rao on the following day to Colombo. “The Indian Foreign Minister, P.V. Narasimha Rao, met with President J.R. Jayewardene today to discuss the situation.” (New York Times 30/7/83)
Given international media reporting and diplomatic concern, the Jayewardene-Premadasa Regime now found it necessary to change its position and distance themselves from the perpetrators of violence. Government spokesmen thereafter laid claim to an anti-Government plot, a Communist Conspiracy and foreign involvement, to explain the unchecked anti-Tamil violence of the previous week. To substantiate this they proscribed the Communist Party, the Nava Sama Samaja Party and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP). “The Colombo Sun called for the closing of all Soviet bloc embassies, specifically those of the Soviet Union and East Germany.” (New York Times 2/8/83)
But in a letter to the President, TULF leader Amirthalingam said: The Tamil people do not believe that Left parties had any hand in the attack on them. They regard this as an attempt to win the sympathy and support of the Western powers. The attack on the Tamil people was executed by the same forces that attacked the strikers in July 1980, attacked Professor (Ediriweera) Sarachchandra and demonstrated outside the houses of Judges (in June).”
“Initially Mr. Jayewardene hinted publicly at an Indian-Soviet Conspiracy and rumours spread that he had asked Western powers for help,” wrote John Elliot in the Financial Times. “Then he said he had no ‘direct evidence’ of a foreign power’s involvement but he was sure that army officers loyal to the JVP planned civil disturbances. Recently in an interview in Colombo he told me that the trouble was caused by the JVP together with people in his own party who are violently anti-separatist.
“Cyril Matthew, a member of the rigidly Buddhist Jaggery caste and boss of the UNP’s trade union is widely suspected in Colombo of having a guiding influence over the riots.”
John Elliot continued: Many foreign and local observers regard the claims of Mr. Jayewardene and his fellow Ministers as an attempt to cover up the fact that a few leading members of his own Government may have played a role in the plot which was partly aimed at striking a death blow at Tamil activists and at removing Tamils from their positions.
Mrs B: Govt. looking for Scapegoats
In an interview with Asiaweek (12.8.83) former Prime Minister Mrs. Bandaranaike dismissed the ‘conspiracy theory’. “It is definitely racial,” she said. “Anyone who says the violence was anything else but racial is living in a fool’s paradise. This government since it came to power in 1977 has been trying to encourage lawlessness. The UNP (United National Party) and its members have been on the wrong side of the law all the time. Now they are telling lies – that this is a plot to overthrow the government. They are only interested in looking for scapegoats.”
“There is a wealth of theory and a remarkable shortage of fact,” comments the International Commission of Jurists, “(State Minister Ananda Tissa de Alwis saw in the master plan ‘the minds of certain foreign elements’. He had previously said much the same about the 1981 outbreak. In a press interview in December 1983, he identified those foreign elements as the KGB. In parallel press interviews his colleague Cyril Matthew saw ‘the dirty hand of India’. For simpler-minded Tamils the answer is only too obvious: the entire blame falls on the Government but interestingly and encouragingly they do not blame the Sinhalese people as such, nor have they attempted any reprisals against them. What I find most extraordinary is that to this day there has been no attempt to find out the truth through an official, public and impartial enquiry when the situation in the country cries out for nothing less.”
“Virtually every Tamil I met was of the opinion that the violence against them was organised by the Government,” reported Princeton University Professor Gananath Obeysekera in Political Violence and the Future of Democracy.
“Both the Tamils hurt by these events and even Sinhalese people, as well as the foreign press, openly stated that the government either condoned the attack or it was done by factions within the government. As a response the government came out with its own theory of an international and local Communist conspiracy,” continues Professor Obeysekera. “According to this anti- Government plot scenario the Muslims and Christians were to be massacred next. All three of the proscribed parties were sympathetic with Tamil language aspirations. Similarly it is difficult to believe that a government so promptly informed of (Vijaya Kumaranatunga’s) ’Naxalite’ plot by the CID a day after the presidential elections were ignorant of a more serious plot by Marxist groups to create race riots. In other words, the government was forewarned of a plot that did not occur but not warned of one that did! If the race riots were caused by Marxists why did the government imply that it was a popular uprising by the Sinhalese and why in heavens name did no one offer sympathy for the dispossessed?”
The Jayewardene Regime now carried the pogrom to its logical conclusion. First, they made it clear that the remaining Tamil population were hostage against any external intervention to protect them. J.R. Jayewardene told India Today “The worst that India can do is to invade us. If they invade us that is the end of the Tamils in this country.”
Fourteen Hours: Fourteen Minutes
In The Break-Up of Sri Lanka, A.J. Wilson Founding Professor of Political Science at the University of Ceylon quotes Minister Gamini Dissanayake as telling a meeting at (UNP HQ) Sri Kotha on 5th September: “They are bringing an army from India. It will take 14 hours to come from India. In 14 minutes, the blood of every Tamil in the country can be sacrificed to the soil by us.”
The Regime proceeded with the Sixth Amendment to the Constitution which removed the TULF from parliament. Tamil MPs supporting the UNP Regime took the required oath and retained their seats. But none of them: S. Thondaman, Bill Devanayagam and C. Rajadurai, were re-elected to Parliament at the next General Election. Thondaman did return to Parliament, but on the National list.
Second, the pogrom was used to economically marginalise the Tamils. Ananda Tissa de Alwis explained that the ownership of Tamil businesses would be restructured to deny them a majority shareholding. And trade itself would be reorganised. “The Trade Minister has already reorganised rice wholesaling to break the Tamil grip. It is no longer in my interests to allow one community to dominate, insists Lalith Athulathmudali,” in the Irish Times (24.8.83). ‘The Tamils have dominated the commanding heights of everything good in Sri Lanka,’ explained Finance Minister Ronnie de Mel, “the only solution is to restore the rights of the Sinhala majority.’ “
“Today, after nearly a week of killing and burning Sri Lanka’s aura of stability and progress has evaporated. Hundreds of businesses and factories lie in ashes, and economic development, the Government says, has been set back three years, five years, even more. Tamils were dragged from their homes, set fire, stabbed, hacked with axes and run over. The true extent of the killings remains unknown, because many are still missing. Thousands of Tamils fled to refugee camps … Tamil homes were burned down, and Tamil-owned businesses in Colombo were gutted. Seventeen major factories wholly or partly owned by Tamils were turned into ash, including two that employed thousands of people each. Three plants that produced textiles for export were destroyed. Damage estimates are uncertain and incomplete, but the total economic loss has been placed at $300 million or more, and 150,000 people are said to have been rendered jobless. About 10,000 foreign tourists were here when the trouble started. All but about 1,500 have left. ‘If the Tigers take one more Sinhalese life in the north,” T. D. S. A. ‘Jungle’ Dissanayake, a Government official, said, ”I hate to think of the consequences.” (New York Times 4/8/83)
The final toll may never be known but during that week when homes, shops farms, cinemas, factories and vehicles belonging to Tamils were destroyed 140,000 of them fled to refugee camps. Government estimates were that 100 factories and 2,497 shops were destroyed and so large was the collection of burned out vehicles that they had to be carried out to sea for disposal.
Nazism
“Not only may foreign investors now be frightened away, but the island’s once-prosperous Tamils may no longer be counted as a mainstay of Sri Lanka’s economy…. An estimated 100,000 were left homeless. Government miscalculation and inaction have contributed to the violence,” explained The Christian Science Monitor. “So has a breakdown in discipline among the almost exclusively Sinhalese Army and police… Bewildering to even some of Mr. Jayewardene’s aides, is that the President has not made a conciliatory public statement to the Tamils; has offered no compensation; and done nothing to appease. Rightly or wrongly, this is being interpreted as a colossal show of weakness, indifference or isolation, by both Tamils and educated Sinhalese. Rather, he has permitted his Cabinet members to flail on the ”involvement of foreign powers,” a well-coordinated ”foreign plot.” When such statements were received with annoyance and some derision by Colombo’s elite, the President himself spoke only of a Sri Lankan ‘leftist plot.’”
“Half of the 4,100 Tamil shops in this once-gracious capital have been burnt to the ground. Seventeen major Tamil owned textile factories have been gutted in Colombo alone… The export-oriented tea industry in the lush hills has, according to the finance minister, nearly disappeared. For it was Sri Lanka’s Tamils who were the entrepreneurial class. In the greater Colombo area, though they represent only 9 percent of the population, one-third of the capital’s businesses and investments were in Tamil hands.” (Mary Anne Weaver The Christian Science Monitor Boston, Mass. 8 Aug 1983)
“In 2004, President Chandrika Kumaratunga gave a public apology to Tamils for Black July, likening it to Nazism. She appointed a commission, which concluded that nearly 1,000 people died and 700,000 were exiled. And she acknowledged there might be many more unreported incidents. … Despite Mrs Kumaratunga’s gestures, no one has been held accountable for the July killings.” (BBC 23 July 2013)
Opinion
Four generations

Surasena was a scraggy boy with a runny nose, most of the time. He came to school sometimes, when he was well enough. Coughs and colds were a part of him. The entire school had an enrolment of less than 100; attendance varied from about 80 to about 100. Enrolment fell as students dropped out as they grew older: in grade V, there were usually 6 or 7 students, mostly boys. Most students were in Kindergarten, the Lower and the Upper. There were six teachers, one female, who was the principal’s wife, and both came from about 75 km away. They lived in the principal’s quarters with no other suitable house they could rent in the village. There was one English teacher, a man who cycled daily from a considerable distance. He was remarkably regular. He was the class teacher for Grade III and taught English in grades III, IV and V. He had had no special training in teaching English, or any other language and his final year students could hardly write the English alphabet without error. The parents of the children were mostly illiterate and hardly came to school after they had brought their child for admission. Surasena’s illiterate parents saw no function they could serve in the school. Teachers did the teaching.
Although Surasena was irregular in attendance, he picked up what was taught in class without any effort. When the end-of-term tests came, if he were present, he always came first in class. One teacher noticed this and spoke to the principal. The teacher thought that the boy was bright enough to win a scholarship if the gaps in his knowledge of arithmetic could be filled. Because the boy had come to school only when he was well, there were large gaps in his competence, especially in arithmetic. The young teacher took up the challenge, and when the results came, the boy had done well. So began a venture, which few had set out on then. One scholarship after another carried him to the highest centre of learning in his discipline, where he earned the highest degree any university could award.
Then a career: compromising among several objectives and laying aside many objections, Surasena decided to work for the world’s primary intergovernmental organisation. In doing so, he chose to live in the richest city in the world. Rich cities offer citizens many and varied services unavailable in less sophisticated habitats: theatres, concert halls, public libraries, high quality schools, universities, good sanitation and sophisticated architecture. Surasena chose to send their children to a unique school where both students and teachers came from many parts of the world. When the children prepared to go to university, each of them found her/himself in the first percentile of intellectual ability. Each chose to attend the highest quality colleges and universities. Their first jobs were with the Securities and Exchange Commission and the Federal Reserve System, both the highest-level regulatory agencies in that country. They eventually changed their careers and residences. One took up to law in New York City and the other a professorship in a state university.
Two young men in the fourth generation have completed secondary school and are in universities studying engineering.
An illiterate family goes to university. A family that lived in a coconut leaf thatched hut in a remote village lives in good housing in choice parts of cities, large and small. A boy who had only rice ration books in his home dispersed his collection of nearly one thousand books to several universities. A man who had never seen a play on a stage goes to Broadway and Carnegie Hall regularly. A young man in the fourth generation plays the saxophone at the Lincoln Centre. A family in the first generation that had not ventured beyond its native district, in the second generation, travels the world over. With different destinations and varied byways, these paths have been traversed by thousands of individuals and families in our society. A different and much larger cohort of our labour force, young, healthy and literate, has been pushed out of our economy.
I have used a fictional name to avoid embarrassing individuals. The rest of the narrative is factual. These sequences are repeated many thousands of times in this country, a highly mobile society. Neither poverty nor social position or habitat in town nor country bars children of ability from going where they wish. (One last habitat is systematically denied access to the high roads. One expects these roads to open literally and metaphorically, in short order.) We have had several employees in our household who used their earnings to pay for their children’s education at university. A few weeks back, one of those children graduated from a prestigious medical faculty in the country. A child in another family is in university studying mathematics. I reckon that is not an uncommon or infrequent occurrence.
It is one thing to move up the education ladder and another to find mobility within the economy. The space at the top is created in the economy and not in schools. It is an easy and common confusion to think that young men and women cannot find employment because they studied the wrong subjects at school or university. No matter what they learnt at school and university, they will be unemployed so long as there is no demand for labour. And the demand for labour is a function of the structure and the level of activity in the economy, not of the education system. Well into the second half of the 19th century, the founders of Dartmouth College declared, ‘though our great objective was to erect a seminary for educating ministers of the gospel, yet we hope that it will be a means of raising up men that will be useful in other learned professions- ornaments of the state as well as the church.’ And the United States was rushing to be the largest economy in the world. From 1929 to about 1936, there was high unemployment in most capitalist economies because economic activity fell disastrously and not because there was something suddenly wrong with education in those countries. Millions of rural folk in China and India, with no special education or training, marched to factories, when entrepreneurs opened workplaces for them. In both instances, the cause of unemployment is a lack of demand for labour. In China and India, demand arose when enterprises, both national and international, were created to produce goods and services. For markets in rich countries. Workers from Lanka took planes to workplaces overseas, where there was demand for them. Others remain unemployed in this country, because there are no enterprises that can pay competitive wages.
That brings us to the woeful inadequacy of interpleural activity in this country. The provision of health and sanitation and education in this country has been primarily the government’s responsibility. They have been resounding successes. Their success has had expected consequences on population changes. Our governments have systematically invested in peasant agriculture, placing populations from crowded areas in less densely populated areas. During the last 20 years or so, governments have invested, at exorbitant cost, in infrastructure development. The main visible enterprises in the private sector are in finance, construction and the manufacture of garments. Garment manufacturing is a low productivity activity (shoved out of high productivity economies), and there is severe competition for market shares. China (+Taiwan), Malaysia and India have employed millions of people in manufacturing high-wage products for markets in growing markets. To make matters worse, ground conditions in Lanka over a long period have been inimical to foreign enterprises. In the early 1960s, whatever foreign enterprises were inherited from colonial times were nationalized. Since then, the fate of attempts to establish foreign enterprises has not been bright. Every successive government, during the last few decades, has declared itself welcoming foreign investment. There were no takers. Foreign capital that came created disabling debt. In a society notoriously lacking entrepreneurial talent and overrun with corruption, debt inflows will create problems. We must grow enterprises (not wayside kade, which is a common sign of underemployment) and decide to create conditions that truly welcome foreign investment to provide full-time time well-paying jobs.
An education system by itself can do little to create employment, except in teaching.
by An Observer
Opinion
Lesson from the Pope

Pope Francis passed away on 21st of April at the age of 88. The College of Cardinals commenced the process for the selection of the next Pope. This could take up to five days, during which time the Cardinals are completely confined, within the assigned quarters, provided with meals and comforts of a high-end hotel.
Not surprisingly, most of the Popes have been Italians. However, Pope John Paul II, was of Polish origin, and was succeeded by the (German) Pope Benedict XVI who retired in 2013, on grounds of ill-health. At the time of writing this, it has been announced that a new Pope has been voted in by the Electoral College of Cardinals. He has chosen the title of “Pope Leo XIV.” He became the first American to head the papacy.
Pope Francis, as did his predecessor, Pope John Paul II, reduced the usual formal trappings and rituals of office, and exuded an aura of benign, avuncular simplicity. All three of most recent papacy, chose to exchange the comforts and grandeur of the Papal Palace, for the simpler basic quarters within the Vatican, normally reserved for dignitaries of the Catholic Church, when visiting Rome, for church duties as necessary.
His Holiness the Pope is the nominal Leader of the 1.3 billion Roman Catholics in the World and the titular custodian of the Vatican City and its treasures, (including the priceless St. Peter’s Cathedral). He may thus be regarded as the wealthiest man on earth. The “Vatican City” is the smallest country in the world, being a mere 44 hectares and with a population of less than one million. It is for all practical purposes independent of Italy, although located within Rome.
The millions who would have watched the Pope’s funeral on TV, would have (as did I), been impressed by the fact that the casket was in effect, a simple box, devoid of metal trimmings, handles and satin linings, etc. Usually, papal coffins are said to be nests of three units. The innermost is of Cypress wood (symbolizing simplicity), a lead lining, (for preservation of documents), and the outermost of Oak (to signify resolve and strength).
In contrast, we go well beyond, perhaps in the belief that we could be regarded as being “cheap and stingy” rather than of being “simple and affordable”. Even the poorest, will exceed the limits of affordability. The further consideration would be that of environmental damage, in terms of timber consumption, tree depletion, and carbon dioxide emissions, particularly where cremation is preferred. Are the metal trimmings which may need considerable quantities of timber.
Hard and fibre-board may provide opportunities for the design of less expensive models, able to satisfy both aesthetic and practicality at affordable cost.
The Buddha has pointed out that after death, the body is akin to a mere fathom long bundle of wood.
These may well be regarded as worthy lessons to be learnt.
Dr. Upatissa Pethiyagoda
Opinion
Sri Lanka’s energy crisis:

The future – Part I
Authors: Emeritus Professor I.M. Dharmadasa; Emeritus Professor Lakshman Dissanayake; Emeritus Professor Oliver Ileperuma; Professor Wijendra Bandara; Ms Nilmini Roelens; Mr Saroj Pathirana; Professor Chulananda Gunasekara; Eng. Parakrama Jayasinghe; Dr Keerthi Devendra; Dr Geewananda Gunawardana; Dr Lakmal Fernando; Dr Vidhura Ralapanawa; Dr. Ajith Weerasinghe.
Summary
The relevant energy technology mix for Sri Lanka at present is indigenous large hydro & mini-hydro systems, biomass, solar farms and solar PV on roof tops, wind and imported fossil fuels.
Sri Lanka is very vulnerable to climate change and made international commitments in relation to an energy transition towards 100% zero Carbon technologies by 2050.
The national electricity grid should be upgraded in a phased manner to absorb more renewables which are freely available and move towards achieving a smart grid.
Current efforts should also be focused on rapid expansion of renewable applications and gradual reduction of the use of imported, expensive and polluting fossil fuels. Other energy solutions such as nuclear are highly inappropriate, unaffordable and dangerous for Sri Lanka.
A phased move towards a smart grid will enable Sri Lanka to produce the future energy carrier, green hydrogen, using excess renewables, and becoming independent and secure as an energy exporting country. Sri Lanka should not miss the green hydrogen revolution and must not regress by remaining dependent on imports of globally dwindling fossil fuel with its environmental and geopolitical risks.
1.0 Introduction
The national electricity grid in Sri Lanka has been failing several times recently, plunging the entire country into darkness, with six countrywide blackouts during the past five years.
The Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) attributes the instability to an outdated grid that cannot accommodate small-scale renewable energy providers. This was proven to be a false premise according to their own committee of investigation. However, the CEB has issued press releases calling for the shutting down of both rooftop solar systems and mini-hydro systems during festive periods, when the demand for power is lower, the implication being that micro-renewable energy is somehow the cause of the problem.
The CEB clearly does not favour renewable energy from small suppliers. It is, nevertheless, unacceptable to maintain the status quo with imported fossil fuels and high energy prices. Renewable energy is sustainable and cheaper energy prices will not only help us improve the standard of living of all and attract investors, thereby enhancing job opportunities and national income.
This article openly discusses this energy crisis, considers the root causes of the situation, weighs up current trends in the rest of the world, and recommends a way forward for Sri Lanka’s future in relation to its energy needs.
2.0 Energy Supply options for Sri Lanka
Sri Lanka has made several energy-related commitments to the United Nations, including reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 14.5% by 2030, achieving 70% renewable energy in electricity generation by 2030, and aiming for net-zero emissions by 2050. Sri Lanka also signed the No New Coal Energy Compact, committing to not building any new coal power plants. These commitments align with obligations under the Paris Agreement and the UN Sustainable Development Goals.
Is the current energy policy in keeping with these commitments?
The relevant energy technology mix currently is indigenous large hydro & mini-hydro systems, biomass, solar PV on rooftops and solar parks, wind and imported fossil fuels. The term biomass includes the Dendro project, biogas and energy from waste.
Other possible renewable energy sources like waves and tidal are not yet feasible for Sri Lanka. Imported LPG is promoted by the authorities with inaccurate claims of LNG as a clean fuel and information as to the cost of generation is somewhat misleading.
Other energy technologies like geo-thermal and nuclear are not suitable for our island nation not only due to the scarcity of large capital funds (without becoming dependent on and susceptible to foreign geo-political interests) but also the magnitude of their inherent dangers. Nuclear energy cannot meet urgent energy needs. Nuclear power presents further serious issues including problems such as enormous capital costs for commissioning, disposal of radioactive toxic waste, the risk of irreparable damage from nuclear accidents due to natural and manmade causes such as potential harm from tsunami, terror attacks, risks from power failures, and gigantic de-commissioning costs. Nuclear energy is thus not “clean” energy although its proponents seek to present it as such.
3.0 World Energy Scenarios
Since the industrial revolution fossil fuel has advanced two thirds of the world’s population. Most of the infrastructure has been established to use carbon-based fossil fuels (coal, diesel & petrol and natural gas).
This carbon economy has caused numerous issues such as air and environmental pollution, serious health issues, and wider problems like global warming and climate change. Sri Lanka has no indigenous fossil fuel resources and thus our energy security is gravely threatened by heavy reliance of imports.
The remaining one third of the world’s population is not connected to electric grids, suffer from abject poverty and are vulnerable to the heavy storms, flash floods, cyclones, hurricanes and tornadoes many of which are engendered by climate change, brought about by “the advancement” of the other two thirds.
Sri Lanka is said to rank as the sixth country most at risk from climate change.
worldwide community is now moving rapidly to take action to decarbonise the world to mitigate climate change risks.
4.0 The Global Energy Transition
It would be pertinent to begin this discussion with the data presented in a report published in 2024 by the International Renewable Energy Agency (IRENA). This has compared the energy use in the world in 2022 with the projected target use in 2050. (See Table)
The main trends of this energy transition are due to many reasons.
For both climatic reasons as well as equity, the use of fossil fuels will be drastically reduced from 63% to 12%, in favour of direct renewables, which will be doubled from 23% to 52%. Modern biomass and hydrogen are also indirect renewables and hence the total use of renewables would be 81%.
5.0 Unique opportunity for Sri Lanka to export Green Hydrogen
Common complaints about the two main renewables, solar and wind power, are said to be their intermittency. Scientists have however been working to solve this problem, and besides storage options, the solution will be the forthcoming Green Hydrogen revolution.
The future energy carrier will be green hydrogen produced by solar and wind power, which are available in great abundance for us. Throughout the world a GH revolution is taking place.
The pressurised hydrogen can be stored, transported and burned whenever needed to produce power, or as a source of thermal energy.
The important takeaway is that when hydrogen is burned for power, only water vapour is produced, without any air pollution. Only water vapour is produced during the burning of hydrogen without any air pollution. GH can be stored and burned whenever energy is needed, especially during nighttime.
A ready market exists in the shipping industry which already has stringent deadlines to reduce the use of fossil fuels. Green hydrogen is also used to produce ammonia and methanol, enabling the production of fertilisers and other chemicals in industry. Since hydrogen is a versatile future fuel, scaling up and commercialisation of this innovative energy source is taking place globally.
If Sri Lanka is astute, it can capture a large share of these markets being blessed with year-round sunshine or monsoon rains together with wind power.
According to the statistics published by the Sri Lanka Sustainable Energy Authority (SLSEA), the potential of solar and wind power are 104,000 MW and 102,000 MW, respectively. This brings the total of solar and wind power potential to 206,000 MW whereas the present Sri Lankan power production capacity is in fact less than 5,000 MW.
Our country is thus “sitting on a goldmine” in the forthcoming green hydrogen revolution. However, focusing doggedly on fossil fuels Sri Lanka is at considerable risk of “missing the bus”.
Having missed several opportunities in the past, including in the Information Technology (IT) and Bio-Technology fields, our neighbours saw the opportunities and have been developing their countries exponentially in these sectors.
Instead of continuing to import expensive fossil fuels, Sri Lanka would be able to export the green hydrogen produced using our freely available solar and wind power.
Exports can be to those countries which are not blessed with such natural resources, notably those in the northern hemisphere such as Europe and North America and bring much needed foreign income.
This is also a far better and safer option than the proposed HVDC cable connection with India, which is fraught with many Energy Security and national sovereignty issues,
Green Hydrogen produced with renewables would help the Sri Lankan economy grow rapidly with an enormous boost of foreign income and redressing any balance of trade deficits that currently blight our nation.
It is a no brainer.
6.0 What is the shape of energy in Sri Lanka now?
The CEB’s position is that they cannot balance the grid due to the power produced and fed to the grid from privately owned roof top micro-solar and mini-hydro systems.
We note the press release of 13th April 2025 to requiring the temporary pause of rooftop solar to protect grid stability. This claim is adequately debunked by the Committee report on the recent blackout. The link to the CEB press release is reproduced below for ease of reference.
The higher echelons of the CEB appear therefore to be seeking regressive measures contrary to the stated objectives of the present government and in violation of international obligations of Sri Lanka as a part of its Agenda 2030 or Agenda 2050.
The renewable energy sector could generate not only clean and affordable energy at a fraction of the price but also enormous skilled employment opportunities.
From three small solar companies in the early 1990s there are now over 300 active solar companies maintaining some 40,000 jobs for locals. Further development of micro renewables would assure not only thousands more jobs for engineers but will provide opportunities for more local women to be trained in installation and related engineering work as a part of the gender parity sustainable development goals.
The somewhat “reluctant” attitude of the CEB towards renewables is clear. If this is not the case, we would ask the CEB to state its position clearly and to demonstrate a genuine willingness to improve the national grid to enable Sri Lanka to be in lock step with the rest of the world on clean and renewable energy. Moreover, as a state-owned organisation we urge the new Government authorities to require the CEB comply with international commitments and trends.
The remainder of this article looks in depth at these issues and provides recommendations.
7.0 The Main issues for the power sector in Sri Lanka
7.1 CEB’s preoccupation with imported and expensive fossil fuels
During the early stages of renewable energy development, one might have imagined that a certain “visionary approach” would have been necessary as these technologies were relatively expensive just as with any other new technologies. However, far thinking researchers in the field saw the limitless potential and impact renewables presented for the development of Sri Lanka and now renewables present the cheapest, cleanest and safest of energy options.
Interest in renewable energy increased over time and led to the formation of the Sri Lanka Sustainable Energy Authority in 2007 and the introduction of programmes such as the “Soorya Bala Sangramaya” in 2011 with Net Metering and further expansion in 2016 with Net Accounting and Net Plus schemes.
In the early 1990s, an RE consortium was established using a Higher Education Link programme between the UK and Sri Lanka and this organised a series of high-profile conferences.
At one of these conferences, the policymaker of the CEB declared “The future of Sri Lanka is Coal, Coal & Coal“. The position appears not to have shifted. What is the reason for this regressive approach? Developed countries have been closing their coal mines since coal belongs to the dark ages of energy supplies.
Fossil fuels are finite resources; coal is the most damaging fuel, and it adds carbon dioxide, sulphur dioxide, nitrous oxide, and particulate matter contributing both environmental pollution and respiratory illness. Coal ash, produced at a rate of 291,000 tons a year, is another hazard, . It is dumped on open ground currently.
(To be concluded)
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