Features
JRJ encapsulates his autobiography in a 1992 post retirement book
by JR Jayewardene
(Excerpted from Men and Memories)
I was born on 17 September 17, 1906. My father was E.W. Jayawardene, K.C. and a Judge of the Supreme Court and my mother was Agnes Helen, the daughter of Tudugala Don Philip Wijewardene and his wife Helena Wijewardene. My maternal grandmother is remembered as a pious and noble lady who made munificent gifts for the restoration of the Kelaniya Raja Maha Viharaya, the 2,500 years old Sacred Buddhist shrine.
I was affectionately called ‘Dickie’ and was taught English and music by a Scottish governess, Miss Monro. At an early age I learned to play the piano. I entered the Royal College in 1911 and pursued my studies there till 1925 when I left Royal and entered the Ceylon University College. At the Royal College I was awarded the prize for general merit and the best speaker in 1925, the year in which I passed the London Matriculation Examination. I boxed, played cricket, rugger and football for the School, and played for the winning team in the annual Royal-Thomian encounter in 1925. At the University College I studied English, Logic, Latin and Economics.
In 1928 1 joined the Law College and the following year I was awarded the Hector Jayewardene Gold Medal for Oratory and the Walter Pereira Prize for Legal Research. In 1932 1 took my oath as an Advocate of the Supreme Court. The most symbolic act of my unconventional conduct as a law student was to hang of Mahatma Gandhi’s portrait in the parlour of the Law College. This sensational episode gained me much publicity at that time, for it amounted to a challenge thrown at the British Raj.
Born to a family of eminent lawyers whose private lives were played out in the public arena, I was propelled into politics in my youthful years. For a while my attention was directed to the Trade Union Movement launched by A.E. Goonesinha and in 1930 I addressed a meeting of Tramcar workers who were on strike.
Being the lawyer son of a lawyer father it did not take long for me to be recognized at Hulftsdorp. I never deviated from the high code of ethics of this learned profession. A voracious reader, I preferred history, current affairs, biography and political science to pure literature. The dynamic national liberation movement of India under the guidance of Mahatma Gandhi and his band of able lieutenants headed by Nehru was a source of inspiration to me.
I linked my fate with Elina B. Rupasinghe on February 28, 1935. Her affluence enabled me to pay more attention to politics and relegate law into the background although I was making my mark in the legal profession. We have one child, Ravindra, who qualified and worked as a Commercial Pilot in the Air Lanka untill ill-health compelled him to resign. He was a champion marksman representing his country in many International Games and led the Sri Lankan team to the Tokyo Olympics in 1954.
The Ceylon National Congress was dominated by politicians of Victorian vintage who followed the principles of liberal democracy of the era of Gladstone and Disraeli. The masses were either apolitical or showed total indifference to national problems. But in the neighbouring Sub-continent of India a mass movement was in full swing. Mahatma Gandhi, the frail ascetic, was the general who planned the Swaraj Movement, and his technique of Satyagraha or the power of Truth was the basis of the Indian freedom struggle. I was much impressed by the role played by Pandit Nehru for whom I developed a great affection.
In the Ceylon National Congress, I built up a significant relationship with D.S. Senanayake and the other elder statesmen. Always receptive to new ideas, a band of young radicals with myself bent our energies to transform the Ceylon National Congress into a mass political organization similar to the Indian National Congress. When I became the Joint Secretary of the Ceylon National Congress in 1940 with Dudley Senanayake we took steps to restructure and provide muscle and clout to this political forum which was dominated by members of elite families and representatives of the legal profession. We drafted a new Constitution and made great efforts to broadbase the organization. I led the Ceylon National Congress delegation consisting of J.E. Amaratunga and P.D.S. Jayasekare to the Annual Session of the Indian National Congress held at Ramgarh in March 1940.
The Ceylon National Congress nominated candidates for the Colombo Municipal Council elections in 1940 and I was elected as Member of the New Bazaar East Ward. At this time a group of young Marxists who had returned from English universities were busy organizing the urban working class and were active in rural areas as well. I cherished the friendship of Marxist intellectuals but I was not prepared to accept any ideology based on violence or which went against our national ethos, or conflicted with the ethics and tenets of Buddhism.
When I sought election to the State Council for the vacant seat of Kelaniya created by the resignation of Sir D.B. Jayatillake I had to face a formidable rival in E.W. Perera, the doughty freedom fighter. On April 18, 1943, I won the Kelaniya seat by a majority of 10,195 votes. On May 25, 1943, 1 took oath as Member of the State Council for Kelaniya and before long I became a recognized spokesman on major national issues. I introduced a bill in the State Council to make Sinhala the official language of Ceylon, later amended to include Tamil also.
Though immersed in national politics I also took a keen interest in Kelaniya. I never forgot to nurse the electorate and before long many rural hospitals, dispensaries and schools were built and numerous roads were constructed in the Kelaniya electorate which stretched from the banks of the Kelani River to the heartland of Siyane Korale. The State Council was no Mecca of mediocrities for it had a galaxy of brilliant young legislators and I worked hand in hand with them.
A founder member of the United National Party, which was formed in 1944 to contest the General Election of 1947, 1 was a follower of D.S. Senanayake and was offered the portfolio of Finance in the first Cabinet. Within a short period I understood the essentials of Public Finance and the first Six Year Plan was drawn up under my guidance. I had the reputation of being one of the hard working Ministers in D.S. Senanayake’s Cabinet, and I was able to get the best out of my subordinates as well as my advisers.
I become known in the international scene in September 1951 when I opposed Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko’s attempt to sabotage the Japanese Peace Treaty at San Francisco to the infinite relief of war-torn Japan. The sponsorship of the Colombo Plan also made me known in the international arena.
In Sir John Kotelawala’s Cabinet I was assigned the portfolio of Food and Agriculture. Before long storm clouds were gathering over the political horizon and the popularity of the United National Party slid down as the resurgent nationalist force with the accent on Buddhist revival and enthronement of Sinhala as the language gathered momentum.
In the General Elections held in April 1956 the party which ruled Ceylon since independence was beaten by the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna, headed by S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike. The UNP was reduced to a mere rump of eight seats and I was one of the many casualties in this electoral holocaust.
This reminds one of a remark in Winston Churchill’s War Memoirs, written about the great French Prime Minister Clemenceau who was rejected by the electorate. Churchill said, “Ingratitude towards their Leaders is a hallmark of a cultured race”. Perhaps he was making a veiled allusion or an insinuation against the British electorate which rejected his party at the polls after the Second World War. Kelaniya electorate rejected its representative in Parliament. I had done much for the electorate but was defeated by an intruder in April 1956.
The thinking in the country was that the UNP was a spent force which had outlived its purpose. Sir John was not inclined to attend Parliament and as a political party the UNP became rudderless and began to drift in a troubled sea of uncertainty. Dudley Senanayake had left the Party. I did not withdraw into a political wilderness. I advised my defeated friends that “In defeat, defiance should be the slogan.”
I was able to discern the dilemmas which the nation faced and assessed correctly the incompetence and inability of the new regime to deliver the goods. With neither an organization, ideology nor a program, it was destined to an untimely end. The Mahajana Eksath Peramuna possessed seeds of disintegration within itself. The `Sinhala Only’ Act was passed with much fanfare and the canker of communalism began to eat into the body politic of Ceylon. Very soon problems began to pile up and the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna began to tear at the seams.
The time was ripe for a review of the UNP’s future, the only party in the opposition based on principles of democracy and it fell to my lot to undertake this task. With a band of courageous and faithful followers I organized mass meetings and rallies throughout the country and took steps to correct the image of the UNP which was considered a conservative, capitalist party. Very soon I was able to pick up the broken pieces of the UNP and to amend them. Thus I was able to rebuild the fortunes of my party and the UNP was ready to face its adversaries in an electoral combat.
I championed the rights of the common man in Ceylon during the dark days of the MEP regime. When President, I was questioned by the ‘Leaders’ magazine as to my single greatest accomplishment during my political career. I mentioned that the most remarkable and fruitful thing I had achieved was keeping my party together and reviving it after the defeat in 1956. It is my firm conviction that Democracy lives in Sri Lanka today because of that.
The United National Party was prepared to stage a come back in 1960 mainly due to the Herculean efforts made to re-fashion and revitalize it. I regained my Kelaniya seat but it was a Pyrrhic victory for the UNP. Dudley Senanayake had rejoined the Party and his government lasted only for three months and the formidable Opposition was able to defeat it. In the General Elections of June 1960 the pendulum once more swung in favour of the SLFP, but the UNP was a sizeable party in the opposition and a force to be reckoned with in the country.
Dudley Senanayake became the Leader of the Opposition and I directed the assault on the establishment. The Marxists joined the SLFP in a grand coalition and proposed a bill to nationalize the Press. This attempt was foiled and the coalition government was defeated on a motion of ‘No-Confidence’.
In the General Election held in March 1965 the UNP defeated the coalition. I became the Minister of State. I rendered assistance to Premier Dudley Senanayake to launch the ‘Green Revolution’. I did much to develop tourism in Sri Lanka and the tourist boom we are witnessing today stems from those policies. I am an ardent environmentalist. I caused areas like the Horton Plains and Laggala to be declared as nature reserves. Though much was done to increase food production, yet the electorate once more gave a massive mandate to the United Front in the General Elections held in 1970.
There was much youth unrest in the country specially among educated young men from rural areas for want of employment opportunities and they backed the United Front. Though reduced in electoral strength the UNP with me as the Leader of the Opposition had to fight many a battle in the parliamentary arena and outside. The armed insurrection of those who were disillusioned with the United Front Government brought in its wake a plethora of problems. I was quite sincere when I wanted to render assistance to the government which was in great difficulties.
My attention was directed to the problem of the ‘functions of the Opposition’ in a parliamentary democracy or specially in a developing country like Sri Lanka. I questioned whether it was always necessary for the Opposition to oppose the party in power. My move to cooperate with the Government was vehemently opposed by a powerful section of the UNP.
Very soon cracks began to appear in the United Front Government and rule by ‘Emergency’ became the order of the day. Sri Lanka was in a total mess in every way. The protracted ‘Emergency’ coupled with the short-sighted economic policies of state ownership it pursued, paved the way for its inevitable collapse.
After the death of Dudley Senanayake, I was unanimously elected as the Leader of the UNP on April 26, 1973. I streamlined the party organization and built up a strong party and was prepared to confront the SLFP which disregarded the democratic rights of the people. By the strategy which I planned and executed, the UNP was in a position to deal a crippling blow on the SLFP and all the forces of the Left in the July 1977 election.
I took oath as Prime Minister on July 23, 1977. In a series of new measures which were a great wrench away from the short-sighted policies of the previous regime we swept away the muck and ineptitude of the former regime in a short time in a massive effort of cleaning the Augean stables. We refashioned a new Constitution, and a new page in the history of Sri Lanka was turned when I took oath of office as the first Executive President of Sri Lanka in February 1978.
We caused a major overhaul of economic and political priorities and paved the way for a liberalized, open economy and dismantled the previous government’s array of quotas, import restrictions and subsidies. These were some of the achievements after I became the Executive President. The accelerated Mahaweli Development Program which my government started has brought about a transformation in a vast area of the Dry Zone where a new civilization in being created.
The first Presidential Election was held on 20 October 20, 1982 and I won by a majority of over nine lakhs. In the first referendum held in Sri Lanka on 22 December 22, 1982, I received a mandate from the people to extend the term of Parliament in order to continue with the Development Program launched by me and the response of the people has continued to be positive.
It was my destiny to steer Sri Lanka through one of the traumatic periods of its history during the eighties. The very peace and tranquility of the island-nation was torn by violence and ethnic strife. It was during this period that the Sri Lanka-India Accord was signed between Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and myself.
Now I am no longer in active politics, but often watch the world around me, gripped by senseless violence born of suspicion, fear and by not understanding the perceptions and positions of one another in both the national and the international spheres. As I watch the events and personalities in these events, I hope e that the Buddhist spirit of compassion would prevail, and peace return to our island once again.
In this account of Men and Memories, which is not strictly an autobiography, I seek to present some autobiographical recollections and reflections which were inseparable from my life, and for over more than half a century of work. This I do in the hope that the contemporary and future generations would be enabled to understand the Agony and Ecstasy of Sri Lanka and her people with more insight, understanding and compassion.
Features
The final voyage of the Iranian warship sunk by the US
On 17 February, the Indian Navy posted a cheerful message on X.
“Welcome!” it wrote, greeting the Iranian warship Iris Dena as it steamed into the port of Visakhapatnam to join an international naval gathering.
Photographs showed sailors in crisp whites and a grey frigate gliding in the sea harbour on a clear day. The hashtags spoke of “Bridges of Friendship” and “United Through Oceans”.
Two weeks later the ship, carrying 130 sailors, lay at the bottom of the Indian Ocean. It had been torpedoed by a US submarine off Sri Lanka’s southern coast on 4 March.
Commissioned in 2021, the Dena was a relatively new vessel – a Moudge-class frigate of Iran’s Southern Fleet, which patrols the Strait of Hormuz and the Gulf of Oman.
According to US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth, the vessel “thought it was safe in international waters” but instead “died a quiet death”. Rescue teams from Sri Lanka have recovered at least 87 bodies. Only 32 sailors survived.
The sinking marks a dramatic widening of the war between America, Israel and Iran. And, though it occurred in international waters of the Indian Ocean and outside India’s jurisdiction, it is an awkward moment for Delhi.
“The war has come to our doorsteps. That is not a good thing,” says retired Vice Admiral Arun Kumar Singh.
For some strategists, the episode carries broader implications for India’s regional standing.
Indian strategic affairs expert Brahma Chellaney wrote on X that the US torpedoing of the Iranian warship in India’s “maritime neighbourhood” was “more than a battlefield episode” – calling it a “strategic embarrassment” for Delhi.
“By sinking a vessel returning from an Indian-hosted multilateral exercise, Washington effectively turned India’s maritime neighbourhood into a war zone, raising uncomfortable questions about India’s authority in its own backyard,” Chellaney wrote.
Just days before its destruction, the Dena had been a diplomatic guest of the Indian Navy.
The ship had travelled to Visakhapatnam, a sun-washed port city on India’s east coast, to participate in the International Fleet Review 2026 and Exercise Milan, a large multilateral naval exercise meant to showcase India’s growing maritime leadership.
Seventy-four countries and 18 warships took part in the events, which Delhi described as a demonstration of its ambition to become the Indian Ocean’s “preferedsecurity partner”.
Visiting ships at such multilateral exercises usually do not carry a full combat load of live munitions, unless scheduled for a live-fire drill, according to Chellaney. Even during the sea phase, when drills and live firing take place, ships carry only tightly controlled ammunition limited to the specific exercises.
Singh, an invitee to the event, recalls seeing the warship and its Iranian sailors in Visakhapatnam just days before its fate changed.
“I saw the boys marching in front of me,” he says of the Iranian naval contingent during the parade along the seafront, just 10m away. “All young people. I feel very sad.”
He says on 21 February, the assembled ships – including the Iranian vessel – sailed out for the sea phase of Exercise Milan, scheduled to run until 25 February.
“What happened next is less clear: the ship may have returned to port or peeled away after exercises. Either way, the waters where it was later sunk – off Galle in Sri Lanka – lie only two to three days’ sailing from India’s east coast,” Singh says. What the ship was doing in the 10-12 days in between is not clear.

Singh, who has commanded submarines, believes the sequence leading up to the attack was probably straightforward.
The US, he notes, tracks vessels across the world’s oceans. “They would have known exactly when the ship left and where it was heading,” he says. A fourth of America’s submarine fleet of 65-70 is at sea at any given time, according to analysts.
According to the Indian Navy, the Iranian warship had been operating about 20 nautical miles west of Galle – roughly 23 miles (37km) – in waters that fall under Sri Lanka’s designated search-and-rescue zone.
The attack, Singh says, appears to have involved a single Mark-48 torpedo, a heavyweight weapon carrying about 650 pounds of high explosive, capable of snapping a ship in two. Video footage suggests the submarine may have fired from 3-4km away, around 05:30 local time.
The aftermath was grim and swift.
The warship reportedly sank within two to three minutes, leaving little time for rescue. “It’s a miracle they managed to send an SOS,” Singh says, which was picked up by the Sri Lanka Maritime Rescue Coordination Centre in Colombo.
According to the Indian Navy, a distress call from the Iranian warship was picked up by Colombo in the early hours of 4 March, triggering a regional search-and-rescue effort.
The navy said in a statement that Sri Lanka’s navy began rescue operations first, while India moved to assist later.
The Indian Navy deployed a long-range maritime patrol aircraft to support the search and kept another aircraft with air-droppable life rafts on standby.
A naval vessel already operating nearby reached the area by late afternoon. Another ship, which sailed from the southern Indian port city of Kochi to join the effort, continues to comb the waters for survivors and debris.

Under the Second Geneva Convention, countries at war are required to take “all possible measures” to rescue wounded or shipwrecked sailors after a naval attack. In practice, however, this duty applies only if a rescue can be attempted without putting the attacking vessel in serious danger.
Singh says submarines are rarely able to help.
“Submarines don’t surface,” he says. “If you surface and give up your position, someone else can sink you.”
Singh suspects the speed of the sinking – and possibly sparse shipping in the area at the time – meant few nearby vessels could respond. “A ship breaking up that fast leaves almost no chance,” he says.
In a shooting war, Singh says, the legal position is blunt.
Fighting between the United States and Iran had been under way since 28 February, with claims that 17 Iranian naval vessels had already been destroyed.
“When a shooting war is on, any ship of a belligerent country becomes fair game,” he says.
Many questions remain. Why was the Iranian warship still in waters near Sri Lanka nearly two weeks after leaving India’s naval exercise? Was it heading home, or on another mission? And how long had the US submarine been tracking it before firing?
For Delhi, the episode is diplomatically awkward.
India has drawn closer to Washington on defence while maintaining long-standing political and economic ties with Tehran – a balancing act the war has made harder.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has called broadly for “dialogue and diplomacy” to resolve conflicts, but has neither addressed the sinking of the Iranian vessel directly nor criticised the American strike.
Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi described the attack as “an atrocity at sea” and stressed that the frigate had been “a guest of India’s Navy”. Meanwhile Sri Lanka has taken control of another Iranian naval vessel off its coast after an engine failure forced it to seek port, a day after the US attack.
The episode has nonetheless sparked debate within India’s strategic community.
Kanwal Sibal, a veteran diplomat, argued that India’s responsibility may not be legal, but it is moral.

“The Iranian ship would not have been where it was had India not invited it to the Milan exercise,” he wrote on X. “A word of condolence at the loss of lives of those who were our invitees would be in order.”
Others like Chellaney have framed the issue in more strategic terms.
He described the strike as a blow to India’s maritime diplomacy. The torpedoing of the frigate in “India’s maritime backyard”, he argued, punctured Delhi’s carefully cultivated image as a “preferred security partner” in the Indian Ocean.
“In one torpedo strike, American hard power has punctured India’s carefully cultivated soft power,” says Chellaney.
As the debate gathered pace in strategic circles, India’s official response remained cautious.
External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar said on X that he had held a telephone conversation with Araghchi, and also posted a photograph of a meeting with Iran’s Deputy Foreign Minister Saeed Khatibzadeh at a foreign policy summit in Delhi.
For military historian Srinath Raghavan, the legal position is clear: once the Iranian vessel left India’s shores, Delhi had no formal responsibility.
The strategic message, however, is harder to ignore.
“First, the spreading geography of this war. Second, India’s limited ability to manage its fallout,” says Raghavan.
“Indeed, the US Navy has fired a shot across the bow aimed at all regional players, including India.”
[BBC]
Features
End of ‘Western Civilisation’?
“All animals are equal, but some animals are more equal than others” ––George Orwell, Animal Farm
When I wrote in this column an essay on 4th February 2026 titled, the ‘Beginning of Another ‘White Supremacist’ World Order?’, my focus was on the hypocrisy of Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney’s Davos address on 20 January 2026 to the World Economic Forum. It was embraced like the gospel by liberal types and the naïve international relations ‘experts’ in our country and elsewhere. My suspicion of Carney’s words stemmed from the consistent role played by countries like Canada and others which he called ‘middle powers’ or ‘intermediate powers’ in the world order he critiqued in Davos. He wanted such countries, particularly Canada, “to live the truth?” which meant “naming reality” as it exists; “acting consistently” towards all in the world; “applying the same standards to allies and rivals” and “building what we claim to believe in, rather than waiting for the old order to be restored.” These are some memorable pieces of Carney’s mantra.
Yet unsurprisingly, it only took the Trump-Netanyahu illegal war against Iran to prove the hollowness in Carney’s words. If he placed any premium on his own words, he should have at least voiced his concern against the continuing atrocities in the Middle East unilaterally initiated by the US and Israel. But his concern is only about Iran’s seemingly indiscriminate attacks across the region targeting US and Israeli installations and even civilian locations in countries allied with the Us-Israel coalition.
Issuing a statement on 3 March 2026 from Sydney he noted, “Canada has long seen Iran as the principal source of instability and terror in the Middle East” and “despite more than two decades of negotiations and diplomatic efforts, Iran has not dismantled its nuclear programme, nor halted its enrichment activities.” A sensible observer would note how the same statement would also apply to Israel. In fact, Israel has been the bigger force of instability in the Middle East surpassing Iran. After all, it has exiled an entire population of people — the Palestinians — from their country to absolute statelessness has not halted its genocide of the same people unfortunate enough to find themselves in Gaza after their homeland was taken over to create Israel in 1948 and their properties to build illegal Jewish settlements in more recent times. And then there is the matter of nuclear weapons. Israel has never been hounded to stop its nuclear programme unlike Iran. There is, in the world order Carney criticixed and the one in his fantasy, a fundamental difference between a ‘Jewish bomb’ and a ‘Muslim bomb’ in the ‘clash of civilisations’ as imagined by Samuel P. Huntington and put into practice by the likes of Messers Trump, Netanyahu, and Carney. That is, the Jewish bomb is legitimate, and the Muslim one is not, which to me evokes the commandments in the dystopian novella Animal Farm.
But Carney, in his new rhetoric closely echoing those of the leaders of Germany, UK and France, did not completely forget his Davos words too. He noted, in the same statement, “we take this position with regret, because the current conflict is another example of the failure of the international order.” But in reality, it is not the failure of the current international order, but its reinforcement by the likes of Mr Carney, reiterating why it will not change.
Coming back to the US-Israel attack on Iran, anyone even remotely versatile in the craft of warfare should have known, sooner or later, the rapidly expanding theatre of devastation in the Middle East was likely to happen for two obvious reasons. One, Iran had warned of this outcome if attacked as it considered those countries hosting US and Israeli bases or facilities as enemies. This is military common sense. Two, this was also likely because it is the only option available for a country under attack when faced with superior technology, firepower and the silence of much of the world. I cannot but feel deep shame about the lukewarm and generic statements urging restraint issued by our political leaders notwithstanding the support of Iran to our country in many times of difficulty at the hands of this very same world order.
When I say this, I am not naïvely embracing Iran as a shining example of democracy. I am cognizant of the Iranian regime’s maltreatment of some of its own citizens, stifling of dissent within the country and its proxy support for armed groups in the region. But in real terms, this is no different from similar actions of Israel and the US. The difference is, the actions of these countries, particularly of the US, have been far more devastating for the world than anything Iran has done or could do. US’s misadventures in Vietnam, Iraq, Syria, and Afghanistan come to mind — to take only a handful of examples.
But it is no longer about Carney and the hollowness of his liberal verbal diarrhoea in Davos. What is of concern now is twofold. One is the unravelling fiction of what he called the ‘new world order’ in which he located countries like Canada at the helm. And the second is the reality of continuing to live in the same old world order where countries like Canada and other middle and intermediate powers will continue to do the bidding of powerful aggressors like the US and Israel as they have done since the 20th century.
Yet, one must certainly thank Trump and Mr Natenyahu for one thing. That is, they have effectively exposed the myth of what used to be euphemistically called the ‘western civilisation.’ Despite its euphemism, the notion and its reality were omnipresent and omnipotent, because of the devastating long term and lingering consequences of its tools of operation, which were initially colonialism and later postcolonial and neocolonial forms of control to which all of us continue to be subjected.
One thing that was clearly lacking in the long and devastating history of the ‘western civilisation’ in so far as it affected the lives of people like us is its lack of ‘civilisation’ and civility at all times. Therefore, Trump and Mr Netanyahu must be credited for exposing this reality in no uncertain terms.
But what does illegal and unprovoked military action and the absence so far of accountability mean in real terms? It simply means that rules no longer matter. If Israel and the US can bomb and murder heads of state of a sovereign country, its citizens including children, cause massive destruction claiming a non-existent imminent threat violating both domestic and international law, it opens a wide playing field for the powerful and the greedy. Hypothetically, in this free-for-all, China can invade India through Arunachal Pradesh and occupy that Indian state which it calls Zangnan simply because it has been claiming the territory of itself for a very long time and also simply because it can. India can invade and occupy Sri Lanka, if it so wishes because this can so easily be done and also because it is part of the extended neighbourhood of the Ramayana and India’s ‘Akhand Bharat’ political logic. Sri Lanka can perhaps invade and occupy the Maldives if it wants a free and perennial supply of Maldive Fish. Incidentally, the Sri Lankan Tamil guerrilla group, People’s Liberation Organization of Tamil Eelam nearly succeeded in doing so 1988.
Sarcasm aside, even more dangerous is the very real possibility of this situation opening the doors for small, violent and mobile militant groups to target citizens of these aggressor countries and their allies as we saw in the late 1960s and 1970s. This will occur because in this kind of situation, many people would likely believe this form of asymmetric warfare is the only avenue of resistance open to them. It is precisely under similar conditions that the many Palestinian armed factions and Lebanese militia groups emerged in the first place. If this happens, the victims will not be the fathers and the vociferous supporters of the present aggression but all of us including those who had nothing to do with the atrocities or even opposed it in their weak and inaudible voices.
If I may go back to Carney’s Davos words, what would “to live the truth?”, “naming reality”, “acting consistently” and “applying the same standards to allies and rivals” mean in the emerging situation in the Middle East? Would this kind of hypocrisy, hyperbole, choreographed silence and selective accusations only end if a US invasion of Greenland, an integral part of the ‘White Supremacist’ World Order’ takes place? By then, however, all of us would have been well-trained in the art of feeling numb. By that time, we too would have forgotten yet another important line in Animal Farm: “No animal shall kill any other animal without cause.”
Features
Silence is not protection: Rethinking sexual education in Sri Lanka
Sexual education is a vital component of holistic education, contributing to physical health, emotional well-being, gender equality, and social responsibility. Despite its importance, sexual education remains a sensitive and often controversial subject in many societies, particularly in culturally conservative contexts. In Sri Lanka, discussions around sexuality are frequently avoided in formal and informal settings, leaving young people to rely on peers, social media, or misinformation. This silence creates serious social, health, and psychological consequences. By examining the Sri Lankan context alongside international examples, the importance of comprehensive and age-appropriate sexual education becomes clear.
Understanding Sexual Education
Sexual education goes beyond biological explanations of reproduction. Comprehensive sexual education includes knowledge about human anatomy, puberty, consent, relationships, emotional health, gender identity, sexual orientation, reproductive rights, contraception, prevention of sexually transmitted infections (STIs), and personal safety. Importantly, it also promotes values such as respect, responsibility, dignity, and mutual understanding. When delivered appropriately, sexual education empowers individuals to make informed decisions rather than encouraging early or risky sexual behavior.
The Sri Lankan Context: Silence and Its Consequences
In Sri Lanka, sexual education is included in school curricula mainly through subjects such as Health Science and Life Competencies, however the content is often limited and taught with hesitation. Many teachers feel uncomfortable discussing sexual topics openly due to cultural norms, religious sensitivities, and fear of parental backlash. As a result, lessons are rushed, skipped, or delivered in a purely biological manner without addressing emotional, social, or ethical dimensions.
This lack of open education has led to several social challenges. Teenage pregnancies, although less visible, remain a significant issue, particularly in rural and estate sectors. Young girls who become pregnant often face school dropouts, social stigma, and limited future opportunities. Many of these pregnancies occur due to lack of knowledge about contraception, consent, and bodily autonomy.
Another serious concern in Sri Lanka is child sexual abuse. Numerous reports indicate that many children do not recognize abusive behaviour or lack the confidence and language to report it. Proper sexual education, especially lessons on body boundaries and consent, can help children identify inappropriate behavior and seek help early. In the Sri Lankan context, where respect for elders often discourages questioning authority, this knowledge is especially crucial.
Furthermore, misinformation about menstruation, nocturnal emissions, and bodily changes during puberty causes anxiety and shame among adolescents. Many Sri Lankan girls experience menarche without prior knowledge, leading to fear and confusion. Similarly, boys often receive no guidance about emotional or physical changes, reinforcing unhealthy notions of masculinity and silence around mental health.
Cultural Resistance and Misconceptions
Opposition to sexual education in Sri Lanka often stems from the belief that it promotes immoral behaviour or encourages premarital sex. However, international research consistently shows the opposite: young people who receive comprehensive sexual education tend to delay sexual initiation and engage in safer behaviours. The resistance is therefore rooted more in cultural fear than empirical evidence.
Religious and cultural values are important, but they need not conflict with sexual education. In fact, sexual education can be framed within moral discussions about responsibility, respect, family values, and care for others principles shared across Sri Lanka’s major religious traditions. Ignoring sexuality does not protect cultural values; rather, it leaves young people vulnerable.
International Evidence: Lessons from Other Countries
Several countries demonstrate how effective sexual education contributes to positive social outcomes.
In the Netherlands, sexual education begins at an early age and is age-appropriate, focusing on respect, relationships, and communication rather than explicit sexual activity. As a result, the Netherlands has one of the lowest rates of teenage pregnancy and STIs in the world. Young people are encouraged to discuss feelings, boundaries, and consent openly, both in schools and at home.
Similarly, Sweden introduced compulsory sexual education as early as the 1950s. Swedish programs emphasise gender equality, reproductive rights, and sexual health. This long-term commitment has contributed to high levels of sexual health awareness, low maternal mortality among young mothers, and strong societal acceptance of gender diversity. Sexual education in Sweden is also closely linked to public health services, ensuring access to counseling and contraception.
In many developing contexts, international organisations have supported sexual education as a tool for social development. UNESCO promotes Comprehensive Sexuality Education (CSE) globally, emphasising that it equips young people with knowledge, skills, attitudes, and values that enable them to protect their health and dignity. Studies supported by UNESCO show that CSE reduces risky behaviours, improves academic outcomes, and supports gender equality.
In countries such as Rwanda and South Africa, sexual education has been integrated with HIV/AIDS prevention programs. These initiatives demonstrate that sexual education is not a luxury of developed nations but a necessity for public health and social stability.
Comparing Sri Lanka with International Models
When compared with international examples, Sri Lanka’s challenges are not due to lack of capacity but lack of open dialogue and political will. Sri Lanka has a strong education system, high literacy rates, and an extensive public health network. These strengths provide an excellent foundation for implementing comprehensive sexual education that is culturally sensitive yet scientifically accurate.
Unlike the Netherlands or Sweden, Sri Lanka may not adopt early-age sexuality discussions in the same manner, but age-appropriate education during late primary and secondary school is both feasible and necessary. Topics such as puberty, menstruation, consent, online safety, and respectful relationships can be introduced gradually without violating cultural norms.
Sexual Education in the Digital Era
The urgency of sexual education has increased in the digital age. Sri Lankan adolescents are exposed to sexual content through social media, films, and online platforms, often without guidance. Pornography frequently becomes a primary source of sexual knowledge, leading to unrealistic expectations, objectification, and distorted ideas about consent and relationships.
Sexual education can counter these influences by developing critical thinking, media literacy, and ethical understanding. Teaching young people how to navigate digital relationships, cyber harassment, and online exploitation is now an essential component of sexual education.
Gender Equality and Social Change
Sexual education also plays a crucial role in promoting gender equality. In Sri Lanka, traditional gender roles often limit open discussion about female sexuality while excusing male dominance. Comprehensive sexual education challenges these norms by emphasizing mutual respect, shared responsibility, and equality in relationships.
Educating boys about consent and emotional expression helps reduce gender-based violence, while educating girls about bodily autonomy strengthens empowerment. In the long term, this contributes to healthier families and more equitable social structures.
The Way Forward for Sri Lanka
For sexual education to be effective in Sri Lanka, several steps are necessary. Teachers must receive proper training to handle the subject confidently and sensitively. Parents should be engaged through awareness programs to reduce fear and misconceptions. Curriculum developers must ensure that content is age-appropriate, culturally grounded, and scientifically accurate.
Importantly, sexual education should not be treated as a one-time lesson but as a continuous process integrated into broader life skills education. Collaboration between schools, healthcare providers, religious leaders, and community organisations can help normalise discussions around sexual health while respecting cultural values.
Finally , sexual education is not merely about sex; it is about health, dignity, safety, and responsible citizenship. The Sri Lankan experience demonstrates how silence and taboo can lead to misinformation, vulnerability, and social harm. International examples from the Netherlands, Sweden, and global initiatives supported by UNESCO clearly show that comprehensive sexual education leads to positive individual and societal outcomes.
For Sri Lanka, embracing sexual education does not mean abandoning cultural values. Rather, it means equipping young people with knowledge and ethical understanding to navigate modern social realities responsibly. In an era of rapid social and technological change, sexual education is not optional it is essential for building a healthy, informed, and compassionate society.
by Milinda Mayadunna ✍️
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