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Midweek Review

Indo-Lanka relations: The ‘Quad’ factor

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General Naravane and wife, Veena, arrive in Trincomalee where Naravane served with the Indian Army. Major General Channa Weerasuriya, the Commander Security Forces – East, together with Mrs Dhanusha Weerasuriya, welcome them on their arrival at the SLAF Base, China Bay.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Against the backdrop of escalating tensions between the US and China, Chief of Army Staff General Manoj Mukund Naravane arrived in Colombo on Oct 12 on a five-day visit. The Indian Army website announced the visit on Oct 12. The announcement headlined ‘CHIEF OF ARMY STAFF PROCEEDS ON A VISIT TO SRI LANKA’ dealt with the former IPKF (Indian Peace Keeping Force) member’s first visit here as the Chief of Army Staff.

General Naravane’s visit coincided with the second phase of Malabar exercise in the Bay of Bengal off Visakhapatnam. The 25th edition of the exercise involved navies of the US, India, Japan and Australia. It was the 25th edition of the naval exercise, which began as a bilateral exercise between India and the U.S. way back in 1992, two years after the IPKF quit Sri Lanka. The first phase of Malabar exercise was held in August near Guam. The US Navy hosted it. Japan joined the Malabar exercise in 2015 and Australia followed in 2020.

 Quadrilateral Security Dialogue aka Quad consists of those countries participating in the Malabar exercise. It would be pertinent to mention that Quad suffered quite a serious setback at the beginning. Australia quit the alliance during Premier Kevin Rudd’s tenure (Dec 2007 to June 2010) though Australia returned to the US-led grouping with the change of government in 2010. Australia joined the Malabar exercise much later.

General Naravane’s visit here should be studied taking into consideration Quad alliance’s overall interest in Sri Lanka vis-a-vis much stronger China-Sri Lanka relations. In spite of Sri Lanka repeatedly vowing neutrality in its foreign policy, the Quad is seriously concerned about Chinese intentions here. Chinese strategy remains on track regardless of hindrance caused by the yahapalana administration. The finalisation of 99-year-lease on the Hambantota port in 2017 at the expense of Sri Lanka’s national interest underscored the Chinese capacity to turn even die- hard pro-western governments.

 Mahinda Samarasinghe, who signed the controversial agreement on the Hambantota port, in his then capacity as Ports and Shipping Minister (SLFP) on behalf of the then yahapalana government recently received appointment as the country’s top envoy in Washington.

Samarasinghe gave up his Kalutara district parliamentary seat to replace career diplomat Ravinatha Aryasinghe, who retired from service. Samarasinghe’s predecessor, Arjuna Ranatunge quit the ministerial post as he didn’t want to sign the Hambantota agreement which he called a sellout. Interestingly, another former minister Milinda Moragoda recently received appointment as Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner in New Delhi. President Gotabaya Rajapaksa went ahead with Moragoda’s appointment with a rather unusual ministerial rank, regardless of strong opposition from some of those who had backed him and the SLPP at the 2019 and 2020 presidential and parliamentary polls, respectively. Some of those opposed to Moragoda went to the extent of complaining to the Parliamentary High Posts Committee chaired by Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena. Their protests were ignored. Moragoda, who had served both Presidents Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga and Mahinda Rajapaksa governments as a Cabinet minister, entered active politics from the UNP.

Quad is determined to keep Sri Lanka under its influence. High level visits from New Delhi are part of their overall strategy. Struggling to cope up with a range of domestic issues, including unprecedented increase in prices of essential items and services, in addition to a serious balance of payments crisis, Sri Lanka is vulnerable to foreign interventions. Recent disclosure of offshore financial dealings of former parliamentarian Nirupama Rajapaksa and her husband, Thirikumar Nadesan, has not made things easier for the Rajapaksa administration.

Visitors from New Delhi

 Indian Foreign Secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla undertook an official visit to Colombo from Oct 2-5. The Defence Attaché of the German Embassy in New Delhi, accredited to Sri Lanka, Captain Gerald Koch, called on the Commander of the Navy Vice Admiral Nishantha Ulugetenne, at the Navy Headquarters, on Oct 05. Deputy Ambassador of the German Embassy in Colombo, Olaf Malchow, Deputy Defence Attaché of the German Embassy in New Delhi, Lieutenant Colonel Jan Cihar and Political and Protocol Officer at the German Embassy in Colombo Ms. Dharini Daluwatte, accompanied them. The Defence Attaché of the Israeli Embassy in New Delhi, and accredited to Sri Lanka, Colonel Assaf Mahler, called on the Commander of the Navy, VA Ulugetenne at the Navy Headquarters on Oct 06. The Defence Attaché of the French Embassy in New Delhi and accredited to Sri Lanka, Captain Yves LE CORRE paid a courtesy call on Navy Commander Ulugetenne at the Navy Headquarters also on Oct 06. Deputy Head of Mission, Aurélien Maillet at the French Embassy in Colombo, Deputy Defence Attaché of the French Embassy in New Delhi, Group Captain Norbert GAINE, Navy Commissioner, Roberto LEMOS and Mr. Jean Baptiste TROUCHE from the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Defence Attachés’ Assistant, Adjutant Cedric FOURNIER were also present on the occasion.

 Two Japanese Maritime Self-Defence Force (JMSDF) ships, helicopter carrier JS Kaga with a planned conversion into an aircraft carrier and destroyer JS Murasame visited the Colombo harbour on their way to join the Malabar exercise in the Bay of Bengal. The statement issued by the Japanese Embassy in Colombo regarding the ship visits didn’t mention their participation in the US-led exercise. The Japanese vessels left Colombo on Oct 4. Since Sri Lanka and Japan entered into a Comprehensive Partnership on Oct 1, 2015, there had been over 30 Japanese ship visits to the Colombo and Trincomalee harbours. Japanese Defence Minister Itsunori Onodera during an unprecedented visit in August 2018, declared in spite of the leasing of Hambantota port there was an agreement that the port remains free of military activities. Onedera was quoted as having said this after meeting President Sirisena and Premier Wickremesinghe. Onedera said he raised the Chinese issue with Sri Lanka. President Gotabaya Rajapaksa held a teleconference with Japanese Defence Minister Kishi Nobuo in July this year.

While Gen Naravane paid floral tribute to the IPKF war memorial at Pelawatte, Battaramulla, and subsequently observed joint exercise ‘Mitra Shakthi VIII’ at the Maduru Oya Special Forces Training School (SFTS) grounds, Chief of Naval Staff, Indian Navy, Admiral Karambir Singh interacted with the US Navy in the Bay of Bengal. Chief of US Naval Operations Admiral Michael Gilday hosted Admiral Karambir Singh and 11 other senior military officials aboard the nuclear-powered Nimitz-class aircraft carrier Carl Vinson in the Bay of Bengal.

“This visit to Carl Vinson during Malabar was an important opportunity to see first-hand the integration between our two navies at-sea,” Adm Gilday said in a statement issued by the U.S. Navy. “By our navies continuing to exercise together, as we are doing right now alongside Japanese and Australian naval forces, there is no doubt our partnership will only continue to grow. Cooperation, when applied with naval power, promotes freedom and peace, and prevents coercion, intimidation and aggression.”

At Maduru Oya an all arms contingent of 120 Jawans and an equal number of Vijayabahu Infantry Regiment concluded the exercise on Oct 15 that commenced on Oct.3

During the deployment of the IPKF (July 1987-March 1990), the then Captain Naravane had served in Trincomalee. The Indian Army website merely stated that Naravane, commissioned in The Sikh Light Infantry Regiment in Jun 1980, had been part of the IPKF in Sri Lanka.

The detections made by the Navy in the seas off Point Pedro and Vettilaikerni during Gen. Naravane’s visit highlighted the problems caused by Indian fishers brazenly invading Sri Lankan waters. The detections led to the arrest of 23 Indian poachers along with two fishing vessels engaged in bottom trawling on Oct 13, the day after General Naravane’s arrival. Quad member India has the wherewithal to thwart large scale crossings across the Indo-Lanka maritime boundary though it continues to turn a blind eye.

The threat posed by Covid-19 gave the Indian fishing fleet an opportunity to poach quite freely in Sri Lankan waters. The Navy apprehended five fishing vessels along with 54 Indian poachers on March 24, 2021. That was the detection made prior to it limiting operations due to the Covid threat.

Fisheries Minister Douglas Devananda, during a meeting he had with Indian FS Shringla, raised the contentious issue of large scale destructive poaching on an industrial scale. Interestingly, statements issued by both India and Sri Lanka conveniently refrained from commenting on the issue at hand. However, Fisheries Ministry briefed the media regarding the problem of large scale poaching by Indian fishermen affecting the livelihoods of their counterparts here. Minister Devananda should receive the appreciation of all Sri Lankans for taking up the issue at hand. During his meeting with Shringla, Devananda, who had been among those who received terrorist training, courtesy India in the early 80s, complained about massive continuing destruction caused by the Indian fishing fleet, particularly through bottom trawling, a practice banned world over. Devananda has explained the immeasurable losses caused by destructive methods adopted by the Indian fishing fleet in Sri Lankan territorial waters. In spite of a series of talks between India and Sri Lanka, industrial scale poaching continues unabated much to the disappointment of the Northern and Eastern Province Tamil speaking community. About a week after his meeting with Shringla, Devananda took up the issue with the visiting senior BJP politician Subramanian Swamy. Devananda subsequently told the media Swamy, who serves as a nominated Member of Parliament in Rajya Sabha, the upper house of the Indian Parliament acknowledged the need to curb Indian poaching.

Focus on energy security

 Two other issues that had received much media attention were the future of the Trincomalee oil tank farm, with the Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB) and Energy Minister Udaya Gammanpila trading accusations over the status of the strategic assets and the controversial agreement with US-based New Fortress Energy Inc. The company has declared that it struck a deal with Sri Lanka to supply 1.2 million gallons of liquefied natural gas to supply a plant it is planning to buy a stake in and others. In a statement dated Sept 21, New Fortress said they had executed a ‘definitive agreement’ to invest in West Coast Power Ltd, a firm in which the government has a controlling stake, but operations and maintenance is done by a private company.

 Controversy surrounds the Indian role in Trincomalee oil tank farm and the stealthy US investment in the energy sector. Sri Lanka seems to be utterly disorganised in its dealings with foreign powers as well as investors. A glaring case in point is the Trincomalee oil tank farm. Gammanpila insisted that in terms of an agreement the then UNP-led UNF signed on Feb.07, 2003 those 99 oil tanks had been handed over to India, whereas SJB lawmaker Kabir Hashim says only 15 were handed over and they, too, would be returned to Sri Lanka in 2023. The Finance Ministry should set the record straight. Lawmaker Hashim, one-time Chairman of the UNP is on record as having claimed their government only signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) in respect of 15 oil tanks, while Gammanpila demanded in Parliament that MoU be presented. Gammanpila believes Indian agents and their puppets are working overtime to thwart his plans to regain the oil tank farm.

 Shringla, accompanied by Indian High Commissioner in Colombo Gopal Baglay, visited the Lanka IOC facility. It was Baglay’s second visit there this year. Eldos Mathew Punnoose, Head – Press, Information and Development Cooperation at the Indian High Commission in Colombo, dealt with a range of issues taken up during the high profile visit. Referring to Shringla’s visits to Kandy, Trincomalee and Jaffna, signifying their cultural, economic and historical importance, respectively, the Indian HC spokesperson said: “In Kandy, the visiting Foreign Secretary offered prayers at the Sri Dalada Maligawa. In Trincomalee, the Foreign Secretary visited the Oil Tank Farms, a symbol of the potential and strong energy partnership between the two countries, where LIOC briefed him about the development undertaken by it at the Lower Tank Farms and its advantages to Sri Lanka’s economy. During his visit to Jaffna, the Foreign Secretary inspected the Jaffna Cultural Centre and interacted with the Governor of the Northern Province, several Members of Parliament, academicians and business leaders.”

The Federation of National Organisation (FNO) recently complained to the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) against the agreement with New Fortress. The FNO that backed the SLPP at the 2019 presidential and 2020 parliamentary election called for an investigation into the conduct of the Treasury Secretary S.R. Attygalle. The civil society organisation questioned the responsibility on the part of the Cabinet of ministers in signing the agreement with New Fortress. Having lodged a complaint with the CIABOC, FNO convener Dr. Gunadasa Amarasekera told the media, waiting outside, that the US energy deal should be examined against the backdrop of continuing ‘confrontation’ between Quad and China. Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith and Ven Elle Gunawansa moving the Supreme Court against the New Fortress deal must have surprised the government.

US Ambassador to Sri Lanka and the Maldives, Alaina Teplitz in April this year warned Sri Lanka of unplanned consequences of nefarious actors, who may try to misuse a China-funded Colombo Port City’s easy business rules as a permissive money laundering haven amid concerns of tax leaks. Any legislation relating to the Port City has to be considered very carefully for its economic impact, Teplitz told a selected group of journalists in an online discussion. And, of course among those unintended consequences could be creating a haven for money launderers and other sorts of nefarious actors to take advantage of what was perceived as a permissive business environment for activities that would actually be illegal.

In spite of on and off protests/opposition, both in and out of Parliament, India and China have quite successfully pursued their strategies. The recently concluded agreement on the proposed Colombo Port’s Western Container Terminal (WCT) can be cited as an example of the successful Indian strategy. After intense protests derailed previous plans to invest in the East Container Terminal (ECT), India’s Adani Group late last month sealed a deal with the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA) to build, develop and run the proposed WCT.

 India is the second foreign port operator in Sri Lanka. China secured a terminal at the Colombo port during Mahinda Rajapaksa’s tenure as the President. Colombo International Container Terminals Ltd., (CICT) is a joint venture Company between China Merchants Port Holdings Co., Ltd. (CMPort) and the SLPA. China holds 85% of the partnership whereas the balance 15% is held by SLPA. At the Hambantota port, too, China took 85% while the SLPA retained 15%. Now the agreement with Adani Group, too, has been finalised on the same lines with the SLPA given 15 % while Adani Group and its local agent John Keells Holdings shared the remaining stake 51 % and 34%, respectively.

This should be examined against the backdrop of the SLPA signing a memorandum of cooperation in May 2019 with India and Japan to develop the ECT during the previous Sirisena government. The Colombo Port trade unions opposed that proposal to give investors from India and Japan 49 % stake in the ETC and Sri Lanka to hold 51%. They demanded the ECT to remain 100 percent owned by the SLPA as opposed to the 51 percent. Now, the SLPA has ended up with just 15% at the WCT.

 It would be relevant to stress that John Keells Holdings is among the consortium of companies that own the successful SAGT (South Asia Gateway Terminal) , the first shipping sector PPP (Public Private Partnership) established in 1999 during the Kumaratunga presidency. The primary stakeholders are Danish A.P. Moller Group and John Keells Holdings. Now, John Keells Holdings has expanded its influence by joining Adani Group in the proposed WCT project. Like at CICT and Hambantota projects, SLPA has received 15% of shares.

Time has come for the country to review the entire gamut of issues in respect of foreign investments and related matters. Examination of existing agreements prove that whoever in power had struck agreements in a way severely inimical to the national interest, but to the benefit of those responsible and accountable for ensuring the country’s best interest. Parliament should wake up.



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Midweek Review

‘Aragalaya’ could have been thwarted and GR’s presidency saved: Mahinda Siriwardana

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Outgoing Secretary to the Ministry of Finance launched "Sri Lanka's Economic Revival – Reflection on the Journey from Crisis to Recovery," on April 8, 2025, at the Galle Face Hotel, Colombo. Governor of the Central Bank Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe receiving a copy of Siriwardana's book that dealt with the 2019-early 2025 period.

Outgoing Treasury chief Mahinda Siriwardana has appealed to the public not to be deceived by various interested parties responsible for the worst post-independence economic crisis. Declaring that the country had lost its economic sovereignty, Siriwardana emphasised that the situation remained fragile as the country was moving on what he called a narrow path of recovery with very limited options available to maneuver. Warning of catastrophic consequences if the country failed to continue on the IMF track, whatever the political compulsions were, Siriwardana urged the public to support it to regain lost economic sovereignty.

There had been several books on ‘Aragalaya’ that forced President Gotabaya Rajapaksa to give up the presidency in July 2022. Prolific writer Sena Thoradeniya (Galle Face Protest: Systems Change or Anarchy?) and National Freedom Front leader Wimal Weerawansa dealt with ‘Aragalaya’ (Nine: The Hidden Story) in April and October 2023. The writers alleged an external hand in the high profile protest campaign with the focus on the US covert intervention. They portrayed US Ambassador Julie Chung as the villain and one of the major players in the conspiracy.

Aragalaya’ time Speaker Mahinda Abeywardena gave a new twist to the plot when he declared in Parliament direct foreign intervention in President Rajapaksa’s ouster, though the ousted leader in his memoirs ‘Conspiracy to oust me from presidency,’ refrained from making direct allegation against the US.

Having perused exposes by Thoradeniya, Weerawansa and Rajapaksa, the writer believes ‘Sri Lanka’s Economic Revival: Reflections on the Journey from Crisis to Recovery,’ authored by outgoing Secretary to the Treasury and Finance, Planning and Economic Development Ministry Mahinda Siriwardana is a must read. It will also be available in Sinhala in the near future.

Siriwardana’s narrative of the circumstances leading to the public protest campaign is explosive. The Treasury Chief built his case on the basis of a series of speeches/power-point presentations delivered during the volatile 2022 to 2025 period. The first speech was delivered on June 24, 2022 at the Royal Colombo Golf Club amidst the ‘Aragalaya’ build-up for the final push, and the final on February 25, 2025 at Shangri-La, Colombo.

In 34 speeches/power-point presentations, Siriwardana cautiously examined how the Central Bank leadership, as well as the so-called economic leadership of the Pohottuwa (Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna) administration, during the 2019-2022 period, deliberately deceived President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. The author authoritatively asserted that ‘Aragalaya’ could have been thwarted and Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s presidency saved if not for the utterly wrong advice given to him.

The treacherous actions/failures of the Central Bank and the Monetary Board should be examined taking into consideration the massive borrowings over the past several decades and minimal taxing, ridiculously shortsighted policies, Covid-19 pandemic and the Russia-Ukraine war.

In a key note speech delivered at ‘ICC Sri Lanka workshop on trade finance’ at the Colombo Ramada, on February 17, 2024, Siriwardana dropped a bombshell. The soft spoken Finance Secretary didn’t mince his words when he declared the economy collapsed because the then President was given wrong advice on managing the economy. The author hinted at possible conspiracy at the highest level by asserting that it was not a case of providing wrong data to the President but misguiding him on the overall course of economic policy.

Siriwardana, who had been a Deputy Governor of the Central Bank at the time he first issued a warning to the Monetary Board, found fault with those who proposed home-grown solutions to the developing crisis for the eventual collapse of the economy. President Rajapaksa, according to Siriwardana, had been deprived of an opportunity to hear whatever views expressed, contrary to the home-grown solution touted as the panacea for Sri Lanka’s ills.

In the same speech, Siriwardana alleged that those who had propagated home-grown solutions at the expense of economic, political and social stability of post-war Sri Lanka, out of hand rejected assessments provided by international credit rating agencies.

In his preface, Siriwardana, without hesitation whatsoever emphasised that (1) the economic crisis was man-made (2) it could have been prevented or at least the impact mitigated (3) decision makers within the Central Bank and the government turned down timely recommendation for an early engagement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The Treasury chief asserted that President Gotabaya Rajapaksa hadn’t been in a position either to receive proper briefing on the developing situation and, therefore, wasn’t able to take remedial measures.

Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa had served as the Finance Minister till July 2021. Basil Rajapaksa was brought in as the Finance Minister in July 2021 while Dr. P. B. Jayasundera served as Secretary to President Rajapaksa. Prof. W.D. Lakshman had been the SLPP’s choice as the Governor but was unceremoniously removed in early September 2021 and replaced with Ajith Nivaard Cabraal. At the time of the new appointment, Cabraal, who had served as Governor, Central Bank, during previous instances, was the State Finance Minister. S.R. Attygalle had been the Secretary to the Treasury.

A letter too late

Delivering the inaugural Prof. K. Dharmasena memorial lecture at the University of Kelaniya on January 30, 2024, Siriwardana explained how President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, in a letter dated March 18, 2022 sought immediate IMF engagement. However, by then the irreversible damage had been done and the The President found himself in a very dicey situation. Obviously the President felt deeply letdown by the developing situation and the realisation that his own team caused irrevocable damage to the post-war economy must have come as quite a shock to the wartime Defence Secretary.

In a no holds barred attack on the Monetary Board of the Central Bank, Siriwardana emphasised in spite of him personally briefing the Monetary Board in mid-2021 of the growing danger in allowing the government to continue on the wrong path, the powers that be disregarded the advice. Having decided not to seek IMF engagement in mid-2020, the government continued to depend on a nonexistent home-grown solution until the country ran out of foreign exchange.

By the time President Rajapaksa realised his folly, it was too late. The President had no option but to bring back retired Senior Deputy Governor Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe as the Governor of the Central Bank and appoint Siriwardana as the Secretary to the Treasury and Finance, Planning and Economic Development Ministry. Their simultaneous appointments in early April 2022 paved the way for UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe’s entry as Prime Minister a couple of weeks later.

At the time of Dr. Weerasinghe’s retirement, he had been holding the position of Senior Deputy Governor which is the No 2 position in the management. Dr. Weerasinghe was supposed to retire on 18 January 2021 at the age of 60. But the top banker had stipulated three months leave and some other leave prior to retirement. Therefore, his retirement took effect at the end of September 2020. Although Deputy Governors are invited to serve until the end of retirement age by the Monetary Board, the then Monetary Board, chaired by Prof W.D. Laxman, in his capacity as the Governor of the Central Bank, ex-officio member Finance Secretary S.R. Arttygalla and appointed member Samantha Kumarasinghe had disagreed. Therefore Dr. Weerasinghe and other Deputy Governor H.A. Karunaratne wasn’t invited to serve that three-month period.

Dr. Weerasinghe and Karunaratne earned the wrath of the establishment by warning the powers that be of the government’s economic strategy. Ironically the same government had to invite Dr. Weerasinghe to take the Governor position in April 2022. But by then the national economy had suffered irreversible damage and the country was in an utterly helpless situation.

Dr. Weerasinghe and Siriwardana and Ranil Wickremesinghe as the Prime Minister (May to July 2022) and President (July 2022 to Sept 2024) spearheaded Sri Lanka’s recovery efforts. Whatever the criticism directed at Wickremesinghe over the years, resolute political leadership given by him during volatile periods should be appreciated, regardless of political differences.

The Chief Guest at Siriwardana’s April 08, 2025 book launch at the Galle Face Hotel was none other than President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, one of the two main beneficiaries of ‘Aragalaya.’ Had the Monetary Board acted on concerns raised by Dr. Weerasinghe and Siriwardana and taken remedial measures at an early stage as repeatedly stressed by the author, economic ruin could have been averted The other main beneficiary is Ranil Wickremesinghe, leader of the UNP. The truth is Wickremesinghe who had even failed to retain his Colombo district seat at the 2020 parliamentary election ended up being elected by Parliament as President in July 2022, thanks to the SLPP’s generosity.

Anura Kumara Dissanayake, leader of two registered political parties namely the JVP and NPP, received such a boost via ‘Aragalaya’ he secured a staggering 5.7 mn votes at the 2024 presidential election. At the previous presidential election conducted in 2019, Dissanayake secured a distant third position with just 418,553 votes. His percentage was pathetic. Just 3.16% whereas Gotabaya Rajapaksa obtained a staggering 6.9 mn votes which amounted to 52.25% of the total accepted votes.

Dr. Coomaraswamy’s take on developments

Both Siriwardana and Dr. Indrajith Coomaraswamy, in his incisive foreword commended successive Presidents Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Ranil Wickremesinghe and incumbent Anura Kumara Dissanayake for what they have done post- ‘Aragalaya’ period.

Both lauded President Dissanayake for continuing with the IMF-led programme, the 17th since 1965. Siriwardana earned Dr. Coomaraswamy’s appreciation for his role in spearheading the efforts to secure parliamentary approval for the Public Financial Management Act (PFMA). Dr. Coomaraswamy who received the appointment as Governor of the Central Bank in June 2016, at the height of the Treasury bond controversy, commended Dr. Weerasinghe’s role in ensuring the enactment of Central Bank of Sri Lanka Act (CBA).

Siriwardana meticulously explained the arduous road the country had to take after key economic decision makers of Pohottuwa hastily vacated their offices by late March/early April 2022.

Siriwardana lamented the absence of a mechanism in case the Central Bank and the Monetary Board disregarded well founded concerns raised by a senior officer. The Supreme Court ruling (SC FR No 195/2022) harshly dealt with the irresponsible lot. Siriwardana’s assessments are compatible with the landmark Supreme Court judgment. Against the backdrop of the politically devastating judgment, Siriwardana examined the absurdity in propagating home-grown solutions disregarding time-tested globally accepted strategies to overcome daunting economic challenges.

Perhaps political parties should make Siriwardana’s book available to at least their members in Parliament. A Sinhala version of Siriwardana’s narrative would definitely help to educate the members of the legislature as part of the overall efforts to educate the Parliament of the dangers on the economic front.

Siriwardana dealt with a number of contentious issues that had been raised by various interested parties seeking to exploit the situation to their advantage. One such issue had been the declaration of debt standstill in April 2022 by Dr. Weerasinghe.

Some of those responsible for the worst post-independence crisis experienced by the country alleged that President Rajapaksa’s administration caused the economic meltdown by unilateral declaration of debt standstill. Siriwardana explained the desperate situation the country was in at the time of the announcement. Liquid and usable reserves had been low as USD 24 mn and the country lacked the wherewithal to meet mandatory debt service requirements. The debt standstill allowed the government to free available foreign currency to pay for critically required imports.

Siriwardana confidently described debt standstill as the first step in the economic recovery process. Political parties represented in Parliament should pay attention to Siriwardana’s assertions. The book launched on April 08, 2025, exactly three years after Siriwardana assumed the responsibilities as the Secretary to the Treasury and Finance, Planning and Economic Development Ministry didn’t receive the deserved attention. Political parties that issue statements at the drop of a hat and call special media briefings to explain their stand remained tight-lipped. Siriwardana’s narrative had been as devastating as the Supreme Court judgment on the ruination of the national economy.

The court found fault with the Rajapaksa brothers, Mahinda, Gotabaya and Basil, Ajith Nivard Cabraal, Prof. W.D. Lakshman, S.R. Attygalle, Dr. P.B. Jayasundara and members of the Monetary Board.

The apex court in its November 2023 judgment rejected their efforts to justify failure to take remedial measures on policy decisions.

Actually, the 10th Parliament should appoint an all-party committee to study the Supreme Court judgment and Siriwardana’s narrative. Whatever the differences over other matters, political parties must ensure that they do not undermine the ongoing IMF-led programme under any circumstances. Major trade unions only concerned about their membership should be briefed of the Supreme Court judgment and Siriwardana’s assessments.

A frightening picture

Appearing before the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) on July 23, 2024, Siriwardana painted a frightening picture of the irresponsible conduct of those who exercised political power. The outspoken official warned Parliament that unlike in the past the current crisis was so severe the country needed a special mechanism to prevent political parties from repeating what he called policy errors of the past. Declaring that those who had been in power always returned to their old ways after adhering to the IMF conditions initially, Siriwardana acknowledged that even now there was no guarantee that the political party system wouldn’t breach the understanding with the IMF.

That is a very serious statement to make and underscored the pathetic situation faced by the country. Referring to the Economic Transformation Bill and other Bills enacted to ensure overall financial discipline, Siriwardana discussed ways and means to proceed with the IMF-led four-year project meant to stabilise the country.

The tax policy is a case in point. Our parliamentarians should know tax policy is no longer in their hands. Instead decisions are taken by the Treasury in consultation with the IMF in line with the Extended Fund Facility (EFF) programme worth USD 3 bn.

Siriwardana, in the 13th chapter, explained how some of those responsible for economic ruination of the country sought political advantage at the expense of the ongoing EFF programme. The author asserted that had they acted responsibly at the time they were entrusted with the task of taking decisions on behalf of the country Sri Lanka wouldn’t have been in current predicament.

Siriwardana will retire at the end of this month. He’ll be assuming duties as an Alternate Executive Director at the Asian Development Bank (ADB), representing Sri Lanka and six other countries. President Dissanayake and his NPP government should ensure that a suitable person capable of handling the tough job is chosen. Siriwardana should make available the Sinhala version of his shocking book as soon as possible for all parliamentarians to understand the gravity of the situation. The responsibility in making suitable appointments lies with the executive and the Constitutional Council depending on the vacancy/appointment. As Siriwardana lucidly explained President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s downfall was caused by persons appointed by his own administration at the behest of various parties.

Siriwardana’s ‘Sri Lanka’s Economic Revival: Reflections on the Journey from Crisis to Recovery’ is the story of deterioration of governance and accountability. How the war-winning Mahinda Rajapaksa administration allowed economic ruin by pursuing absolutely foolish nonexistent home-grown solutions to a developing economic crisis hitherto not seen. Siriwardana’s take on ‘Aragalaya’ is clear. Whatever the accusations directed at external powers engineering President Gotabaya Rajapakasa’s downfall, that despicable project couldn’t have been brought to a successful conclusion without the Central Bank and Monetary Board creating an environment conducive for ‘Aragalaya.’

Make no mistake, the NPP won’t bother to investigate the alleged conspiracies as they were the main beneficiaries of the high profile project. Let me end this comment with what the outgoing Treasury chief said about the steady decline in revenue collection and the response of our irresponsible Parliament whoever exercised political power. Alleging that revenue collection declined from a healthy 20% of GDP to record low of 8.3% of GDP in 2021, successive governments simply borrowed to cover the shortfall in revenue deficit. The bottom line is the author blamed the Parliament for the ruination of the national economy.

Instead of accepting everything said by the outgoing Treasury Secretary as being the gospel truth we also call upon our readers to delve into Confessions of an Economic Hit Man, which is a semi-autobiographical book written by American essayist John Perkins.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

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Midweek Review

Govt . should take cognisance of threats and challenges

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Drone technology as new warfare:

Over the past several years, drone technology has revolutionised the face of warfare. Once regarded as primarily reconnaissance systems, drones have been reengineered into sophisticated combat Arms capable of precision attacks, intelligence gathering, and surveillance spied in never-before ways. Their coming signals an end to the age of traditional war tactics, ushering with it the dawn of a new era of automation, less human interference, and strategic advantage that redefines warfare encounters.

Drones in the present context are user-friendly and cheaper to buy. Drones that are used to transport goods can vary in price Professional/Industrial Drones in the range of $3,500 – $50,000+ in the USA. In the US, Alphabet-owned drone company Wing and Walmart are expanding their drone delivery partnership to five new U.S. cities: Atlanta, Charlotte, Houston, Orlando, and Tampa. This expansion will allow customers in these areas to receive online orders via drone delivery. Currently, the service operates at around 15 Walmart stores in northwest Arkansas and the Dallas-Fort Worth area, and the new rollout will add approximately 100 more stores to the programme. Despite being used as a social welfare service object, drones can be used in warfare, as in the case of Ukraine and Soviet Russia war. This capability has a danger that the governments should take into consideration, as terrorist groups can operate drones to make large scale destruction to infrastructure and social life.

The evolution of drones in Warfare

Initially meant for spy operations, drones have developed at a rapid rate. It was the period around the early 2000s that saw military soldiers embracing armed drones for operations, enabling precision bombing with minimal collateral damage. The most frequent examples include the use of Predator and Reaper drones by US military forces in counterterrorism operations, where they have been in use in taking out high-priority targets without exposing soldiers to danger.

Outside of airstrikes, drones have assumed numerous other roles in modern warfare, including electronic warfare, logistics, and battlefield communications. The ability to use them autonomously or remotely places them as a multi-purpose tool within offense as well as defence strategies.

Strategic advantages of drone warfare

One of the most important strengths of drones is that they can minimise human casualties. Deploying unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) on battlefields, military soldiers are able to conduct missions without more risk to soldiers. It enhances operational effectiveness while coping with ethical concerns pertaining to direct human involvement in war.

Drones also provide cheaper alternatives to traditional military assets like fighter planes and soldiers. Being more economical to produce and maintain, they can be afforded by nations that desire an upgrade in their armed forces without having to spend much money.

Second, the ability to field swarms of drones—coordinated entities that make coordinated movements together—literally unleashes new tactical capabilities. Drone swarms are capable of saturating an adversary’s defences, strike simultaneously, and create strategic diversions, again showing the revolutionary capability of this technology in today’s war.

Ethical and Legal Implications

Though being beneficial, drones present ethical and legal issues, most notably autonomous targeting. The employment of artificial intelligence (AI) in the operation of drones creates controversies over accountability and decision-making in military operations. There are questions on who is responsible in instances of accidental targeting of civilians or unauthorised attacks.

International law cannot keep pace with the rate with which drone technology is developing. The absence of universally accepted laws governing their use is generating uncertainty in war policies. Others argue that drones would lower the cost of war, allowing nations to go to war with minimal political and human costs.

The future of drone warfare:

As technology progresses, drones are expected to become even more autonomous, precise, and adaptable. Advances in AI, machine learning, and robotics will have drones that can scan and process complex situations in real-time and perform operations with minimal or no human intervention.

While drones do possess certain undeniable military benefits, they also tend to conflict with conventional understandings of warfare, ethics, and global security. As states increasingly incorporate drones into their armed forces, it is imperative to set specific regulations and ethical standards that balance military prowess with humanitarian concerns.

Governments should take proactive measures

As there are several technologies on the market that can detect, jam, or disable drones, particularly in sensitive or restricted areas such as airports, military bases, or government buildings, the government should use them before any terrorist activity takes place. These technologies are largely adopted by law enforcement, defence organisations, and infrastructure owners concerned about security, privacy, or airspace invasion.

Detection is the very first step in all drone counteroperations. I wonder whether the radar systems in place in Colombo are capable of detecting drones. Radar devices, radio frequency (RF) scanners, acoustic sensors, and infrared or optical cameras can be utilized to detect and recognise airborne drones. Such technologies may detect the flight of drones, intercept signal communication between the drone and operator, or visually recognise an unauthorized drone.

Once a drone is detected, there are several non-lethal methods available to disable its operation. RF jammers would interfere with the control signals and bring drones down or return them to their origin. GPS jammers or spoofers would mislead or divert the navigation system of the drone. In some cases, advanced technology can hijack the control protocols of the drone, remotely controlling the drone and landing it safely. However, one must remember that these signal interference methods are typically illegal for civilian use in the majority of countries, including the U.S., due to communications and airspace control by the government.

Where disruption is not possible or effective, stronger countermeasures may be utilized. These might include directed energy devices such as microwaves or lasers, which can take the electronics of a drone out of action. Physical capture techniques such as net-firing drones, anti-drone rifles, or even trained birds of prey have been employed in certain situations, although the latter is less utilised today. These methods can prove to be effective but also risk damaging property or innocent bystanders, especially in an urban setting.

As most of these technologies are tightly controlled the government should introduce strict measures and restrictions on the use of these technologies and the use of drones. In countries like the United States, only licensed government agencies can use jamming or destructive anti-drone tech. For civilians or businesses looking to protect private property, passive detection gear is typically the only legally obtainable option, and anything must be done within the domestic aviation and telecommunications regulations.

As we discussed, drone technology has initiated a new chapter in warfare, revolutionising war fighting with precision, affordability, and flexibility. Whilst its strategic advantages are apparent, questions about ethical, legal, and security implications remain unsettled. Policy makers, as well as military commanders, must strike a balance between innovation and duty so that drone warfare remains in consonance with international norms and humanitarian values.

One of the major objectives of this article is to bring to the notice of the government the growing threat from drones, particularly now at this juncture in the world and national context where the acts of sabotage by terrorist groups are getting advanced and unpredictable. Drone technology that began to be utilized only for the purposes of hobby or commercial development has, today, evolved into machines that are easily weaponized or employed to bring destruction upon target objects. The ease of availability, movement, and unobtrusiveness of drones make them a perfect device to launch attacks on key infrastructure, government headquarters, or civilian populations. The article aims to raise awareness of this new threat and to highlight the need for urgent and immediate action by government authorities to establish regulation guidelines, invest in anti-drone systems, and ensure the security and safety of the country’s national airspace and public life.

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Midweek Review

Cumbrous Conscience

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The lights are out in the factory,

Human activity is petering out…

Solemn workers are heading home,

To dying hearths and mourning wives,

Today being their last day at work,

But the flabby Captain of Business,

Who thus far called the shots,

Is making good his escape,

Amid the Law’s shrill silence,

His sleek taxi roaring airport-bound,

But the weight on his conscience,

Is as cumbrous as his mounting luggage.

By Lynn Ockersz

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