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Midweek Review

Himalayan Declaration triggers intense debate, divides civil society

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President Wickremesinghe receiving a copy of Joint Himalayan Declaration from Suren Surendiran

Ambassador Julie Chung declared that the US welcomed the laudable GTF-SBSL initiative to expand cross-community understanding and seek lasting reconciliation. She was among the diplomatic community that met the delegation. Others included India, UK, Switzerland, Japan, Australia, South Africa, France, Canada, ICRC, and UN. In addition to President Wickremesinghe and diplomats , the delegation was received by Opposition Leader and Leader of SJB Sajith Premadasa, Leader of NPP Anura Kumara Dissanayake, Leader of SLPP and former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, Leader of the TNA R. Sampanthan, Leader of SLFP and former President Maithiripala Sirisena, former President Chandrika Banadaranaike Kumarathunge, Leader of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress Rauf Hakeem, General Secretary of Ceylon Workers Congress Jeevan Thondaman, Leader of Tamil Progressive Alliance & Democratic People’s Front Mano Ganesan, former Speaker of Parliament Karu Jayasuriya, current Speaker of Parliament Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena, Justice Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe and more than 35 MPs from various parties who attended the meeting held in the parliament complex with the delegation. The GTF claimed that they were all supportive and shared words of encouragement for the process. They also engaged with several important civil society members from North, East and South, representatives from the ‘Aragalaya’ and key media institutions and personnel from all three languages.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

The former President of Global Tamil Forum (GTF) Rev. Dr. S.J. Emmanuel now lives in Sri Lanka. Recently, the Jaffna-based priest, who had served as the President of the UK headquartered grouping, since its inception in Feb 2009, received a delegation from GTF, accompanied by several Buddhist monks. The latter represented hitherto unheard of organization called Sangha for Better Sri Lanka (SBSL), and could it be another shocker like the “peaceful’ Aragalaya that turned out overnight into a Trojan horse. We would caution people to be mindful of globetrotting clergy, while not accusing all, but some are obviously compromised.

The Diaspora delegation consisted of Dr. Elias Jeyarajah (US), Dr. Shanthini Jeyarajah (US), Raj Thavaratnasingham (UK, though currently based in India), Suren Surendiran (UK), Prakash Rajasunderam (Australia) and Dr. Kannaappar Mukunthan. They arrived in Colombo, separately and left the same way.

Some of the members again visited the East, Mannar and Jaffna before leaving the country. The entire delegation was out of the country before Christmas. The official engagements took place between Dec 7 and 15.

President Ranil Wickremesinghe received the delegation at the Presidential Secretariat on the evening of Dec 07. Surendiran formally presented a copy of the Joint Himalayan Declaration meant to facilitate the grouping’s engagement and advocacy efforts among different communities here.

It would be pertinent to name the entire group of monks who accompanied the GTF delegation invited to meet President Wickremesinghe. They are Ven. Dr. Madampagama Assaji Tissa Thera, Anu Nayaka of the Ambagahapitiya Chapter, Amarapura Nikya, Ven. Siyambalagaswewa Wimalasara Thera, Chief Sanganayaka of the Northern and Eastern Provinces, Malwatta Chapter of Siam Nikaya, Ven. Kithalagama Hemasara Nayaka Thera, General Secretary, Siri Dharmarakshitha Chapter, and Chief Sanga Nayaka of the Western Province, Ven. Prof. Pallekande Rathnasara Thera, Acting Mahanayaka of Vajirawansa Chapter of Amarapura Nikaya, Ven. Kalupahana Piyaratana Thera, former Member of Human Rights Council and Chairperson of Human Development Edification Centre, Ven. Narampanawe Dhammaloka Thera, Chief Sanganayaka of Pathadumbara, Central Province, Asgiriya Chapter of Siam Nikaya and Ven. Wadduwe Dhammawansa Thera, Deputy General Secretary, Ramagngna Nikaya.

Responding to a query posed by The Island, Surendiran described the talks here as a continuation of their productive dialogue in Nagarkot, Nepal, in April 2023.

Asked for the circumstances of his return to Sri Lanka, Rev Emmanuel said that President Maithripala Sirisena extended him an invitation to return to Sri Lanka when they met at London Hilton in early 2015. The late Mangala Samaraweera, the then Foreign Minister, who had been in close touch with the GTF, was there. The GTF delegation included Surendiran.

That was soon after the change of government and two years after the President’s request, Rev. Emmanuel had returned home where he lived quietly. “With my return to Jaffna, I ceased as the GTF President,” the academic said, declaring his support to the GTF-SBSL initiative. Rev. Emmanuel accompanied the joint delegation that met the Bishop of Jaffna Justin Gnanapragasam on Dec 09, two days after their meeting with President Wickremesinghe.

Immediately after the GTF delegation concluded a lengthy breakfast meeting with President Sirisena, the writer had an exclusive meeting with Rev Emmanuel, Surendiran and another member at the same hotel. The writer had accompanied the government group led by President Sirisena who was on his first overseas visit after the treacherous 2014/2015 constitutional coup.

The GTF that had been established with the blessings of the UK political parties, strongly expressed its desire and the need to engage the Sri Lankan leadership at the highest level. The GTF’s stand should be examined taking into consideration its alliance with the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) after the security forces crushed the LTTE’s formidable conventional military capability. The GTF came into being as the LTTE was losing the war, once considered unthinkable, and spearheaded a high profile campaign, leading to the Yahapalana government co-sponsorship of an accountability resolution in Oct 2015 in Geneva. That was nothing but a treacherous act on the part of the then government headed by President Maithripala Sirisena, who was clueless as it was beyond his obvious capacity, while then Premier Wickremesinghe ran the deceitful show, both of which was unpardonable, under any circumstances.

Having established direct contact with Surendiran at the Geneva Human Rights Council, in early 2012, three years after the conclusion of the war, The Island provided significant coverage over a turbulent period to the GTF at a time it was considered a hostile organization.

Guided by LLRC recommendations

Jagath Dias, Dr. Gunadasa Amarasekera, Ambika Satkunanathan

In June 2015, Mangala Samaraweera set the record straight in respect of talks with the GTF and the TNA. Lawmaker Samaraweera addressed the issue in Parliament in his capacity as the Foreign Minister when he responded to several questions raised by Opposition member Nimal Siripala de Silva. The Badulla District MP raised the issue – the Samaraweera’s powwow in London with GTF and TNA representatives.

The late Samaraweera’s explanation is still valid and should be carefully examined against the backdrop of growing opposition to the Joint Himalayan Declaration from both sides of the divide. Interestingly, an influential section of the Tamil community, and some prominent nationalist organizations, have rejected the Joint Himalayan Declaration for totally different reasons.

Pointing out that the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) that had been appointed by the war-winning Mahinda Rajapaksa government, on May 15, 2010, in its report tabled in Parliament on Dec 16, 2011, recommended tangible measures to reach a consensus with the Tamil Diaspora, regardless of their attitude towards the government during the war, Samaraweera stressed the the Yahapalana administration adopted the LLRC strategy.

Samaraweera found fault with the Rajapaksa administration for not heeding recommendations that had been made by its own Commission. A former Attorney General, the late C.R. de Silva, chaired the LLRC.

Among those who had been involved in the London talks were representatives of the South African and Swiss governments and wartime Norwegian Ambassador in Colombo Tore Hattrem (2007-2010). Hattrem, at the time of the London talks, served as State Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Had Samaraweera been alive today, he would have been very happy to see the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government making a fresh effort to reach out to the Diaspora.

The Rajapaksa government never explained why it disregarded some crucial recommendations made by the LLRC, particularly pertaining to the Tamil Diaspora. However, there had been efforts made both during Mahinda Rajapaksa’s reign (after the conclusion of the war) and at the onset of the Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s administration, though they failed to achieve the desired results.

The latest initiative seemed to have taken those who oppose the GTF-led approach by surprise though some of them appeared to be aware of the Nagarkot meeting and moves made at the highest levels to arrange a meeting with President Wickremesinghe.

President Wickremesinghe’s visit to the Jaffna peninsula, where he met a cross section of people, should be examined against the backdrop of the forthcoming national election – presidential or parliamentary later this year. The UNP leader seems to be directly appealing to the northerners, regardless of the TNPF (Tamil National People’s Front) leading the protests against his visit.

Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam’s TNPF refused to meet the GTF-SBSL delegation. Subsequently, the outspoken Jaffna District lawmaker suggested that the Tamil community should boycott the presidential poll. The MP’s call reminded us of the LTTE engineered boycott of the 2005 presidential poll that deprived Wickremesinghe of certain victory. The TNA accepted the LTTE directive, thereby facilitating Mahinda Rajapaksa’s victory at the Nov 2005 election by demanding and ensuring the boycott of the poll by the Tamils of the North and East. Wickremesinghe lost the contest by less than 200,000 votes. Just four years later, the once formidable LTTE conventional fighting power ,which some experts considered invincible, was eradicated.

Five years later, the LTTE’s cat’s paw the TNA joined hands with the UNP and the JVP in support of General Sarath Fonseka, who comfortably won all the northern and eastern electorates but lost the presidential contest by a staggering 1.8 mn votes.

Tamil Diaspora and other stakeholders must realize that though Fonseka lost the election badly, his superlative performance in the Northern and Eastern Provinces proved one thing – that the Tamils wanted the man who destroyed the LTTE in battle. True, in actual fact the people of the North merely bowed to the will of the Tigers as the LTTE brooked no nonsense beyond its dictate. Maybe that artificial outcome of Tamils voting for the southern war hero, who brought the LTTE to its knees, should have been used to bring about a post-war reconciliation by thinking out of the box.

Had they been really uncompromising, especially less than one year after the end of war and General Fonseka’s Army accused of war crimes, voters would have kept away from polling booths. But, they didn’t. The civilians probably felt that the LTTE and its international backers, including the Tamil Diaspora, squandered opportunities to negotiate a settlement. The LTTE received its best chance in Feb 2002 when Wickremesinghe risked his political career to enter into a one sided ceasefire agreement with them. But, they quit the negotiating table in April 2003 and engaged in a deadly game with the military thereby creating an environment conducive for the then President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga to take political advantage. What she really didn’t anticipate was her having to pick Mahinda Rajapaksa as their presidential candidate. The rest is history.

General Dias issues warning

Retired General Jagath Dias issued a warning against supporting the Himalayan Declaration. Referring to the GTF-led initiative as an invasion, the former General Officer Commanding (GOC) of the 57 Division urged the people to pressure parliamentarians not to support it.

The Gajaba Regiment veteran said so addressing the media at the N.M. Perera Centre, at Punchi Borella, on January 02. The warning was issued in support of Dr. Gunadasa Amarasekera’s appeal to members of Parliament not to support the Office for National Unity and Reconciliation Bill (Second Reading) on January 09. The debate on this vital Bill is scheduled to be taken up on that day between 10:30 am and 5 pm.

Dr. Amarasekera who had been always at the forefront of patriotic campaigns, in his capacity as the convenor of the Federation of National Organizations (FNO) asked parliamentarians not to back the Bill. Obviously, the FNO’s appeal was meant for those who represented the ruling Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) and the main Opposition Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB). Both parties were represented when Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena recently received a joint GTF-SBSL delegation at the Parliament complex.

General Dias and Dr. Amarasekera warned that the new Bill betrayed the war-winning military and strengthened the process that was being advanced in terms of Sri Lanka’s co-sponsorship of an accountability resolution at the Geneva Human Rights Council on Oct 01, 2015. There hadn’t been any such previous resolution that targeted the military of the co-sponsor thereby paving the way for action against selected members as well as entire fighting formations.

General Dias and Dr. Amarasekera expressed the view that the Bill was in line with what they called Himalayan agenda.

In his letter dated Dec 26, 2023, addressed to parliamentarians, Dr. Amarasekera alleged that seven monks who backed the GTF initiative did so for personal gain. The prominent nationalist referred to their strategy meant to (1) recommence devolution talks between the Diaspora and the government. (2) cause a strategic rift among the Buddhist clergy.

Dr. Amarasekera has explained that a fresh round of structured talks would give the Tamil Diaspora the initiative to regain lost ground after the eradication of the LTTE’s conventional military capability whereas a split among the Buddhist clergy would help them control public protest campaigns.

Perhaps, the FNO should explain whether the grouping raised the vital issue with SLPP leader Mahinda Rajapaksa as the fate of the Bill entirely depend on his stand. Dr. Amarasekera cannot, under any circumstances, forget that the FNO backed Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s candidature at the 2019 presidential poll, as well as the SLPP, at the parliamentary election the following year.

Having elected Wickremesinghe as the President in July 2022 to complete the remainder of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s term, the SLPP, regardless of some concerns, fully backed the UNP’s leader’s strategy throughout this period. The SLPP overwhelmingly voted for the 2024 Budget at its Third Reading on Dec 13, 2023, thereby ensuring the continuation of the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa administration. Therefore, the party is most likely to throw its weight behind the controversial Office for National Unity and Reconciliation Bill. (This piece was done four days before the debate).

It would be interesting to examine the stand taken by parliamentarians representing the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) that remained sort of silent on the GTF initiative, though it aided the project. The position of the entirely Jaffna based TNPF as well as the Tamil People’s National Alliance, also known as the Thamizh Makkal Tesiya Kootani (TMTK) represented by retired Supreme Court Justice C.V. Wigneswaran, too, should be carefully studied.

What would Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan aka Pilleyan’s (formerly of the LTTE and one-time sidekick of Vinayagamurthy Muralitharan aka Karuna) stand be? Would EPDP leader Douglas Devananda, who had been leading EPDP (one of the former militant organizations sponsored by India), throw his weight behind the initiative? The position of Tamil politicians representing electoral districts outside the Northern and Eastern Provinces, particularly the Upcountry region, would be of significant interest.

Civil society divided

The high profile GTF-led initiative divided the civil society, with a section alleging that the project is meant to protect the Sri Lankan government facing accountability accusations.

In a lengthy statement, issued from London on Dec 20, five days after the conclusion of the talks here, the GTF listed Jaffna District TNA MP M.A. Sumanthiran as one of the persons who could be contacted for clarification regarding the comprehensive report.

Responding to this particular allegation, the GTF declared Sri Lanka would be kept under international scrutiny for its past and present human rights and international and local law violations. Unfortunately, the GTF quite conveniently refrained from commenting on violations committed by the Tamil community and the government of India. The GTF lacked the strength to acknowledge the accountability on the part of the Tamil community and the victims of the mindless violence perpetrated by them.

The GTF and SBSL owed an explanation if they really intended to address accountability issues. None of those demanding accountability on the part of Sri Lanka seem to be interested in examining the culpability of India that brazenly sponsored terrorism here and those who perpetrated terrorism. Some of them served as parliamentarians whereas others continued to do so.

Have you ever heard of anyone demanding accountability on the part of the TNA for directly being involved with the LTTE? No less than the European Union, way back in 2004, declared the nexus between the LTTE and the TNA and how the latter won the lion’s share of seats in the Northern and Eastern Provinces at the 2004 general election with the LTTE stuffing ballot boxes on the former’s favour. But, the government feared to take tangible measures against the TNA that served the LTTE proxy until the very end – the day the Army put a bullet through Velupillai Prabhakaran’s head at Nanthikadal, Mullaithivu during a final exchange of fire.

Former HRC member, lawyer and prominent civil society activist Ambika Satkunanathan, in an article carried in the Daily FT on January 02, 2024 comprehensively dealt with the GTF spearheaded initiative which she claimed is facilitated by the Association of War Affected Women and funded by the Swiss Government. Satkunanathan didn’t mince her words when she declared the project has earned the ire of the Tamil community, both in Sri Lanka and abroad. Satkunanathan’s piece is a must read (https://www.ft.lk/columns/How-to-evade-justice-Reconciliation-without-accountability/4-756911).

Against the backdrop of such criticism, the TNA leader R. Sampanthan’s stand on the issue cannot be disregarded. The GTF statement quoted Sampanthan as having said: “We should have done this many years ago” The GTF declared the Trincomalee district MP repeated the same at least three times.

Regardless of concerns by various stakeholders, an influential section of the Colombo-based diplomatic community declared its support for the latest reconciliation effort. That is a significant development as those countries backed the 2015 Geneva resolution.



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Midweek Review

Aragalaya: GR blames CIA in Asanga Abeyagoonasekera’s explosive narrative

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Asanga

Did CIA chief William Burns visit Colombo in Feb 2023? Sri Lanka and the US refrained from formally confirming the visit. The Opposition sought confirmation of the then CIA Chief’s visit to Colombo in terms of the Right to Information Act but the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government sidestepped the query. A former Republican congressman from Texas and Director of National Intelligence (2020–2021) John Ratcliffe succeeded Burns in late January 2025.

 

On the sheer weight of new evidence presented by Asanga Abeyagoonasekera’s ‘Winds of Change’, readers can get a clear picture of the forces that overthrew President Gotabaya Rajapaksa in 2022.

Even five years after the political upheaval, widely dubbed ‘Aragalaya,’ controversy surrounds the high-profile operation that forced wartime Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa to literally run for his dear life.

Gotabaya Rajapaksa, formerly of the Army but a novice to party politics, comfortably won the 2019 November presidential election against the backdrop of the Easter Sunday carnage that caused uncertainty and suspicions among communities. The economic crisis, also clandestinely engineered from abroad, firstly by crippling vital worker remittances from abroad, almost from the onset of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s presidency, overwhelmed the government and created the environment conducive for external intervention. Could it have been avoided if the government, that enjoyed a near two-thirds majority in Parliament, sought the help of the International Monetary Fund (IMF)?

The costly and well-funded book project, undertaken at the time Abeyagoonasekera was working on a governance diagnostic report for the IMF, in the wake of the change of government in Sri Lanka, meticulously examined the former Lieutenant Colonel’s ouster, taking into consideration regional as well as global developments. Abeyagoonasekera dealt efficiently and furiously with rapidly changing situations and developments before the unprecedented 03 January, 2026, US raid on Venezuela.

Lt. Col. (retd) Gotabaya Rajapaksa, for some unexplainable reason and a considerable time after the events, has chosen to blame his ouster on the United States. We cannot blame him either, by the way we have seen how other regime changes had been engineered, in our region, by Washington, since and before Gotabaya’s ouster. The accusation is extraordinary as Gotabaya Rajapaksa in his memoirs ‘The conspiracy to oust me from presidency’ refrained from naming the primary conspirator, though he clearly alluded to an international conspiracy.

April 8, 2019 meeting

Launched in March 2024, in the run-up to the presidential election that brought Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) to power, almost in a dream ride, if not for the intervening outside evil actors, ‘The conspiracy to oust me from presidency’ discussed the international conspiracy, but conveniently failed to name the primary conspirator. What made the former President speak so candidly with Abeyagoonasekera, the founding Director-General of the national security think tank, the Institute of National Security Studies Sri Lanka (INSS), under the Ministry of Defence, from 2016 to 2020?

Abeyagoonasekera also served as Executive Director at the Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute (LKI), under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2011–2015), during Mahinda Rajapaksa’s second term as the President. The author, both precisely and furiously, dealt with issues. Readers may find very interesting quotes and they do give a feeling of the author’s general hostility towards the US, India, as well as to the US-India marriage of convenience. Those who sense so may end up thinking ‘Change of Winds’ being supportive of the Chinese strategy. Among the highly sensitive quotes that underlined the Indian approach were attributed to Indian Defence Secretary Sanjay Mitra. The author quoted Mitra as having declared: “We need the MRCC centre [Maritime Rescue Coordination Centre], and you cannot give it to another nation.” As pointed out by the author, it was not a request but an order given to Sri Lanka on 8 April, 2019, meant to prevent Sri Lanka from even considering a competing proposal from China. Against that background, the author, who had been present at that meeting at which the Sri Lanka delegation was led by then Defence Secretary Hemasiri Fernando, questioned the failure on the part of the delegations to take up the Easter Sunday attacks. Terrorists struck two weeks later. Implications were telling.

That particular quote reveals the circumstances India and the US operated here. No wonder the incumbent government does not want to discuss the secret defence MoUs it has entered into with India and the US as they would clearly reveal the sellout of our interests.

The following line says a lot about the circumstances under which Gotabaya Rajapaksa was removed: “In Singapore, a senior journalist recounted how Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s resignation was scripted, under duress, at a hotel, facilitated by a foreign motorcade.”

In the first Chapter that incisively dealt with the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the author was so lucky to secure an explosive quote from the ousted leader in an exclusive, hitherto unreported, interview in June 2024, a few months after the launch of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s memoirs. The ex-President hadn’t minced his words when he alleged that the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) orchestrated his removal. He also claimed that he had been under US surveillance throughout his presidency.

The ousted leader has confidently cleared India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) of complicity in the operation. What made him call Indian National Security Advisor (NSA) Ajit Doval ‘a good man,’ in response to Abeyagoonasekera’s pointed query. Abeyagoonasekera quoted Gotabaya Rajapaksa as having said: “… he would never do such things.” The ex-President must have some reason to call Doval a good friend, regardless of intense pressure exerted on him and the Mahinda Rajapaksa government by the Indians to do away with large scale Chinese-funded projects. (Doval in late October last year declared “poor governance” was the reason behind uprisings that led to change of governments in Bangladesh, Nepal, and Sri Lanka over the period of past three-and-a-half years. The media quoted Doval as having said, during a function in New Delhi, that democracy and non-institutional methods of regime change in countries, such as Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Nepal, created their own set of problems. That was the first time a senior Indian government official made remarks on Nepal’s government change, followed by the Gen Z uprising in early September, 2025.)

Gotabaya Rajapaksa also cleared the Chinese of seeking to oust him. It would be pertinent to mention that China reacted sternly when at the onset of the Gotabaya presidency, the President suggested the need to re-negotiate the Hambantota Port deal.

During the treacherous ‘Yahapalana’ administration (2015 to 2019) Gotabaya Rajapaksa told me how Doval had pressed him to halt not only the Colombo Port City project but to take back Hambantota Port as well. By then, the Chinese had twisted the arms of the Yahapalana leaders Mairthpala Sirisena and Ranil Wickremesinghe and secured the Hambantota Port on a 99-year lease in a one-sided USD 1.2 bn deal. The Colombo Port City project, that had been halted by the Yahapalana government, too, was resumed possibly under Chinese threat or for some money incentive.

Once Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe, PC, declared, at a hastily arranged media briefing at Sri Lanka Foundation (SLF), that Sri Lanka would be relentlessly targeted as long as the Chinese held the Hambantota Port. The writer was present at that media briefing.

Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe said so in the aftermath of the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage, while disclosing his abortive bid to convince the Yahapalana government to abrogate the Hambantota Port deal. Did the parliamentarian know something we were not aware of? The author’s assessment, regarding the Easter Sunday attacks, based on interviews with Chinese officials and scholars, is frightening and an acknowledgement of a possible Western role in Sri Lanka’s destabilisation plot.

The ousted leader, in his lengthy interview with Abeyagoonasekera, made some attention-grabbing comments on the then US Ambassador here, Julie Chung. The ex-President questioned a particular aspect of Chung’s conduct during the protest campaign but his decision not to reveal it all in his memoirs is a mystery. Perhaps, one of the most thought-provoking queries raised by Abeyagoonasekera is the rationale in Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s claim that he didn’t want to suppress the protest campaign by using force against the backdrop of his own declaration that the CIA orchestrated the project.

Author’s foray into parliamentary politics

Gotabaya

For those genuinely interested in post-Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga developments, pertaining to international relations and geopolitics, may peruse ‘Winds of Change’ as the third of a trilogy. ‘Sri Lanka at Crossroads’ (2019) dealt with the Mahinda Rajapaksa period and ‘Conundrum of an Island’ (2021) discussed the treacherous Sirisena–Wickremesinghe alliance. The third in the series examined the end of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna’s (SLPP) President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s rule and the rise of Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) whom the author described as a Marxist, though this writer is of the view the JVP and NPP leader AKD is not so. AKD has clearly aligned his administration with US-India while trying to sustain existing relationship with China.

Among Asanga Abeyagoonasekera’s other books were ‘Towards a Better World Order’ (2015) and ‘Teardrop Diplomacy: China’s Sri Lanka Foray’ (2023, Bloomsbury).

Had Abeyagoonasekera succeeded in his bid to launch a political career in 2015, the trilogy on Sri Lanka may not have materialised. Abeyagoonasekera contested the Gampaha district at the August 2015 parliamentary election on the UNP ticket but failed to garner sufficient preferences to secure a place in Parliament. That dealt a devastating setback to Abeyagoonasekera’s political ambitions, but the Wickremesinghe-Sirisena administration created the Institute of National Security Studies Sri Lanka (INSS), under the Ministry of Defence, for him. Abeyagoonasekera received the appointment as the founding Director-General of the national security think tank, from 2016 to 2020.

Several persons dealt with ‘Aragalaya’ (the late Prof. Nalin de Silva used to call it (Paragalaya) before Abeyagoonasekera though none of them examined the regional and global contexts so deeply, taking into consideration the relevant developments. Having read Wimal Weerawansa’s (Nine: The hidden story), Sena Thoradeniya’s (Galle Face Protest; Systems Change or Anarchy?). Mahinda Siriwardena’s (Sri Lanka’s Economic Revival – Reflection on the Journey from Crisis to Recovery) and Prof. Sunanda Maddumabandara’s (Aragalaye Balaya), the writer is of the opinion Abeyagoonasekera dealt with the period in question as an incisive insider.

Abeyagoonasekera, as a person who left the country, under duress, in 2021, painted a frightening picture of a country with a small and vulnerable economy trapped in major global rivalries. The former government servant attributed his self–imposed exile to two issues.

The first was the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage. Why did the Wickremesinghe-Sirisena government ignore the warning issued by Abeyagoonasekera, in his capacity as DG INSS, in respect of the Easter Sunday bombing campaign? There is absolutely no ambiguity at all in his claim. Abeyagoonasekera insists that he alerted the government four months before the National Thowheed Jamath (NTJ) bombers struck. The bottom line is that Abeyagoonasekera had issued the warning several weeks before India did but those at the helm of that inept administration chose to turn a blind eye.

The second was the impending economic crisis that engulfed the country in 2022. Abeyagoonasekera is deeply bitter about his arrest on 21 July, 2024, at the Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA) over an alleged IRD –related offence as reported at that time, especially because he was returning home to visit his sick mother.

Asanga’s father Ossie, a member of Parliament and controversial figure, was killed in an LTTE suicide attack at Thotalanga in late Oct. 1994. The Chairman and leader of Sri Lanka Mahajana Pakshaya had been on stage with then UNP presidential election candidate Gamini Dissanayake when the woman suicide cadre blasted herself. The assassination was meant to ensure Kumaratunga’s victory. The LTTE probably felt that it could manipulate Kumaratunga than the experienced Dissanayake who may have had reached some sort of consensus with New Delhi on how to deal with the LTTE.

Let me reproduce a question posed to Asanga Abeyagoonasekera and his response in ‘Winds of Change’ as some may believe that the author is holding something back. “Didn’t they listen?” a US intelligence officer had asked me incredulously after the bombings. Years later, during my role as a technical advisor for the International Monetary Fund (IMF) amid Sri Lanka’s collapse, the question resurfaced: “How did you foresee the collapse of a powerful regime with a majority in parliament?” My answer remained the same—patterns. Rigorously gathered data and relentless analysis reveal the arcs of history before they unfold.

Perhaps, readers may find what former cashiered Flying Officer Keerthi Ratnayake had to say about ‘Aragalaya’ and related developments (https://island.lk/ex-slaf-officer-sheds-light-on-developments-leading-to-aragalaya/)

Bombshell claim

Essentially, Abeyagoonasekera, on the basis of his exclusive and lengthy interview with former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, confirmed what Wimal Weerawansa and Sena Thoradeniya alleged that the US spearheaded the operation.

But Prof. Maddumabandara, a confidant of first post-Aragalaya President Ranil Wickremesinghe has bared the direct Indian involvement in the regime change operation. In spite of Gotabaya Rajapaksa confidently clearing Indian NSA Doval of complicity in his ouster, Prof. Maddumabandara is on record as having said that the then Indian High Commissioner here Gopal Baglay put pressure on Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena to take over the government for an interim period. (https://island.lk/dovals-questionable-regional-stock-taking/)

Obviously, the US and India worked together on the Sri Lanka regime change operation. That is the undeniable truth. India wanted to thwart Wickremesinghe receiving the presidency by bringing in Speaker Abeywardena. That move went awry in spite of some sections of both Buddhist and Catholic clergy throwing their weight behind New Delhi.

The 2022 violent regime change operation cannot be discussed without taking into consideration the US-led project that also involved the UNP, JVP and TNA to engineer retired General Sarath Fonseka’s victory at the 2010 presidential election and their backing for turncoat Maithripala Sirisena at the 2015 presidential election.

The section, titled ‘Echoes of Crisis from Sri Lanka to Bangladesh: South Asia’s Struggle in a Polycrisis’, is riveting and underscores the complexity of the situation and fragility of governments. Executive power and undisputable majorities in Parliament seems irrelevant as external powers intervene thereby making the electoral system redundant.

Having meticulously compared the overthrowing of Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Bangladesh’s Premier Sheikh Hasina, the author condemned them for their alleged failures and brutality. Abeyagoonasekera stated: “When the military sides with the protesters, as it did in Sri Lanka and now in Bangladesh, it reveals the rulers’ vulnerabilities.” The author unmercifully chided the former President for seeking refuge in the West while alleging direct CIA role in his ouster. But that may have spared his life. Had he sought a lifeline from the Chinese so late the situation could have taken a turn for worse.

The comment that had been attributed to Gotabaya Rajapaksa seemed to belittle Ranil Wickremesinghe who accepted the challenge of becoming the Premier in May 2022 and then chosen by the ruling SLPP to complete the remainder of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s five-year term. Ranil was definitely seen as an opportunistic vulture who backed ‘Aragalaya’ without any qualms till he saw an opening for himself out of the chaos.

On Wickremesinghe’s path

Abeyagoonasekera discussed the joint US-Indian strategy pertaining to Sri Lanka. Whatever the National People’s Power (NPP) and its President say, the current dispensation is continuing Wickremesinghe’s policy as pointed out by the author. In fact, this government appears to be ready even to go beyond Wickremesinghe’s understanding with New Delhi. The Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on defence and the selling of the controlling interests of the Colombo Dockyard Limited (CDL) to India, mid last year, must have surprised even those who always pushed for enhanced relations at all levels.

The economic collapse that resulted in political upheaval has given New Delhi the perfect opportunity to consolidate its position here. Uncomplimentary comments on current Indian High Commissioner Santosh Jha in ‘Winds of Change’ have to be discussed, paying attention to Sri Lanka’s growing dependence and alleged clandestine activities of India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW). Abeyagoonasekera seemed to have no qualms in referring to RAW’s hand in 2019 Easter Sunday carnage.

Overall ‘Winds of Change’ encourages, inspires and confirms suspicions about US and Indian intelligence services and underscores the responsibility of those in power to be extra cautious. But, in the case of smaller and weaker economies, such as Sri Lanka still struggling to overcome the economic crisis, there seems to be no solution. Not only India and the US, the Chinese, too, pursue their agenda here unimpeded. Utilisation of political parties, represented in Parliament, selected individuals, and media, in the Chinese efforts, are obvious. Once parliamentarian Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe raised the Chinese interventions in Sri Lanka. He questioned the Parliament receiving about 240 personal laptops for all parliamentarians and top officials. The then UNPer told the writer his decision not to accept the laptop paid for by China. Perhaps, he is the only Sri Lankan politician to have written a strongly worded letter to Chinese leader Xi warning against high profile Chinese strategy.

Winds of Change
is available at
Vijitha Yapa and Sarasavi

By Shamindra Ferdinando

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Midweek Review

Beginning of another ‘White Supremacist’ World Order?

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Donald Trump’s complete lack of intelligence, empathy and common sense have become more apparent during the current term of his presidency.  Ordinarily, a country’s wish to self-destruct as the United States seemingly does at present, and as the violence against US citizens and immigrants alike at the hands of federal authorities have shown in Minnesota, can be callously considered the business of that country. If the Trumpian imbecility was unfolding in Sri Lanka, anywhere else in South Asia or some other country of the purported Third World, the so-called World Order, led by the United States, would be preaching to us the values of democracy and human rights.  But what happens when the actions of a powerful country, such as the United States, engulfs in the ensuing flames the rest of us? Trump and his madness then necessarily become our business, too, because combined with the military and economic power of the United States and its government’s proven lack of empathy for its own people, and the rest of the world, is quite literally a matter of global survival. Besides, one of the ‘positive’ outcomes of the Trumpian madness, as a friend observed recently, is that “he has single-handedly exposed and destroyed the fiction of ‘Western Civilisation’, including the pretenses of Europe.”

It is in this context that the speech delivered by the Canadian Prime Minister, Mark Carney, at the World Economic Forum, in Davos, on 20 January, 2026, deserves attention.  It was an elegant speech, a slap in the face of Trump and his policies, the articulation of the need for global directional change, all in one. But, pertinently, it was also a speech that did not clearly accept responsibility for the current world (dis)order which Carney says needs to change.  The reality of that need, however, was overly reemphasised by Trump himself during his meandering, arrogant and incohesive speech delivered a day later, spanning over one hour.

My interest is in what Carney did not specifically say in his speech: who would constitute the new world order, who would be its leaders and why should we believe it would be any different from the present one?

Speaking in French, Carney observed that he was talking about “a rupture in the world order, the end of a pleasant fiction and the beginning of a harsh reality, where geopolitics, where the large, main power, geopolitics, is submitted to no limits, no constraints.” He was, of course, responding to the vulgar script for global domination put in place by the Trumpian United States, given Trump’s declared interest in seeing Canada as part of the United States, his avarice for Greenland, not to mention his already concluded grab for Venezuelan oil. But within this scenario, bound by ‘no limits’ and ‘no constraints’ he was also talking of Russia and China albeit in a coded language.

He reiterated, “that the other countries, especially intermediate powers like Canada, are not powerless. They have the capacity to build a new order that encompasses our values, such as respect for human rights, sustainable development, solidarity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the various states. The power of the less power starts with honesty.”

Who could disagree with Carney? His words are a refreshing whiff of fresh air in the intellectual wasteland that is the Trumpian Oval Office and the current world order it prevails over. But where has been the ‘honesty’ of the less powerful in the specific situation where he equates Canada itself within this spectrum? He tells us that “the rules-based order is fading, that the strong can do what they can, and the weak must suffer what they must.”

That is stating the obvious. We have known this for decades by experience. Long before Canada’s relative silence with regard to Trump’s and US’ facilitation of the assault on Palestine and the massacre of its people, and the US President’s economic grab in Venezuela and the kidnapping of that country’s President and his wife, Canada’s own chorus in the world order that Carney now critiques has been embellished by silence or – even worse – by chords written  by the global dominance orchestra of the United States.

He says the fading of the rules-based order has occurred because of the “strong tendency for countries to go along, to get along, to accommodate, to avoid trouble, to hope that compliance will buy safety.” Canada fits this description better than most other nations I can think of. But would Canada, along with other nations among the silent majority within the ‘intermediate powers’ take the responsibility for the mess in the world precisely that silence has directly led to creating? Who will pay for the pain many nations have endured in the prevailing world order? Will Canada lead the way in the new world order in doing this?

Carney further articulates that “for decades, countries like Canada prospered under what we called the rules-based international order. We joined its institutions, we praised its principles, we benefited from its predictability. And because of that, we could pursue values-based foreign policies under its protection.”

But this is not true, is it?  Countries like Canada prospered not merely because of the stability of rules of the world order, but because they opted for silence when they should not have.  The rupture and the chaos in the world order Carney now critiques and is insanely led by Trump today is not merely the latter’s creation. It has been co-authored for decades by countries such as Canada, France, the United Kingdom to mention just a few who also regularly chant the twin-mantras of human rights and democracy. Trump is merely the latest and the most vocal proponent of the nastiness of that World Order.

It is not that Carney is unaware of this unpleasant reality.  He accepts that “the story of the international rules-based order was partially false, that the strongest would exempt themselves when convenient, that trade rules were enforced asymmetrically. And we knew that international law applied with varying rigour depending on the identity of the accused or the victim.”

While Canada seems to be coming to terms with this reality only now, countries like Sri Lanka and others in similarly disempowered positions in this world order have experienced this for decades, because, as I have outlined earlier, Canada et al have been complicit sustainers of the now demonised and demonic world order.

It is not that I disagree with the basic description Carney has painted of the status of the world. But from personal experience and from the perspective of a citizen from a powerless country, I simply do not trust those who preach ‘the gospel of the good’ not as a matter of principle, but only when the going gets tough for them.

At this rather late stage, Carney says, Canada is “amongst the first to hear the wake-up call, leading us to fundamentally shift our strategic posture.” Unfortunately, we, the people of countries who had to dance to the tunes of the world order led by the First World, have heard it for years, with no one listening to us when our discomforts were articulated. Now, Carney wants ‘middle powers’ or ‘intermediate powers’ within which he also locates Canada, “to live the truth?” For him, the truth means “naming reality” as it exists; “acting consistently” towards all in the world; “applying the same standards to allies and rivals” and “building what we claim to believe in, rather than waiting for the old order to be restored.” This appears to be the operational mantra for the new world order he is envisioning in which he sees Canada as a legitimate leader merely due to its late wakeup call.

He goes on to give a list of things Canada has done locally and globally and concludes by saying, “we have a recognition of what’s happening and a determination to act accordingly. We understand that this rupture calls for more than adaptation. It calls for honesty about the world as it is.” He goes on to say Canada also has “the capacity to stop pretending, to name reality, to build our strength at home and to act together.” He notes this is “Canada’s path. We choose it openly and confidently, and it is a path wide open to any country willing to take it with us.” Quite simply, this a leadership pitch for a new world order with Canada at its helm.

Without being overly cynical, this sounds very familiar, not too dissimilar to what USAID and Voice of America preached to the world; not too dissimilar to what the propaganda arms of the Soviet Union and the Chinese Communist Party used to preach in our own languages when we were growing up. It is difficult to buy this argument and accept Canadian and middle country leadership for the new world order when they have been consistently part of the problem of the old one and its excuses for institutionalised double standards practiced by international organisations such as the likes of the United Nations, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and other hegemonic entities that have catered to the whims of that world order.

As far as Canada is concerned, it is evident that it has suddenly woken up only due to an existential threat at home projected from across its southern border and Trump’s threats against the Danish territory of Greenland. When Gaza was battered, and Venezuela was raped, there was no audible clarion call. Therefore, there is no real desire for democracy or human rights in its true form, but a convenient and strategic interest in creating a new ‘white supremacist’ world order in the same persona as before, but this time led by a new white warrior instead. The rest of us would be mere followers, nodding our heads as expected as was the case before.

As the 20th century American standup comedian Lenny Bruce once said, “never trust a preacher with more than two suits.” Mr. Carney, Canada along with the so-called middle powers and the lapsed colonialists have way more than two suits, and we have seen them all.

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Midweek Review

The MAD Spectre

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Lo and behold the dangerous doings,

Of our most rational of animals,

Said to be the pride of the natural order,

Who stands on its head Perennial Wisdom,

Preached by the likes of Plato and Confucius,

Now vexing the earth and international waters,

With nuke-armed subs and other lethal weapons,

But giving fresh life to the Balance of Terror,

And the spectre of Mutually Assured Destruction.

By Lynn Ockersz

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