Midweek Review
Himalayan Declaration triggers intense debate, divides civil society
Ambassador Julie Chung declared that the US welcomed the laudable GTF-SBSL initiative to expand cross-community understanding and seek lasting reconciliation. She was among the diplomatic community that met the delegation. Others included India, UK, Switzerland, Japan, Australia, South Africa, France, Canada, ICRC, and UN. In addition to President Wickremesinghe and diplomats , the delegation was received by Opposition Leader and Leader of SJB Sajith Premadasa, Leader of NPP Anura Kumara Dissanayake, Leader of SLPP and former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, Leader of the TNA R. Sampanthan, Leader of SLFP and former President Maithiripala Sirisena, former President Chandrika Banadaranaike Kumarathunge, Leader of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress Rauf Hakeem, General Secretary of Ceylon Workers Congress Jeevan Thondaman, Leader of Tamil Progressive Alliance & Democratic People’s Front Mano Ganesan, former Speaker of Parliament Karu Jayasuriya, current Speaker of Parliament Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena, Justice Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe and more than 35 MPs from various parties who attended the meeting held in the parliament complex with the delegation. The GTF claimed that they were all supportive and shared words of encouragement for the process. They also engaged with several important civil society members from North, East and South, representatives from the ‘Aragalaya’ and key media institutions and personnel from all three languages.
By Shamindra Ferdinando
The former President of Global Tamil Forum (GTF) Rev. Dr. S.J. Emmanuel now lives in Sri Lanka. Recently, the Jaffna-based priest, who had served as the President of the UK headquartered grouping, since its inception in Feb 2009, received a delegation from GTF, accompanied by several Buddhist monks. The latter represented hitherto unheard of organization called Sangha for Better Sri Lanka (SBSL), and could it be another shocker like the “peaceful’ Aragalaya that turned out overnight into a Trojan horse. We would caution people to be mindful of globetrotting clergy, while not accusing all, but some are obviously compromised.
The Diaspora delegation consisted of Dr. Elias Jeyarajah (US), Dr. Shanthini Jeyarajah (US), Raj Thavaratnasingham (UK, though currently based in India), Suren Surendiran (UK), Prakash Rajasunderam (Australia) and Dr. Kannaappar Mukunthan. They arrived in Colombo, separately and left the same way.
Some of the members again visited the East, Mannar and Jaffna before leaving the country. The entire delegation was out of the country before Christmas. The official engagements took place between Dec 7 and 15.
President Ranil Wickremesinghe received the delegation at the Presidential Secretariat on the evening of Dec 07. Surendiran formally presented a copy of the Joint Himalayan Declaration meant to facilitate the grouping’s engagement and advocacy efforts among different communities here.
It would be pertinent to name the entire group of monks who accompanied the GTF delegation invited to meet President Wickremesinghe. They are Ven. Dr. Madampagama Assaji Tissa Thera, Anu Nayaka of the Ambagahapitiya Chapter, Amarapura Nikya, Ven. Siyambalagaswewa Wimalasara Thera, Chief Sanganayaka of the Northern and Eastern Provinces, Malwatta Chapter of Siam Nikaya, Ven. Kithalagama Hemasara Nayaka Thera, General Secretary, Siri Dharmarakshitha Chapter, and Chief Sanga Nayaka of the Western Province, Ven. Prof. Pallekande Rathnasara Thera, Acting Mahanayaka of Vajirawansa Chapter of Amarapura Nikaya, Ven. Kalupahana Piyaratana Thera, former Member of Human Rights Council and Chairperson of Human Development Edification Centre, Ven. Narampanawe Dhammaloka Thera, Chief Sanganayaka of Pathadumbara, Central Province, Asgiriya Chapter of Siam Nikaya and Ven. Wadduwe Dhammawansa Thera, Deputy General Secretary, Ramagngna Nikaya.
Responding to a query posed by The Island, Surendiran described the talks here as a continuation of their productive dialogue in Nagarkot, Nepal, in April 2023.
Asked for the circumstances of his return to Sri Lanka, Rev Emmanuel said that President Maithripala Sirisena extended him an invitation to return to Sri Lanka when they met at London Hilton in early 2015. The late Mangala Samaraweera, the then Foreign Minister, who had been in close touch with the GTF, was there. The GTF delegation included Surendiran.
That was soon after the change of government and two years after the President’s request, Rev. Emmanuel had returned home where he lived quietly. “With my return to Jaffna, I ceased as the GTF President,” the academic said, declaring his support to the GTF-SBSL initiative. Rev. Emmanuel accompanied the joint delegation that met the Bishop of Jaffna Justin Gnanapragasam on Dec 09, two days after their meeting with President Wickremesinghe.
Immediately after the GTF delegation concluded a lengthy breakfast meeting with President Sirisena, the writer had an exclusive meeting with Rev Emmanuel, Surendiran and another member at the same hotel. The writer had accompanied the government group led by President Sirisena who was on his first overseas visit after the treacherous 2014/2015 constitutional coup.
The GTF that had been established with the blessings of the UK political parties, strongly expressed its desire and the need to engage the Sri Lankan leadership at the highest level. The GTF’s stand should be examined taking into consideration its alliance with the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) after the security forces crushed the LTTE’s formidable conventional military capability. The GTF came into being as the LTTE was losing the war, once considered unthinkable, and spearheaded a high profile campaign, leading to the Yahapalana government co-sponsorship of an accountability resolution in Oct 2015 in Geneva. That was nothing but a treacherous act on the part of the then government headed by President Maithripala Sirisena, who was clueless as it was beyond his obvious capacity, while then Premier Wickremesinghe ran the deceitful show, both of which was unpardonable, under any circumstances.
Having established direct contact with Surendiran at the Geneva Human Rights Council, in early 2012, three years after the conclusion of the war, The Island provided significant coverage over a turbulent period to the GTF at a time it was considered a hostile organization.
Guided by LLRC recommendations

Jagath Dias, Dr. Gunadasa Amarasekera, Ambika Satkunanathan
In June 2015, Mangala Samaraweera set the record straight in respect of talks with the GTF and the TNA. Lawmaker Samaraweera addressed the issue in Parliament in his capacity as the Foreign Minister when he responded to several questions raised by Opposition member Nimal Siripala de Silva. The Badulla District MP raised the issue – the Samaraweera’s powwow in London with GTF and TNA representatives.
The late Samaraweera’s explanation is still valid and should be carefully examined against the backdrop of growing opposition to the Joint Himalayan Declaration from both sides of the divide. Interestingly, an influential section of the Tamil community, and some prominent nationalist organizations, have rejected the Joint Himalayan Declaration for totally different reasons.
Pointing out that the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) that had been appointed by the war-winning Mahinda Rajapaksa government, on May 15, 2010, in its report tabled in Parliament on Dec 16, 2011, recommended tangible measures to reach a consensus with the Tamil Diaspora, regardless of their attitude towards the government during the war, Samaraweera stressed the the Yahapalana administration adopted the LLRC strategy.
Samaraweera found fault with the Rajapaksa administration for not heeding recommendations that had been made by its own Commission. A former Attorney General, the late C.R. de Silva, chaired the LLRC.
Among those who had been involved in the London talks were representatives of the South African and Swiss governments and wartime Norwegian Ambassador in Colombo Tore Hattrem (2007-2010). Hattrem, at the time of the London talks, served as State Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Had Samaraweera been alive today, he would have been very happy to see the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government making a fresh effort to reach out to the Diaspora.
The Rajapaksa government never explained why it disregarded some crucial recommendations made by the LLRC, particularly pertaining to the Tamil Diaspora. However, there had been efforts made both during Mahinda Rajapaksa’s reign (after the conclusion of the war) and at the onset of the Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s administration, though they failed to achieve the desired results.
The latest initiative seemed to have taken those who oppose the GTF-led approach by surprise though some of them appeared to be aware of the Nagarkot meeting and moves made at the highest levels to arrange a meeting with President Wickremesinghe.
President Wickremesinghe’s visit to the Jaffna peninsula, where he met a cross section of people, should be examined against the backdrop of the forthcoming national election – presidential or parliamentary later this year. The UNP leader seems to be directly appealing to the northerners, regardless of the TNPF (Tamil National People’s Front) leading the protests against his visit.
Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam’s TNPF refused to meet the GTF-SBSL delegation. Subsequently, the outspoken Jaffna District lawmaker suggested that the Tamil community should boycott the presidential poll. The MP’s call reminded us of the LTTE engineered boycott of the 2005 presidential poll that deprived Wickremesinghe of certain victory. The TNA accepted the LTTE directive, thereby facilitating Mahinda Rajapaksa’s victory at the Nov 2005 election by demanding and ensuring the boycott of the poll by the Tamils of the North and East. Wickremesinghe lost the contest by less than 200,000 votes. Just four years later, the once formidable LTTE conventional fighting power ,which some experts considered invincible, was eradicated.
Five years later, the LTTE’s cat’s paw the TNA joined hands with the UNP and the JVP in support of General Sarath Fonseka, who comfortably won all the northern and eastern electorates but lost the presidential contest by a staggering 1.8 mn votes.
Tamil Diaspora and other stakeholders must realize that though Fonseka lost the election badly, his superlative performance in the Northern and Eastern Provinces proved one thing – that the Tamils wanted the man who destroyed the LTTE in battle. True, in actual fact the people of the North merely bowed to the will of the Tigers as the LTTE brooked no nonsense beyond its dictate. Maybe that artificial outcome of Tamils voting for the southern war hero, who brought the LTTE to its knees, should have been used to bring about a post-war reconciliation by thinking out of the box.
Had they been really uncompromising, especially less than one year after the end of war and General Fonseka’s Army accused of war crimes, voters would have kept away from polling booths. But, they didn’t. The civilians probably felt that the LTTE and its international backers, including the Tamil Diaspora, squandered opportunities to negotiate a settlement. The LTTE received its best chance in Feb 2002 when Wickremesinghe risked his political career to enter into a one sided ceasefire agreement with them. But, they quit the negotiating table in April 2003 and engaged in a deadly game with the military thereby creating an environment conducive for the then President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga to take political advantage. What she really didn’t anticipate was her having to pick Mahinda Rajapaksa as their presidential candidate. The rest is history.
General Dias issues warning
Retired General Jagath Dias issued a warning against supporting the Himalayan Declaration. Referring to the GTF-led initiative as an invasion, the former General Officer Commanding (GOC) of the 57 Division urged the people to pressure parliamentarians not to support it.
The Gajaba Regiment veteran said so addressing the media at the N.M. Perera Centre, at Punchi Borella, on January 02. The warning was issued in support of Dr. Gunadasa Amarasekera’s appeal to members of Parliament not to support the Office for National Unity and Reconciliation Bill (Second Reading) on January 09. The debate on this vital Bill is scheduled to be taken up on that day between 10:30 am and 5 pm.
Dr. Amarasekera who had been always at the forefront of patriotic campaigns, in his capacity as the convenor of the Federation of National Organizations (FNO) asked parliamentarians not to back the Bill. Obviously, the FNO’s appeal was meant for those who represented the ruling Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) and the main Opposition Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB). Both parties were represented when Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena recently received a joint GTF-SBSL delegation at the Parliament complex.
General Dias and Dr. Amarasekera warned that the new Bill betrayed the war-winning military and strengthened the process that was being advanced in terms of Sri Lanka’s co-sponsorship of an accountability resolution at the Geneva Human Rights Council on Oct 01, 2015. There hadn’t been any such previous resolution that targeted the military of the co-sponsor thereby paving the way for action against selected members as well as entire fighting formations.
General Dias and Dr. Amarasekera expressed the view that the Bill was in line with what they called Himalayan agenda.
In his letter dated Dec 26, 2023, addressed to parliamentarians, Dr. Amarasekera alleged that seven monks who backed the GTF initiative did so for personal gain. The prominent nationalist referred to their strategy meant to (1) recommence devolution talks between the Diaspora and the government. (2) cause a strategic rift among the Buddhist clergy.
Dr. Amarasekera has explained that a fresh round of structured talks would give the Tamil Diaspora the initiative to regain lost ground after the eradication of the LTTE’s conventional military capability whereas a split among the Buddhist clergy would help them control public protest campaigns.
Perhaps, the FNO should explain whether the grouping raised the vital issue with SLPP leader Mahinda Rajapaksa as the fate of the Bill entirely depend on his stand. Dr. Amarasekera cannot, under any circumstances, forget that the FNO backed Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s candidature at the 2019 presidential poll, as well as the SLPP, at the parliamentary election the following year.
Having elected Wickremesinghe as the President in July 2022 to complete the remainder of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s term, the SLPP, regardless of some concerns, fully backed the UNP’s leader’s strategy throughout this period. The SLPP overwhelmingly voted for the 2024 Budget at its Third Reading on Dec 13, 2023, thereby ensuring the continuation of the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa administration. Therefore, the party is most likely to throw its weight behind the controversial Office for National Unity and Reconciliation Bill. (This piece was done four days before the debate).
It would be interesting to examine the stand taken by parliamentarians representing the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) that remained sort of silent on the GTF initiative, though it aided the project. The position of the entirely Jaffna based TNPF as well as the Tamil People’s National Alliance, also known as the Thamizh Makkal Tesiya Kootani (TMTK) represented by retired Supreme Court Justice C.V. Wigneswaran, too, should be carefully studied.
What would Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan aka Pilleyan’s (formerly of the LTTE and one-time sidekick of Vinayagamurthy Muralitharan aka Karuna) stand be? Would EPDP leader Douglas Devananda, who had been leading EPDP (one of the former militant organizations sponsored by India), throw his weight behind the initiative? The position of Tamil politicians representing electoral districts outside the Northern and Eastern Provinces, particularly the Upcountry region, would be of significant interest.
Civil society divided
The high profile GTF-led initiative divided the civil society, with a section alleging that the project is meant to protect the Sri Lankan government facing accountability accusations.
In a lengthy statement, issued from London on Dec 20, five days after the conclusion of the talks here, the GTF listed Jaffna District TNA MP M.A. Sumanthiran as one of the persons who could be contacted for clarification regarding the comprehensive report.
Responding to this particular allegation, the GTF declared Sri Lanka would be kept under international scrutiny for its past and present human rights and international and local law violations. Unfortunately, the GTF quite conveniently refrained from commenting on violations committed by the Tamil community and the government of India. The GTF lacked the strength to acknowledge the accountability on the part of the Tamil community and the victims of the mindless violence perpetrated by them.
The GTF and SBSL owed an explanation if they really intended to address accountability issues. None of those demanding accountability on the part of Sri Lanka seem to be interested in examining the culpability of India that brazenly sponsored terrorism here and those who perpetrated terrorism. Some of them served as parliamentarians whereas others continued to do so.
Have you ever heard of anyone demanding accountability on the part of the TNA for directly being involved with the LTTE? No less than the European Union, way back in 2004, declared the nexus between the LTTE and the TNA and how the latter won the lion’s share of seats in the Northern and Eastern Provinces at the 2004 general election with the LTTE stuffing ballot boxes on the former’s favour. But, the government feared to take tangible measures against the TNA that served the LTTE proxy until the very end – the day the Army put a bullet through Velupillai Prabhakaran’s head at Nanthikadal, Mullaithivu during a final exchange of fire.
Former HRC member, lawyer and prominent civil society activist Ambika Satkunanathan, in an article carried in the Daily FT on January 02, 2024 comprehensively dealt with the GTF spearheaded initiative which she claimed is facilitated by the Association of War Affected Women and funded by the Swiss Government. Satkunanathan didn’t mince her words when she declared the project has earned the ire of the Tamil community, both in Sri Lanka and abroad. Satkunanathan’s piece is a must read (https://www.ft.lk/columns/How-to-evade-justice-Reconciliation-without-accountability/4-756911).
Against the backdrop of such criticism, the TNA leader R. Sampanthan’s stand on the issue cannot be disregarded. The GTF statement quoted Sampanthan as having said: “We should have done this many years ago” The GTF declared the Trincomalee district MP repeated the same at least three times.
Regardless of concerns by various stakeholders, an influential section of the Colombo-based diplomatic community declared its support for the latest reconciliation effort. That is a significant development as those countries backed the 2015 Geneva resolution.
Midweek Review
Three high-profile alleged suicides shaping key investigations
Former IGP Chandana Deepal Wickramaratne, 63, succumbed to gunshot injury he received at his residence at Parakrama Mawatha, in Thalahena, Malabe, on 17 July. Wickramaratne, the 35th IGP (25 November, 2020, to 23th November, 2025), was pronounced dead at the Mulleriyawa Hospital.
The incident triggered speculation regarding the circumstances leading to the ex-IGP’s death. Some declared that Wickramaratne shot himself with a weapon issued to his bodyguard. Others alleged that Wickramaratne had been deeply depressed over divorce proceedings, involving his son and daughter-in-law, and accusations directed at his son over domestic violence. They claimed that the situation may have had unexpected bearing on Wickramaratne.
There are also lingering concerns regarding the impact of the ongoing investigations into the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage, on Wickramaratne’s demise, the third such incident after the last presidential elections held in September, 2024.
Assistant Director of the External Resources Department of the Ministry of Finance, Ranga Nishantha Rajapaksa, 50, was found dead in the garden of his Kuliyapitiya home on 30 April, 2026. At the time of Rajapaksa’s alleged suicide, blamed on injuries he supposedly inflicted on himself using a knife, while he was under suspension over the USD 2.5 mn heist from the Treasury. He was the official who lodged a complaint with the CID regarding the unprecedented theft.
Former Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of SriLankan Airlines, Kapila Chandrasena, 61, was found dead at No. 38, Pedris Road, Kollupitiya, on 8 May, 2026. Authorities declared Chandrasena died by hanging. Chandrasena was the prime suspect in the SriLankan Airlines bribery case, exposed by the UK Serious Fraud Office (SFO), in a joint investigation carried out with US and French authorities. At the time of his death, he was out on bail but faced re-arrest over alleged violations of bail conditions.
The Finance Ministry official and ex-IGP died as a result of ‘incidents’ at their respective homes, while Chandrasena allegedly took his own life at the posh residence of his brother-in-law Aravinda de Silva. Their deaths are mired in controversy for obvious reasons. One of the major issues at hand is whether their deaths impacted the ongoing politically sensitive cases.
The USD 2.5 mn theft sent shockwaves through the National People’s Power (NPP) government, struggling to cope up with a spate of other sensitive developments, such as the massive coal scam that led to the resignation of Energy Minister Kumara Jayakody, and the controversial release of 323 red flagged containers from the Colombo port, without any checks, in addition to two containers carrying narcotics.
The police faced the challenging task of conducting transparent investigations into the deaths of Ranga Nishantha Rajapaksa, Kapila Chandrasena and C.D. Wickramaratne.
Although the Finance Ministry official’s death was caused by cardiorespiratory failure due to heavy loss of blood, many questioned how he inflicted grievous cut wounds on his legs and on his left wrist. The judicial post mortem report that was made available within 24 hours after the alleged suicide raised concerns. The Opposition expressed suspicions. A section of the media, too, weren’t satisfied with the way the government handled the case. The truth is in spite of a post mortem examination conducted by a four-member expert panel, suspicions remain regarding the Finance Ministry official’s death.
It would be pertinent to mention that The Sunday Leader Editor Lasantha Wickrematunga was stabbed to death though police and all others concerned initially claimed firearms attack caused his death. The Attorney-at-Law was killed inside his car that he was driving on the Attidiiya Road, Ratmalana, on 8 January, 2009. Over 17 years after the still unresolved killing of the one-time The Island staffer, the vast majority of people still believe Wickrematunga was shot dead. Wickrematunga’s case is just among several high profile investigations hampered by deliberate falsification of relevant autopsy reports.
Sarah Jasmine factor
Among those who paid their last respects to Wickremaratne at a funeral parlour in Colombo was former President Ranil Wickremesinghe. Former Minister Sagala Ratnayake accompanied the UNP leader.
One of the issues that received public and media attention, following Wickremaratne’s demise, was the controversial third DNA test conducted in spite of two previous DNA tests confirming that Pulastini Rajendran, alias Sarah Jasmine, was not among the dead caused by a series of explosions at Sainthamaruthu, in the East, a week after the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage.
She was married to Achchi Muhammadu Mohammadu Hasthun, the National Thowheeth Jaamath (NTJ) operative who carried out the suicide blast in St. Sebastian Church, Katuwapitiya.
The CID questioned Wickremaratne as he served as the IGP at the time of the third DNA test. Controversy surrounds the decision to call for a third DNA test and, in addition to Wickremaratne, the CID questioned former Deputy IGP of the CID Prasad Ranasinghe in the second week of December last year. Public Security and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Ananda Wiejapala commented on the issue at hand in Parliament in early June, 2025.
There had been contradictory claims on Sarah, a Batticaloa Tamil convert to Islam, who lived with the extremist group. In spite of investigations, controversy still surrounds her fate, though both Sri Lanka and Indian intelligence services investigated the circumstances of her ‘disappearance.’
There had been claims that she was taken out of the country by Indian intelligence. Let me remind you what the DSJB lawmaker Mujibur Rahuman said in Parliament on 10 November, 2022, during Ranil Wickremesinghe’s presidency. Declaring that Sarah had taken refuge in India, the outspoken parliamentarian alleged that the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government was struggling to prove she died in the Sainthamaruthu blasts, on the night of 26 April, 2019.
Rajarathnam Kavitha, mother of Sarah, is on record as having told the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI) that her daughter had been with Zharan Hashim’s wife, Fatima, from early February, 2019, to 26 April, 2019, the day remnants of the NTJ group triggered the Sainthamaruthu blasts.
Sarah’s mysterious status remains a key factor in the overall investigation, with retired Major General Suresh Sallay named a suspect in the high profile case. Sallay served as the Director of State Intelligence Service (SIS) from November, 2019, to October, 2024. The CID arrested the one-time head of the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI/ 2012 to 2016) in late February 2026, under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA).
Archbishop of Colombo, Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith, recently filed an intervening petition before the Court of Appeal in respect of the petition filed by Sallay challenging his arrest and detention under the PTA. Cardinal Ranjith sought permission to make submissions regarding Sallay’s petition while requesting the court to dismiss the latter’s petition.
The Church intervened after several prominent Buddhist monks, religious and civil society organisations filed intervenient petitions seeking leave to intervene in Sallay’s writ application, filed by the retired top intelligence officer, challenging the legality of his arrest and detention.
They highlighted the following points:
• The Supreme Court and the PCoI identified Zahran Hashim and the ISIS-inspired NTJ as the perpetrators of the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage while attributing responsibility to State officials for failing to act on prior intelligence.
• None of the official investigations or judicial findings implicated Sallay in planning or facilitating the Easter Sunday attacks.
• The PCoI recorded that Major General Sallay had warned authorities about the rise of Islamist extremism before the attacks.
• The intervening petitions expressed concerns that unsubstantiated allegations have created a public narrative suggesting a wider conspiracy involving Sinhala Buddhist military and intelligence officers, contrary to the findings of the Supreme Court and the PCoI.
• The petitions argued that such unsupported narratives risk undermining public confidence, damaging communal harmony, and unfairly tarnishing the reputation of individuals and institutions without credible evidentiary foundation.
Ex-IGP’s statement
In his statement to the CID, Wickremaratne explained that he directed the senior police officer, in charge of Ampara, to secure the military and STF backing for the Sainthamaruthu operation that led to the death of some inner remnants of Zahran’s group. The Ampara-based officer, identified as Samantha Wijesekera, had got in touch with the Department’s number two officer, as IGP Jayasundera couldn’t be contacted over the phone. That statement dealt with the measures taken by them to ascertain Sarah’s status and the final assertion on the basis of the Government Analyst’s findings (third DNA test) that she was among those who perished in the Sainthamaruthu suicide blast.
The then Police Spokesman DIG, Nihal Thalduwa, has been directed by Wickremaratne to issue a press release confirming Sarah’s death. In his statement to the CID, Wickremaratne explained the deep interest shown by the head of the Indian Intelligence, based in Colombo, regarding Sarah’s status, underscoring their requirement to know whether she was dead or alive. The Indian official has repeatedly emphasised the pivotal importance of establishing Sarah’s status and, according to Wickremaratne, never tried to hide their interest in knowing her fate.
Did India accept the findings of the third DNA test? The possibility of Sarah being an Indian informant cannot be ruled out as India was able to alert Sri Lanka of the impending attacks. SJB Colombo District MP Rahuman has often commented on this possibility. Or, perhaps, India knew of Sarah’s status but raised the issue with Wickremaratne in a bid to indicate they, too, weren’t aware. Perhaps, we’ll never know the truth.
Sri Lanka received three specific warnings on 4, 20 and 21 April regarding impending dastardly NTJ operation. The last warning was received several hours before the NTJ struck hotels and Churches in Colombo, Katana and Batticaloa. The blasts killed 270 persons and wounded about 500.
At the time of the NTJ operation, the DMI was headed by Brigadier Chula Kodituwakku, who appeared alongside President Maithripala Sirisena when he met the media at the Janadhipathi Mandiraya, several days after the attacks. Now retired, Kodituwakku, in his testimony in courts, declared that the SIS refrained from sharing foreign intelligence with the DMI. In fact, Army Commander Lt. Gen. Mahesh Senanayake, who also addressed the media, explained the difficulties experienced by the Army due to refusal on the part of the SIS to cooperate with the DMI.
According to an appeal filed against an order of the High Court-at-Bar, in terms of the Section 451 (3) of the Code of Criminal Procedure Act No. 15 of 1979, as amended, read with Article 128 of the Constitution, in the Supreme Court, India issued the following warning: “As per an input, Sri Lanka based Zahran Hashim of National Thowheeth Jamath and his associates are planning to carry out suicide terror attack in Sri Lanka shortly. They are planning to target some important churches. It is further learnt that they have conducted reconnaissance of the Indian High Commission in Sri Lanka and it is one of the targets for the planned attack.”
No holds barred investigation is required to establish the truth. The Opposition has repeatedly questioned the handing over of the investigation to retired Shani Abeysekera, who had been the Director, CID, at the time of the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage, and accommodating Senior DIG Ravi Seneviratne as the Secretary Public Security Ministry. They had been accused of failing to act on specific intelligence received from the SIS.
Both Abeysekera and Seneviratne, as members of the Retired Police Collective, backed the NPP campaigns in the run-up to the presidential and parliamentary polls, in 2024. Abeysekera, who retired on 30 June, 2021, was recalled and officially reappointed as the Director of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID), on a contract basis, by the NPP.
Political factors
There had never been a case as politicised as the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage. Immediately after the massive security lapse, and negligence on the part of the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government, facilitated the NTJ operation, the Church threw its weight behind Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s 2019 presidential bid.
The Church backing made a significant difference on the ground. That prompted SJB’s Harin Fernando to directly accuse Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith of ensuring Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s victory at the expense of Sajith Premadasa. Since the SJB’s highly publicised June, 2020, accusations, there had been contradictory statements regarding the Easter Sunday attacks.
In February, 2021, on behalf of the JVP/NPP, Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa (current Health and Media Minister) declared that India masterminded the Easter Sunday attacks.
This accusation was made just a few weeks after the PCoI handed over its report to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who, for some strange reason, appointed a six-member committee, consisting of SLPP lawmakers, headed by his elder brother Chamal, than requesting the Attorney General Dappula de Livera, PC, to act on the recommendations.
In May, 2021, Dappula, after having failed to convince President Rajapaksa to extend his term by one year, alleged that the Easter Sunday attack was a grand conspiracy. In spite of growing doubts regarding the delay in implementing the PCoI recommendations, the Church tried to convince the President to act on them. In July 2021, the Church wrote to President Rajapaksa. Against the backdrop of the SLPP’s continuing indifference, by the end of that year, the Church reached a consensus with those opposed to the government.
The Church openly backed the protest campaign, against President Rajapaksa, and remained committed to the operation until the very end.
Two sons of wealthy spice merchant and JVP National List MP, at the 2015 general election Mohamed Yusuf Ibrahim’s sons Ilham Ahamed and Imsath Ibrahim, carrying out suicide attacks, on behalf of the NTJ, made no difference. Ibrahim was later released on bail, in May, 2022, during Wickremesinghe’s tenure as the President. Ilham Ahamed’s heavily pregnant wife detonated an explosive vest, inside their Dematagoda mansion, when the police surrounded the place, soon after the attacks. Did the spice trader know about the despicable NTJ strategy? Zaharan Hashim’s wife Abdul Cader Fathima, who survived the Sainthamaruthu blast too was granted bail in March, 2023, during Wickremesinghe’s presidency.
The Church, at one point, demanded that the Deputy Defence Minister Maj. Gen. Aruna Jayasekera be removed pending conclusion of the investigations. The Church claimed that as Jayasekera served as the Eastern Commander at the time of the Sainthamaruthu blasts, he should give up the Defence portfolio for the time being. The government ignored that demand.
By Shamindra Ferdinando
Midweek Review
‘The Play’s the Thing’, in Shakespeare
Exposing Complexities of the Human Condition in Man’s Quest for Power
Shakespeare believed that drama could illuminate truths about human nature more effectively than argument or philosophy. The famous line, “The play’s the thing, wherein I’ll catch the conscience of the king,” expresses not merely Hamlet’s strategy but Shakespeare’s own artistic philosophy – that theatre exposes hidden moral realities and awakens the human conscience.
Shakespeare and the Human Condition
Shakespeare displayed an extraordinary understanding of the human mind, long before psychology emerged as a formal discipline. He possessed an unparalleled gift for revealing human experience through vividly drawn characters and situations they create. He drew from Renaissance historical material as they provided a rich source of dramatic material, and chose themes that reflected musings of the Elizabethan era he lived in, taking his audiences with him.
Complexities of the human condition, regardless of culture, nationality or historical period have endured. As his fellow playwright, Ben Jonson famously proclaimed over four hundred years ago: “He [Shakespeare] is not of an age, but for all time”. He continues to alert our senses and raise our conscience about humanity with all its strengths and weaknesses by way of dramatic expression. Shakespeare is our contemporary.
I have endeavoured to examine the great playwright’s work in relation to the treatment of psychological and moral complexities surrounding humanity’s pursuit for power, in order to demonstrate how these works continue to speak with remarkable urgency to our own time. The enduring relevance of this idea becomes apparent in the following three Shakespeare’s plays: Henry V, Macbeth and The Tragedy of Julius Caesar, I have chosen to illustrate my argument.
Henry V: Leadership and the Cost of Glory
It is a reflection on Shakespeare’s stature that he portrays triumphalism of leadership and the anguish of those who pay with their lives in war, in equal measure. In his Historical play, Henry V. King Henry of England makes a claim to the French throne, egged on by church leaders who wish to distract him from domestic issues. Feeling mocked by the French response, Henry declares war. He invades France displaying strong leadership despite hardship and heavy loss of life. On the eve of the pivotal battle of Agincourt, on St. Crispin’s day, he delivers an inspiring speech to his outnumbered troops. The long and poetic speech, which came to be known as the St. Crispin’s day speech – one of the best known in all Shakespeare – strengthened his powerful status in the play.
“…This story shall the good man teach his son;
And Crispin Crispian shall ne’er go by,
From this day to the ending of the world,
But we in it shall be remember’d.
We few, we happy few, we band of brothers;
For he to-day that sheds his blood with me
Shall be my brother; be he ne’er so vile,
This day shall gentle his condition …”
Against the odds, the English defeat the French at Agincourt. The play ends with a note of political and personal triumph, as Henry woos and marries Princess Catherine of France, securing peace between the two nations, at an immense cost to human life.
Macbeth: Ambition and Moral Corruption
In the reign of King Duncan of Scotland, General Macbeth who commands respect as a valiant soldier, returning home with his colleague Banquo following a victorious military expedition, is confronted by three witches who predict cryptically that he is destined to become King of Scotland. Macbeth is urged on by his wife, who, in an ‘’unquenchable desire to become queen’’, attempts to persuade her husband with ‘a humane disposition’ to assassinate the king while he is asleep as a royal guest in their home, and frame the two intoxicated royal aides. Malcolm and Donalbain, King Duncan’s two sons who accompanied him, fled to England.
Macbeth, the play, portrays the tale of a man in pursuit of power destroying anyone on his way, bringing about a collapse in moral order, providing insights into everything inhumane about humankind. The character of Macbeth is first acknowledged as a ‘hero’; his innate desire for power is activated by the prophecy of the witches. But bound by his loyalty to his king, his ‘conscience’ would not allow him the thought of regicide: “If chance will have me king, why, chance may crown me/ without my stir”. Weighed down by fear and guilt, he drags his feet, but the valiant soldier succumbs to the “valour of his wife’s tongue”: “Your hand, your tongue look like th’ innocent flower/ But be the serpent under’t”. She herself did not have the courage to murder her royal guest with her own hand, but was persuasive: morality yields to the pressure of evil desire. Macbeth completes the task, and they feign their lament at the king’s death which they themselves brought about.
Power did not bring in peace, but inner turmoil: “In the affliction of these terrible dreams/ That shake us nightly; better be with the dead/ Whom we, to gain our peace, have sent to peace/ Than on the torture of the mind to lie/ In restless ecstasy”. Fear, guilt and repentance grip the usurper but pride would not allow their expression.
Fear and insecurity bred paranoia in Macbeth. The usurpers became preoccupied with protecting the throne and handing over sovereignty to their progeny which they were yet to produce. With the advice of the witches he arranges the murder of all they suspect would take over rule after him. First they get Banquo, his colleague, ambushed and killed; Fleance, who accompanied his father, escapes. He then learns that Macduff, the feudal lord of Fife, has fled to England to join Malcolm, the son of the slain King Duncan, and, together they are mobilising an army to attack Scotland with the intent of displacing him from the throne. An outraged Macbeth orders the slaughter of Macduff’s wife and children who remained in Scotland, and anyone related to the defector.
Malcolm and Macduff invade Scotland with a powerful army. Lady Macbeth, afflicted with intense guilt, took her own life. Macbeth was slain after a fierce battle and his severed head was presented to the newly crowned king, Malcolm, who proclaimed …”I should/ Pour the sweet milk of concord, into hell? Uproar the universal peace, confound/ All unity on earth”.
In Macbeth, Shakespeare places on stage a disturbing portrayal of humanity with all its base characteristics that compels us to see ourselves in.
Julius Caesar: Political Power, Hypocrisy and Betrayal
The theme of humans competing with each other for power, exercised inappropriately, provides a fertile ground for Shakespeare to explore the complexities of the human condition. Drawing from history, he gives dramatic expression to such a scenario in his popular play, ‘The Tragedy of Julius Caesar’, displaying the patterns of behaviour of the main characters, the focus for interpretation. The propensity to manipulate the truth in political machinations takes centre stage in the play. “Men may examine things after their fashion/ Clean from the purpose of things themselves” [Cicero: Act 1]
Julius Caesar, the Roman military expansionist, emerged as a formidable leader of the territories, following his successful campaigns in Europe. The play begins with Caesar’s triumphant return to Rome after one of his military expeditions, accompanied by generals and political figures – Cassius, Brutus and Antony. They were welcomed by scores of cheering Romans for bringing ‘‘many captives home… whose ransoms, did the general coffers fill’’. The contention for leadership of the territories, in its entirety, between Caesar and Pompey resulted in a bitter civil war with Caesar emerging victorious.
Cassius and Brutus who too had leadership ambitions fought with Pompey against Caesar. Caesar in his magnanimity, while being merciful towards his defeated opponents, remained cautious about Cassius. There was growing concern amongst the common folk [plebeians] regarding their newly emerged leader “soar[ing] above the view of men”, and using his supreme power to establish a new monarchy. They were averse to the extravagant lifestyle and corrupt practices of their former monarchical rulers and feared that Caesar may override their desire to form a republican form of governance with greater representation by commoners.
Cassius, envious of Caesar’s might, instigates a plot to remove him from power. He hatches a plot to draw Brutus into the conspiracy to lend respectability to the project as Brutus is held in high regard by the populace. Brutus is faced with having to balance his personal friendship with Caesar against the “general good of the Republic”. He finally overcomes his ambivalence and joins the conspirators in a plot to assassinate Caesar. “Let not our looks put on our purposes/ But bear it as our Roman actors do/ With untir’d spirits and formal constancy”…. “Let’s kill him boldly, but not wrathfully/Let’s carve him as a dish for the Gods”. [Brutus: Act 2. Scene1]. Caesar is stabbed to death by the conspirators, one after the other, on the ‘ides of March’ – the first full moon of the New Year for festivities and sacrifice. Turning to his friend Brutus, Caesar uttered his last words: “et tu Brute?” [Even you Brutus?”].
In a funeral oration that followed, Brutus pacified an agitated crowd by stating that despite his love for Caesar, he loved Rome more, and that Caesar posed a danger to the liberty of the nation. The masses perceived his act of murdering Caesar as a deed of heroism! But, Mark Antony, a loyalist of Caesar, after skilfully negotiating with Brutus, delivers a stirring oration with the starting captivating lines, which lives on: “Friends, Romans, Countrymen” [Act 3, Scene 2]. In his speech replete with irony, while referring to Brutus as “an honourable man”, refuted the claim by Brutus that Caesar acted in ambition and self-interest. An enraged crowd drove away Cassius and Brutus.
The two exiled assassins, Cassius and Brutus, raise an army to combat a newly formed alliance of Antony, Lepidus and Octavius [adopted son of Caesar]. Undeterred by the suicide of his wife, in his absence, Brutus marched on to combat the enemy at Philippi. “There is a tide in the affairs of men/ Which take at the flood, leads on to fortune;/ Omitted on the voyage of their life,/ Is bound in shallows, and I miseries……[Act 4, Scene 2].
Following the poor performance at the Battle of Philippi, and facing defeat, Cassius gets one of his men to kill him with his own sword. Brutus learning about the death of Cassius, commits suicide by running through a sword held by a colleague. The power sharing alliance between Octavius, Antony and Lepidus ended following a struggle for supremacy.
Shakespeare and the Modern World
Shakespeare presents man’s quest for power as a lens through which the complexities of the human condition are revealed. Portraying such a pursuit as a powerful but destructive force, he reveals the tension between honour and ambition, rhetoric and reality, leadership and moral conflict and glory and human suffering – characteristics that are universal and timeless.
Shakespeare, like other great literary artists, does not lecture to us, nor does he offer solutions, but helps us broaden our sense in recognising the humanity we share with the good and the bad, and our desires that lead us into animosity.
We live in a volatile and unpredictable world marked by geopolitical tensions, economic competition, social discontent and armed conflict resulting in global instability. Contemporary societies are currently experiencing a sense of uncertainty, desperate to find answers to establishing world order and peace.
Alongside technological advancement, humankind has developed increasingly lethal weapons with which to wage war to gain power over one another. Warfare has transformed the battlefield from land to the skies, most recently through airborne long-range missiles targeted with the use of AI; and across the oceans both on the surface and beneath it through submarines, transforming the nature of combat at immense cost to human life and property. The loss of innocent civilians, including children, caught in these conflicts has given rise to the troubling yet widely invoked phrase ‘collateral damage’, a term that seeks to justify what remains profoundly deplorable. Powerful nations frequently evade meaningful accountability, despite widespread international condemnation. And, spirituality appears to have done little to awaken human conscience and humans continue to wage conflict over religious ideology.
Although art and literature do not intend to maintain order in the way the military, the laws and institutions do, their influence is subtle yet foundational in shaping how individuals and societies, and especially their leaders envisage justice, empathy and coexistence, and in lifting us out of the moral darkness we are in. Art, including dramatic art, has a transformative influence on humanity.
Conclusion
Human beings possess an enduring duality: they are capable of reason and irrationality, compassion and cruelty, cooperation and conflict, creation and destruction. These fundamental characteristics have remained remarkably constant across history, even as cultures and technologies have changed. Great literature – particularly Shakespeare’s plays – explores this universal human condition, revealing how love, ambition, fear, grief, honour, jealousy, and the desire for power continue to shape individual actions and the course of history.
by DR. Siri Galhenage, Psychiatrist [Retd.]
[sirigalhenage@gmail.com]
Midweek Review
Stubbornly Staying Posers
Forty three years and counting,
Big posers remain unanswered –
For instance, couldn’t the state,
See the bloodletting coming,
When restive young hands of the North,
Opted for the gun and not the ballot?
Couldn’t it be seen that counter-violence,
Would only lead to a wasting conflict,
Wherein ordinary folk of both halves,
Would be cruelly cut down in the cross fire,
And dumped in graves still being opened?
That hands of good will and friendship,
Extended warmly in statesman like fashion,
Over the divide that was seen as enduring,
Would have laid the basis for reconciliation?
Will only ‘the peace of the graveyard’,
Be made to reign in the pauperized Isle?
By Lynn Ockersz
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