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Editorial

Hemin, hemin (slowly, slowly)

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The dawn of the New Year 2025 last week, with a new president and a new government enjoying what is being called a “super majority” in parliament raises the inevitable question of whether the country can be made to take a new direction ensuring the promised better life for all its people.

“System change” has been the buzzword since the aragalaya in 2022 compelled first the resignation of then Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa followed by that of his brother, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa who fled the country and tendered his resignation from Singapore. The unlikely ascension of Ranil Wickremesinghe, who had lost his own parliamentary seat in the 2020 general election having led the United National Party to a zero elected seat debacle, followed two years later.

The country was in a shambles with motorists lining up in miles long fuel queues with those seeking cooking gas for their kitchens faring little better. Everything that could go wrong had gone wrong but GR, thankfully, did not order the military and the police to shoot at the rioters at his gates. Wickremesinghe who had entered parliament after much foot dragging via the single National List place won by the UNP was elected to serve the balance Gotabaya Rajapaksa presidential term by the Sri Lanka Podu Jana Peramuna (SLPP), the Rajapaksa party.

He to his credit he was able to restore a semblance of normalcy thanks to negotiating a demanding IMF program and the generosity of India. But this was achieved at great cost to ordinary people burdened with a near unbearable cost of living necessitated by IMF insistence that the government reaches prescribed revenue targets and achieve debt sustainability.

An all pervading Value Added Tax (VAT) rising from eight percent in 2021 to 12 percent in May 2023 and 15% in September that year before being hiked to 18% last year took its obvious toll together with high personal income taxes that sent the middle class reeling.

Although NPP/JVP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake had just three seats in the last parliament, he comfortably led the field at the last presidential election where none of the front-runners were able to clear the barrier of 50 percent of the total poll forcing a count of preference votes.

But that made little difference with AKD with 42.31 percent well ahead of Sajith Premadasa (32.16%) with Ranil Wickremesinghe trailing with 17.27%. Namal Rajapaksa was a pathetic also ran. But the general election which followed weeks later saw a surge for the winning side with the NPP/JVP winning 159 seats in the 225-member legislature with 61.56% of the national vote, up from the 3.84% scored at the previous parliamentary election.

Wickremesinghe hoped for a mandate on the strength of his long experience and post-aragalaya success but ran as an independent candidate with the backing of his impotent UNP and fragments of the SLPP he was able to win over as president. But the SLPP he had antagonized wanted to run its own candidate and refused to back him, choosing Namal Rajapaksa, the heir apparent of the Rajapaksa dynasty, who threw his hat into the ring after billionaire businessman Dhammika Perera saw the light as E-Day approached. Namal wisely saw the coming colour and chose not to seek election but gain entry to parliament through the SLPP National List. He clearly funked the voters who have thrown the rest of the Rajapaksas into the dustbin of history.

The present regime, and notably its leader, has at least for the present won over a great many unlikely supporters as the parliamentary election results clearly indicate. Diluting memories of the JVP’s violent past, much of it water under the bridges, when many of those who voted last September and November were not even born, the former revolutionaries who twice attempted to seize power violently, became the NPP/JVP with the latter firmly in the driving seat merging seamlessly with over 20 other diverse groups including political parties, workers unions, women’s rights groups and youth organizations. The vast majority of those elected to the incumbent parliament are newcomers barely known outside their own pocket boroughs. So also many members of the cabinet although the powerful ministries are held by JVPers.

There is no doubt that as is the case of cadre based Marxists parties like the JVP which continues to fly the Hammer and Sickle red flag outside its headquarters, a lot of power – more so perhaps than within the cabinet – lies within the Politbureau (or whatever it is called) of the JVP. Early signals have been that there will be no rocking of the boat in the short term. The Colombo stock market galloped to new highs under the new order – although it began losing some steam on Friday – depite dire predictions of a crash under a JVP government. Relations with the IMF are on an even keel and with the staff level agreement reached in November there is no reason to fear interruption of the forward momentum.

The Governor of the Central Bank and the Secretary to the Ministry of Finance under the old order continue in office. Imaginative appointments such as those of Mr. Duminda Hulangamuwa and Dr. Hans Wijesuriya have suggested that the leftist government means business. Many reputed business leaders have been seen at NPP/JVP events pre-election and other occasions where the president was -present. While JVPers were also there, the clear signal is that the private sector is not being given the cold shoulder.



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Editorial

More surprises in the Gulf War

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Saturday 28th March, 2026

US President Donald Trump has postponed his much-advertised plan to attack Iran’s national grid and critical energy infrastructure for 10 more days as part of his efforts to find an off-ramp with Tehran. He has asked Tehran to declare a ceasefire and come for talks on his own terms or face a series of attacks of unprecedented ferocity. One of his main conditions for negotiations has left the world puzzled; he wants Iran to abandon its nuclear programme, while insisting that he has obliterated Iran’s nuclear potential by destroying all its nuclear facilities and neutralising the threat of the nuclearisation of the Islamic state. If so, he has already achieved his goal, and there is absolutely no need for him to have negotiations with Iran on its nuclear programme, keep on pouring US taxpayers’ money into an endless war, deploy US ground troops to the region and, most of all, continue to cause more economic hardships to the rest of the world.

Trump is apparently without a specific goal or an exit strategy in the ongoing war. He is now trying to have the world believe that he has won the war, and is claiming that Tehran has allowed some oil tankers flying the Pakistan flag to sail through the Strait of Hormuz to appease him! Turning down Trump’s offer to talk, Iran has derisively said the US has been negotiating with itself. Tehran is leveraging everything possible to crank up economic pressure on the US and Israel. It has already made the world economy scream in a bid to turn international opinion against Washington and Tel Aviv. According to unverified reports, it has also threatened to go so far as to target the submarine internet cables in the Red Sea and disrupt global connectivity unless the US and Israel stop attacks. Iran has made no official statement about this issue, but it is capable of severing the undersea fibre-optic cables in case of other Gulf nations continuing to back the US in the ongoing conflict and/or its power and energy facilities coming under attack again. These undersea cables are used for global financial transactions worth trillions of dollars, international communication and data flows, cloud devices, etc., according to media reports. The White House must be under tremendous pressure from the US tech giants and other multinationals to ensure the safety of the submarine cables in the Red Sea.

Meanwhile, the latest developments on the Middle East front may have reminded Trump of former US President Dwight D. Eisenhower’s words of wisdom. An ex-Supreme Commander of the Allied Expeditionary Force in Europe during World War II, Eisenhower famously said, “Every war is going to astonish you in the way it occurred and in the way it is carried out.” While Trump is trying to have the Strait of Hormuz reopened for international navigation, the threat of another vital chokepoint in the Gulf region being closed has emerged.

The Houthis of Yemen have threatened to close the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, which connects the Red Sea to vital international shipping lanes. The geographical location of this chokepoint has made it vulnerable to Houthi attacks. The Houthis say they are ready to join the war any time. Trump and Netanyahu have already bitten off more they can chew in the Persian Gulf, and how they are going to face the emerging threat is anybody’s guess. The Houthis have a history of disrupting shipping routes.

Airstrikes alone will not help the US, Israel and its allies keep the Hormuz Strait and Bab el-Mandeb Strait open for international navigation. It will be a huge gamble for the US to send its warships and ground troops to gain control of them, for they will be within the Iranian and Houthi missile range.

There seems to be no end to threats and challenges the US and Israel are facing in their war on Iran, and they have plunged the entire world into chaos in the name of their leaders’ dreams. Unacceptable as what Iran is doing by way of retaliation may be, that is the way the cookie crumbles in military conflicts, especially in asymmetrical warfare. The US carried out atomic bomb attacks on Japan purportedly to end a war. Israel has already bombed Gaza back to the Stone Age, but continues to carry out airstrikes in that part of Palestine.

It is up to the US and Israel to make a serious effort to put the genie back into the bottle in the Persian Gulf. Other nations are suffering for no fault of theirs, and eminent economists fear that the world is heading for a global recession.

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Editorial

Farmers’ woes signal food shortages

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Friday 27th March, 2026

Vegetable prices have plummeted at the special economic centres, which serve as collection hubs in predominantly agricultural areas, such as Dambulla, because most trucks cannot operate for want of diesel. Farmers are unable to dispose of their produce due to transport problems. Usually, it is in February, March and early April that farmers save some money for the traditional New Year. However, vegetable prices have increased elsewhere due to high transport costs and supply disruptions caused by a diesel scarcity, but farmers gain nothing from these price hikes, which benefit only traders. The prices of imported food items are also soaring due to increasing shipping costs caused by the Middle East war. Importers who have built stocks in view of the Avurudu season will laugh all the way to the bank.

Unsold vegetable stocks are discarded as there are no storage facilities. It is a crime to let food items go to waste. Successive governments have ignored the need to help farmers store their produce properly and reduce post-harvest waste. In April 2025, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi opened the Dambulla Agricultural Storage Complex with a capacity of 5,000 metric tons. It is reportedly equipped with temperature and humidity control mechanisms to reduce post-harvest losses by approximately 40%, stabilise fluctuations in agricultural product prices, ensure the supply of high-quality food to consumers and enhance agricultural sustainability. This storage facility, which would have been a boon to farmers in the area, is still not operational, some Opposition politicians who visited it have told the media.

The transport problems faced by the farming community are not due to high fuel prices alone. Transporters and farmers cannot obtain diesel because the government is supplying huge amounts of diesel to the oil-fired power plants, which are working overtime to make up for a shortfall in coal-fired electricity generation due to the procurement of substandard coal for the Norochcholai power plant. Paddy farmers have been left without diesel for harvesting and therefore the cost of harvesting has increased, and this increase is bound to reflect in the prices of rice.

Former Director of Agriculture K. B. Herath told the media yesterday that the prices of parboiled rice and samba may increase to Rs. 300 and Rs. 400, respectively in June/July due to a sharp drop in the paddy yield, and the situation would take a turn for the worse owing to a fertiliser shortage.

The government has been compelled to restrict the distribution of fertiliser for paddy cultivation. Commissioner General of the Department of Agrarian Development said yesterday fertiliser would be issued only through the Agrarian Service Centres to prevent hoarding. Such measures become unavoidable during crises. However, the irony of the proposed method of restricting fertiliser distribution may not have been lost on the discerning public. The JVP, which leads the incumbent government, has become reliant on the Agrarian Service Centres, 240 of which it destroyed in the late 1980s. If only it had realised the value of these institutions at that time and spared them!

Meanwhile, the closure of the Hormuz Strait has adversely impacted the global fertiliser supply. The Persian Gulf is also a major hub of global fertiliser production and exports. Iran, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and Oman are among the world’s leading exporters of nitrogen fertilisers, including urea and ammonia, accounting for roughly 30–35 percent of global urea exports and around 20–30 percent of ammonia exports, according to the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) of the UN. Overall, up to 30 percent of global fertiliser exports are channelled through the Strait of Hormuz, the closure of which has severely affected international fertiliser supply chains. Production cuts and shipping constraints have stalled an estimated 3–4 million tonnes of fertiliser trade per month, and global fertiliser prices could average 15–20 percent higher during the first half of 2026 if the crisis continues, FAO says. This is a frightening proposition, as we said in a previous editorial comment. There is no gainsaying that Sri Lanka has to manage the available fertiliser stocks carefully in view of the global supply disruptions, but a drop in the fertiliser application will surely cause a countrywide yield decline.

If the current fertiliser scarcity persists, the farming community will have to combine the application of available chemical fertiliser with organic amendments, which the incumbent government leaders berated the previous administration for promoting.

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Editorial

When dirty coal leaves farmers in tears

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Thursday 26th March, 2026

Coal is not an agricultural output, as is public knowledge, and therefore how on earth it can bring tears to farmers’ eyes, one may ask. But in Sri Lanka dirty coal has not only worsened air pollution in areas surrounding the Norochcholai power plant but also caused untold hardships to farmers across the country, especially in rice-growing areas, besides causing huge losses to the state coffers.

The government has managed to break the back of the fuel-queue problem for all intents and purposes, with the help of the QR-regulated quota system coupled with odd-even rationing. Long queues are seen only in the areas where filling stations have run out of stocks. However, paddy farmers have been left high and dry, without diesel for harvesting; they complain that filling stations in their areas have not received diesel supplies for several days, and they have to pay as much as Rs. 20,000 for harvesting an acre of paddy because diesel is available only on the black market. This situation has come about mainly because huge amounts of diesel are being diverted to the oil-fired power plants to meet a shortfall in electricity generation at the coal-fired Norochcholai power plant due to the use of substandard coal.

The Opposition has claimed that about 800,000 barrels of diesel are supplied to oil-fired power plants to meet the Norochcholai generation shortfall caused by substandard coal daily. This abnormal increase in thermal power generation, due to corruption in the government ranks, has resulted in tremendous pressure on the country’s diesel supplies that could otherwise have been used for transport and agricultural purposes. If the government had cancelled the current coal tender immediately after the first shipment of coal was found to be substandard, and the engineers of the Norochcholai power plant began to complain of a sharp drop in power generation due to the low-quality of coal, it would have been able to save about Rs 8 billion straightaway and prevented further losses due to an increase in the amount of diesel used for power generation. Instead, it chose to retain the current coal supplier under a cloud at the expense of the public, the state coffers and the country’s diesel reserves.

Now, the paddy farmers are unable to gather their harvest and prepare their fields for the next cultivation season, and the Ceylon Electricity Board is seeking a massive power tariff hike to recover losses due to burning diesel to cover the Norochcholai supply gap. The Opposition has repeatedly pointed out in Parliament that the electricity supply shortfall due to dirty coal imports often increases up to 176 MW. Power and energy experts have warned of possible power cuts due to a diesel shortage.

The government has jacked up fuel prices in such a way that one wonders whether it is trying to cover the losses caused by its coal racket and increases in electricity generation costs due to its overreliance on diesel power plants. Cabinet Spokesman Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa claimed at Tuesday’s media briefing that the fuel pricing formula had not been used to work out the current petroleum price increases. He went so far as to claim that the world oil prices had not increased according to any formula. However, Ceylon Petroleum Corporation Managing Director Dr. Mayura Nettikumarage told the media later in the day that fuel pricing formula had been used to determine the fuel price hikes. The pricing formula was introduced to ensure that fuel prices would be cost reflective. So, going by Minister Jayatissa’s claim, the question is why the government has not used the pricing formula to calculate fuel prices. Has it resorted to price gouging?

The JVP-NPP government has sought to use the global energy crisis as an excuse to cover up its coal racket, which has caused a power crisis, but the resentful public will not buy into its false claims and keep quiet. True, the Middle East conflict has caused a global energy crisis, and taken its toll on Sri Lanka’s petroleum reserves and fuel prices. However, we would have faced the current power crisis even if Trump and Netanyahu had behaved, without attacking Iran and plunging the world into chaos.

The previous government blundered by cutting corrupt deals, enabling its leaders and cronies to enrich themselves, mismanaging the economy, causing scarcities, and testing the people’s patience. Its leaders had to outrun angry mobs baying for their blood. When the wolf is at the door, popular support for governments drops to the floor, and people take to the streets. Unless the JVP-NPP government makes an immediate course correction, without defending the corrupt and aggravating the woes of the public, the day may not be far off when its leaders, too, have to showcase their athleticism, if any, and show their pursuers a clean pair of heels each—perish the thought! One may recall that it was irate paddy farmers who fired the first volley at the previous government. They are again on the warpath, demanding diesel and fertiliser.

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