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Growing challenge of food insecurity and malnutrition in Sri Lanka amidst macroeconomic crisis

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By Prof. Amarasiri de Silva

Sri Lanka, renowned for its rich cultural heritage and diverse landscapes, is grappling with an unprecedented macroeconomic crisis. This crisis has given rise to acute shortages and sharp increases in the prices of essential products, creating a complex web of challenges. At the heart of this multifaceted crisis lies a severe impact on food security stemming from disruptions in agricultural production, a depleted treasury, unfavourable harvests, soaring prices, and the abrupt halting of various economic activities.

In a sobering revelation, the annual report of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka has sounded the alarm on the escalating challenges of rising malnutrition among children. This disturbing trend has emerged as a policy concern in Sri Lanka, unfolding against heightened household food insecurity. The report highlights the intricate interplay of economic and social issues that have reached a critical juncture, further exacerbated by the profound financial crisis that unfolded in 2022. As the nation grapples with this dual crisis, the implications for the well-being of its youngest citizens underscore the urgent need for comprehensive interventions to address the pressing issues of malnutrition and food insecurity.

The macroeconomic crisis in Sri Lanka has ushered in a period of significant turmoil, affecting various aspects of daily life. Agriculture, a vital sector for the country’s economy and sustenance, has been particularly hard-hit. Disruptions to agricultural production have resulted in diminished yields, contributing to the scarcity of essential food items. The depleted treasury has strained the government’s capacity to address the crisis effectively, amplifying the challenges faced by the population.

Unfavourable harvests, characterized by erratic weather patterns and environmental stressors, have compounded farmers’ issues. This has led to a situation where the supply of staple foods is insufficient to meet the demands of the population. Consequently, the prices of essential products have skyrocketed, placing an additional burden on the already strained households.

The confluence of these factors has unleashed a substantial impact on food security in Sri Lanka. Families, nationwide, are grappling with uncertainty regarding the availability and affordability of essential food items. The inability to access an adequate and nutritious diet has profound implications for the well-being of individuals, especially vulnerable groups such as children and older adults.

The report underscores the prevalence of child malnutrition in the estate sector, with the Uva province registering the highest number of food-insecure households in January 2016, followed by Sabaragamuwa. According to the DHS-2016, 31.7 percent of children in the estate sector experience stunted growth, significantly higher than the 14.7 percent in urban areas and 17.0 percent in rural sectors. Additionally, 29.7 percent of children, under five years old in the estate sector, were reported to be underweight. The DHS-2016’s depiction of Child Malnutrition Status (below five years old) from 1975 to 2016 highlights the persistent challenges in addressing this issue, with Nuwara Eliya emerging as the district with the highest prevalence of underweight and stunted children under five years.

In Sri Lanka, the tradition of milk consumption has entrenched itself in households across generations, particularly in urban areas. This practice, fostered by nutritional education disseminated through various channels such as media, school curricula, hospitals, and clinics, has steadily increased in popularity. The era before modern media saw newspapers and tabloids discussing nutrition-related topics, emphasizing the significance of cow’s milk as a crucial supplement, especially for mothers, babies, and pregnant and lactating women.

As a testament to this trend, milk consumption has seen a significant increase, which is evident in consumer statistics. Sri Lanka, ranking fourth, globally, in importing powdered milk from New Zealand, collected 283.11 million litres in 2017 through its 13 central milk processors. Despite this, the formal milk market’s share in the estimated production was around 65 percent. Notably, the National Livestock Development Board (NLDB) and MILCO (Pvt) Ltd contributed 11 million litres and 62 million litres to the production.

MILCO with its four milk factories, has extended its services to cater to numerous urban areas, broadening its reach and accessibility to a wider population. The National Livestock Development Board (NLDB) oversees the management of 31 integrated farms that harmoniously maintain livestock and coconut plantations. These farms are vital to the NLDB’s commitment to sustainable agriculture and dairy production. In addition to these integrated farms, the Board operates a dedicated training centre designed to impart practical and theoretical knowledge to farmers, contributing to skill enhancement within the agricultural community.

Recognizing the significance of expanding the impact of these initiatives, it is crucial to establish new farms in the eastern districts, particularly in areas like Ampara. The establishment of farms in these regions can influence local cattle breeders positively, enhancing the quality of cattle-rearing practices. This strategic move aligns with the NLDB’s mission to promote sustainable agriculture, foster knowledge exchange, and contribute to improving livestock management in Sri Lanka.

Examining the economic aspects, the average farm-gate price per litre of milk was Rs. 66.34 in 2017, with an average cost of production recorded at Rs. 34.69. Farmers received a guaranteed price of Rs. 70 per litre from 2017 onwards. Domestic milk production covered 42 percent of the total requirement, with the remaining deficit met through imports, primarily powdered milk, incurring an average cost of Rs. 33.6 billion. In 2016, Sri Lanka imported 94,000 MT of powdered milk, reflecting a per capita consumption of 110.33 ml of fresh milk and 341.36 g of powdered milk per month.

The Hector Kobbekaduwa Agrarian Research and Training Institute (HARTI) was surveyed in 2016, focusing on consumer preferences for milk and milk powder in the Colombo, Kandy, and Matara districts. These areas represented the highest household expenditure on milk and dairy products, with a sample size of 400 households.

Despite the apparent popularity of milk consumption, challenges persist. Child malnutrition, particularly among estate Tamils, indicates insufficient milk intake. While statistics show a range of milk consumption, the import data has sparked controversy. Some argue that the statistics are faulty, with claims that Sri Lanka’s milk production can cover 70 percent of the country’s requirement, questioning the purpose behind milk powder imports.

Furthermore, the NLB’s milk production statistics for 2018 reveal the production of 14 million litres from 11,000 neat cattle. Assuming every person in the country consumes half a litre of milk daily, the NLB’s production would only cater to 0.36 percent of the total population. Calls for increased government efforts to boost NLB’s production not only aim to enhance revenue but also to reduce foreign exchange spent on importing powdered milk.

For more detailed statistics, you can refer to the NLD Title: “Navigating Crisis: A Holistic Approach to Food Security and Dairy Sustainability in Sri Lanka’.

A significant crisis in Sri Lanka’s dairy industry is revealed by the Parliamentary Committee on Public Accounts (COPA), indicating the closure of around 14,000 small-scale farms and a sharp decline in milk production. The COPA suggests that the destruction of grasslands and land-related issues may have played a more significant role in this crisis. The cattle-rearing populations in districts like Ampara demonstrate the conversion of grasslands to other government-funded activities, a concerning trend. Instead, the government should encourage cattle-rearing farmers in districts like Ampara to increase their livestock and seek support for acquiring quality cows from abroad (e.g., India, Bangladesh), considering the unsuitability of European cows for the Sri Lankan climate.

The lack of reliable data on this sector is a persistent issue, highlighted by the death of 104 Australian goats imported for breeding, raising concerns about the suitability of European species to Sri Lanka. COPA emphasizes the importance of the Department of Animal Production and Health maintaining accurate and precise data on the industry. Such data is crucial for understanding the root causes of the crisis and formulating effective policy responses.

The Minister stresses the importance of implementing the Artificial Insemination Programme and formulating a National Policy on milk production to address industry challenges. Frustratingly, there is criticism of the government’s lack of a proper plan for the country’s dairy industry.

In the estate sector, difficulties arise from the prohibition of cattle rearing, with estate managers discouraging wage workers from raising cows. This discouragement occurs despite the potential for extra income and a valuable source of protein for their children. This dynamic complicates the factors contributing to child malnutrition in the region.

Sri Lanka has witnessed a notable surge in milk consumption, becoming a common practice among individuals of all ages. This trend sets the stage for exploring the nation’s journey toward dairy sustainability amid the growing challenges of food insecurity.

One pivotal initiative in this pursuit was the implementation of the Sri Lanka Dairy Development Project Phase I in 2012/2013. This strategic move resulted in the importation of 2,000 European-type high-yielding cattle, strategically placed in three upcountry farms: Bopaththalawa, Dayagama, and Manikpalama – all of which are currently managed successfully, as detailed on the NLDB website. Building on this success, an additional 2,500 dairy cattle were imported from Australia in 2015, finding a home at the Ridiyagama farm in the southern province.

However, this ambitious project faced challenges, as revealed by a report by Yoshita Perera in July 2020. The proprietor of Lammermoor Estate in Maskeliya, Amal Suriyage, expressed concerns about the imported cattle, citing poor conditions and the spread of Bovine Viral Diarrhoea (BVD). This setback underscored the complexities in ensuring the health and success of such large-scale initiatives.

The Ridiyagama farm, initially established in 1938 by the Department of Agriculture, underwent a series of transitions in management. Despite an efficient start under the Department of Agriculture, a decline in productivity occurred after its transfer to the Department of Animal Production & Health in 1977. Neglect further hampered operations, leading to a significant drop in curd production by 1992. Recognizing the farm’s potential, the NLDB took over in 1992.

In 2015, the Ridiyagama farm underwent a transformative process to become a modern dairy facility. The importation of 2,500 European-type dairy cattle, including breeds like Jersey x Frisian and pure jersey, aligned with the government’s policy to achieve self-sufficiency in milk production. This endeavour involved comprehensive infrastructure upgrades, implementing an intensive dairy management system, and developing 662 hectares of pasture and fodder lands to meet the needs of the imported animals and their offspring.

Following the importation of 2,500 cattle, the Ridiyagama farm emerged as the largest dairy farm in Sri Lanka, with an anticipated annual milk production of approximately 10.0 million litres starting in 2016. The project also aimed to contribute around 600-700 heifer calves to the public annually. After completing phases I & II of the Sri Lanka Dairy Development Project, NLDB’s total annual milk production surged to 14.0 million litres by the end of 2018, marking a significant increase from 3.0 million litres.

As of 2018, NLDB’s overall contribution to national milk production stands at approximately 4%, highlighting the success of their endeavours. The NLDB manages 31 integrated farms, where livestock and coconut plantations are harmoniously maintained, emphasizing their commitment to sustainable agriculture and dairy production.

This ongoing development showcases Sri Lanka’s dedication to overcoming food insecurity challenges by investing in robust dairy development projects, paving the way for a more self-reliant and resilient dairy industry despite the hurdles faced along the way.

Compounding the challenges faced by Sri Lanka is the global food crisis. The interconnected nature of the global economy means that disruptions elsewhere have a cascading effect, exacerbating the situation in Sri Lanka. The wave of upheaval in international markets has further constrained the availability of certain food products and heightened their prices.

As Sri Lanka navigates through this macroeconomic crisis, the issue of food insecurity and malnutrition looms large. Urgent and coordinated efforts are needed to address the root causes of the crisis, revitalize the agricultural sector, and ensure that essential food items are accessible to all. The collaboration of government, civil society, and international partners will play a crucial role in mitigating the impact on food security and paving the way for a more resilient and sustainable future.

The re-introduction of cattle rearing in the estate sector is proposed as a long-term measure to address the malnutrition issue among estate children. This comprehensive plan involves both short-term and long-term strategies.

Long-term Measures:Allocation of Land for Cattle Rearing: Families in the estates should be allocated land for cattle rearing. This step aims to provide a sustainable source of nutrition for the community.

Training in Modern Methods:Workers involved in cattle rearing should receive training in modern and efficient methods. This ensures that cattle re-introducing is a means of sustenance and a productive and sustainable venture.

Importation of Asian Cattle Brands: Instead of importing European cows, it is suggested to import good-quality Asian cattle from countries like India and Bangladesh. This aligns with the local conditions and promotes the use of breeds that are well-suited for the environment.

Provision of Grasslands:Cattle rearing districts should have ample grasslands for grazing. This ensures that the cattle have access to natural and nutritious food sources.

Establishment of Milk Board-like Institution: The proposal includes the establishment of an institution similar to the old Milk Board. This institution can oversee the management and regulation of fresh milk production. MILCO (Pvt) Ltd should expand its kiosks to more urban centres and also in the estate sector communities.

Short-term Measures:Nutrition Packages for Children and Pregnant Women: As a short-term measure, all children under five and pregnant women should be provided with food and nutrition packages. This addresses the immediate nutritional needs of vulnerable groups.

Nutrition Packages for Workers: Estate management in the respective districts should provide workers with a comprehensive package of nutritious foods. This ensures that the workforce remains healthy and productive.

Installation of Fresh Milk Booths:Fresh milk booths should be installed in urban areas to popularize fresh milk consumption. This initiative promotes a healthy diet and creates market demand for dairy products.

In conclusion, the proposed plan combines short-term relief measures with a sustainable long-term strategy to tackle community malnutrition. It emphasizes the importance of cattle rearing, proper training, and establishing support institutions for effective implementation.



Features

‘Lord Edgware Dies’

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It has been some time since I read an Agatha Christie, the plot of which I cannot remember. So, I was delighted to find on the shelves of a friend Lord Edgware Dies, which I had a vague memory of, but no certainty about who had done it.

When I read it, I found that my memory of who was probably the killer was correct, but I could not be certain and the red herrings Christie threw in were so diverting that until almost the very end I wondered if I had been wrong.

The plot is very simple. Jane Wilkinson, who is married to Lord Edgware, tells him that she is desperate for a divorce since she is in love with a very proper Anglo-Catholic peer, Lord Melton, but Edgware refuses to divorce her. She asks Poirot to talk to him, which he does, and is surprised to find that Edgware has told Jane he is prepared to give her a divorce. This was, after he had categorically refused, through a letter, which Jane said she had not received.

That night Edgware is murdered, after Jane had been to see him, or so the butler said, and also Edgware’s secretary. But Jane had been that evening at a grand dinner many miles away, where a dozen fellow guests could swear to her presence.

There was a solution however to the mystery of two Jane Wilkinsons, namely a skilful impersonator called Carlotta Adams who, in the opening chapter had impersonated Jane Wilkinson, who had also been at the performance. But when Poirot goes to see her, he finds that she had been found dead on the morning after Edgware had been killed, of an overdose. And in her bag was a gold case, with a strange inscription, that contained the drug, along with a pair of pince-nez.

Her maid said she had written a letter to her sister in America and posted it the previous night. Poirot asks Inspector Japp to get the letter, and a transcript is received from America, and in it the name of Edgware’s nephew Ronald Marsh is mentioned; he had taken Carlotta to dinner after her performance, with which the book opens, and had then set her a challenge. Japp arrests Marsh, but Poirot is not happy and asks for the original of the letter, which the sister sends him. That shows that a page is missing, and the tear is obvious, though that raises the question as to why it had not simply been cut.

Matters are further complicated by the fact that Marsh had gone in a taxi to the Edgware house, along with Edgware’s daughter Geraldine, in the interval of an opera which had previously seemed to provide them with cast iron alibis. Geraldine had gone in to fetch her pearls so that Marsh could raise money he needed, and thus had an opportunity to kill Edgware, as did Marsh, for the driver said he had got out of the taxi while waiting and gone into the house.

Agatha Christie

Marsh explained why he had gone to the house on the night of the murder as having followed Bryan Martin, an American actor, who had been in love with Jane, whom he saw go into the house with a key. But there was no one visible when he entered, and Geraldine almost immediately came down and they left together. And Martin too has become an object of suspicion to Poirot, for he had been to see him before the murders were discovered with a story of being followed by a man with a gold tooth – a story Poirot immediately realized was false when he was asked how old the man was, and was told he was young, for young people did not have gold teeth.

A heap of French money Edgware had got for a trip to Paris was missing, but since Marsh had no need for it after his cousin’s offer of help, Poirot deduces that it must have been taken by the butler, who has disappeared. Christie has stressed that he is astonishingly handsome, unusual in a butler, and Poirot notes a resemblance to Martin, so he thinks the mysterious man going into the house must have been him.

Incidentally, later Poirot assumes that Edgware’s change of mind was because he was involved in some scandal, and I believe Christie intends us to see the cause of this in his handsome butler, though this is not specified.

Meanwhile, Poirot has asked Japp to find out the provenance of the case found in Carlotta’s handbag, and it turns out to have been made in Paris, specially commissioned, and collected by a woman with pince-nez.

But then another murder occurs—that of another guest at the grand dinner, which provided Jane with her alibi. The victim is an actor who had been bemused when Jane, at a lunch, thought the Judgment of Paris referred to the city. He told Hastings he wanted to see Poirot, but was killed before he could get to the appointment. Poirot had rushed there when told about his request, but it was too late.

Meanwhile, Poirot has tried out the pince-nez on Edgware’s secretary, but she could not see through these. It was only a chance remark heard outside the theatre that led him to try them out on Wilkinson’s maid Ellis, a spare pair that had been appropriated for the night of the murders.

Poirot then lays things out, having summoned Martin and told him that he probably suppressed Edgware’s letter, as he had been dropped by then and he did not want Jane to marry another. But after teasing Martin, Poirot says that Jane was in fact the murderer, and she got Carlotta to impersonate her at the dinner while she went to the house and killed her husband. After meeting Carlotta later and checking with her through a call that she had not been rumbled, Jane had gone ahead with the murder – she put veronal into her drink and the case with veronal into the handbag. She forgot to take out the pince-nez she had used earlier to imitate an American. Carlotta had registered as the American in a hotel and Jane had gone to see her, and there they exchanged identities. After seen the letter, she made use of it by tearing off the page that referred to her, and the S of She, so that the person who had challenged Carlotta to impersonate her seemed to be a man.

There is a coda in which Jane, condemned to death, writes to Hastings, still full of pride at her ingenuity hoping she will be remembered.

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Desilt reservoirs, learn from our ancient irrigation systems

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Polgolla

by Prof. O. A. Ileperuma

Silting of reservoirs is a major problem today affecting our hydropower production and irrigation systems. The main Mahaweli reservoirs are silted to a considerable extent reducing the water holding capacity of them. Due to poor soil management practices, floodwaters deposit large amounts of silt in these reservoirs. When the Polgolla reservoir was fully drained about two years back, one could see mountains of silt in the lower reaches of the reservoir. A rough estimate is that 50% of the total capacity of these reservoirs has been lost to siltation. This is a serious issue which affects not only power and agriculture but also flood control.

Our ancient irrigation systems ensured that desilting of reservoirs took place under royal decree where all users of the reservoirs were ordered to carry out desilting of reservoirs during the dry season. The clay thus collected was used in making bricks for the construction of great stupas which dot the landscape of our ancient kingdoms. This ensured that the reservoirs had their full capacity filled with water for the next cultivating season. Our ancient kings were clever enough not to construct reservoirs by blocking main rivers such as the Mahaweli. A classic example is the Minipe left canal where they tapped only the surface water of Mahaweli. Even the bigger tanks such as Nuwara Wewa and Parakrama Samudraya were fed with minor rivulets. There were also other ingenious features in the cascade irrigation systems built by the ancient kings, such as mud sluice canals and forest reservations between the reservoirs in the cascade system. These reservations helped trap silt and remove excess nutrients, which could otherwise contribute to increasing salinity as water flowed from one reservoir to another.

Victoria

Moragahakanda

A classic engineering marvel is the former Yoda Ela, which carries water from Kalawewa to Nuwara Wewa and Tissa Wewa. It is 87 km long although the straight distance between these points is only about 40 km. The gradient of this canal is about 10 cm per km or 6 inches per mile. Yodha Ela functions as a moving reservoir and feeds about 4,600 hectares of paddy lands. It is a winding canal with about 120 smaller reservoirs on its way. It was constructed during the reign of King Dhatusena around 459 AD and later expanded by King Parakramabahu by connecting more reservoirs to the network. Unfortunately, during the Mahaweli project our modern-day engineers constructed a concrete canal replacing the winding path of this Yoda Ela also called Jaya Ganga. This effectively removed the ability of the old Yoda Ela to remove silt and nutrients. The bank of this Ela has wet zone trees such as jak and areca nut growing well. They take up the nutrients from the flowing stream making the water suitable for irrigation later.

Ancient Mesopotamian civilisations depended on dams constructed along the two main rivers, Euphrates and Tigris. After continuous irrigation of their fields over several thousand years, salinity of the irrigated lands increased making them unsuitable for agriculture. People died due to famine and this clearly illustrates the danger of blocking main rivers for agriculture. There is scientific evidence that the salinity of paddy soils in the Mahaweli C area is increasing.

We saw the devastation caused by Cyclone Ditwah. The sluice gates of the Kotmale Reservoir were opened, and Kandy and Peradeniya were flooded. If the reservoir had had greater storage capacity, couldn’t the opening of the gates have been delayed? This may not be an argument that modern-day engineers would readily accept, and I am not an irrigation expert. These ideas may well be naïve. But most of us tend to think of reservoirs mainly in terms of hydropower generation and irrigation, while their role in flood control receives much less attention. The question therefore deserves serious consideration. Could restoring lost reservoir capacity through desilting help improve our ability to manage extreme rainfall and reduce flood risks?

Desilting our reservoirs should be considered a national priority.

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Losing out to Ethiopia

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From Trailblazer to Tailender

Export diversification – Missing the wood for the trees – Part III

by Gomi Senadhira

In Sri Lanka, the word “Ethiopia” is often used as disparaging slang to describe individuals or areas experiencing extreme poverty, starvation, or severe economic hardship. This linguistic habit originated in the 1980s with the Western media coverage of the devastating Ethiopian famine of 1983-85. That media coverage shocked the world but also left an outdated and offensive global stereotype that the country is permanently starving. Much has changed since then. By now, with an annual growth rate of around 9%, it is the fastest-growing economy in sub-Saharan Africa. Ethiopia has also emerged as a highly competitive exporter and is challenging not only its competitors in the region but also countries like Sri Lanka. This article is on how Sri Lanka has lost ground to Ethiopia (and a few other countries) in the GCC markets for agricultural and floricultural products.

Sri Lanka – A Pioneer in the Agriculture and Floricultural Market in the GCC

As discussed in Part II of this article, by the mid-1980s Sri Lanka had established a strong foothold in the GCC’s fruit, vegetable, and floricultural market. Geographical proximity and well-established shipping and air links gave Sri Lanka a strong comparative advantage over Southeast Asian and African nations. Thailand, Vietnam, and Kenya were not even in the market. At that time, Ethiopia was experiencing (as BBC news reports described) “a biblical famine”.

The market was not very large, but it was lucrative and growing. Trade Minister Lalith Athulathmudali as well as the Chairman of the Export Development Board, Victor Santiapillai, who visited Kuwait (and the GCC countries), recognised the market potential for these products and encouraged us to continue with our work. The minister was particularly keen to further develop links between the market for these products, exporters, and his Export Production Villages (EPVs). So, it was becoming a successful case not only for export diversification but also for transferring gains from exports directly to rural households.

From Trailblazer to Tailender

As a result, even by the beginning of this century Sri Lanka had a larger market share than most of its competitors from Asia or Africa. But since then, our competitiveness has weakened significantly. The tables below provide a comparative snapshot of Sri Lanka’s performance vis-à-vis Thailand, Vietnam, Kenya and Ethiopia in the GCC market for vegetables, fruits and floricultural products. As illustrated therein, in 2001 Sri Lanka was ahead of Thailand, Kenya and Ethiopia in this small but rapidly growing market. Since then, we have fallen behind Thailand, Kenya and many other countries in that lucrative market. If this trend continues, Sri Lanka will fall behind Ethiopia within the next few years. (See Table 1)

In the GCC market for vegetables (covered in HS chapter 07), Sri Lanka was ahead of most other competitors in 2001. As illustrated in Table 1 , Sri Lanka had failed to develop this market, while Thailand, Kenya, and even Ethiopia had very efficiently increased their market shares. The GCC is a market to which Sri Lanka can supply some vegetables, like cabbages, by sea. It appears Sri Lanka had also failed to exploit this mode of supply.

We can see a similar trend in the market for fruits. Vietnam, Kenya, and Thailand have emerged as major players, while exports from Sri Lanka have staggered on slowly. In this segment, Vietnam has emerged as a leading player during the last twenty years and the GCC imports from Viet Nam have shot up from US$44 thousand in 2001 to US$346 million by 2024. In part one of these articles, I discussed the remarkable increase of jackfruit exports from Vietnam “…just $3 million in 2015 to an impressive $236.8 million in 2023” while most of our jackfruit production rots under the trees. This explains how countries develop their markets, geographically and product-wise. (See Table 2)

Sri Lanka’s performance has been weakest in the market for floricultural products (HS Chapter 06), which groups live trees, cut flowers, and ornamental foliage. When we first entered the market in the 1980s, the market was dominated by the Netherlands, and Kenya and Ethiopia were not even in the market. At that time, we identified the Gulf states as a market where Sri Lanka could have a dominant presence due to geographical proximity. Even in 2001, Sri Lanka was ahead of Kenya, Ethiopia, and Thailand. But by now, Kenya has emerged as the dominant supplier. Ethiopia is also expanding its market share and is the third-largest exporter. (See Table 3)

Missing the Wood for the Trees

In the mid-1980s, Sri Lanka first established its foothold in the GCC market. Since then, Thailand, Vietnam, Kenya, and even Ethiopia have moved well ahead of us and have become leading players. Why did we lag behind in our export diversification efforts in general and, more particularly, in the GCC market?

The reasons are very clear. After the initial attempts in the 1980s and early 1990s, Sri Lanka has not been proactively involved in identifying, developing, and promoting new products and markets, or protecting and further developing new markets already established. The focus has simply been on traditional exports: tea, coconut, cinnamon, and garments, while other products were almost ignored. In essence, we have been and continue to focus intensely on a narrow group of products and markets, and we have lost sight of the bigger picture.

(The writer can be reached at senadhiragomi@gmail.com)

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