Features
Genealogy of Concept and Genesis of 13th Amendment -II
By Prof. Gamini Keerawella
Prior to the 1977 general election, J. R. Jayewardene promised to summon an All Party Conference to take all possible steps to remedy the grievances of the Tamil- speaking people. However, what followed the election victory of the UNP, in 1977, was a series of anti-Tamil riots. On 12 August 1977, in less than a month of the new government assumed office anti-Tamil riots started. It was reported that over 300 Tamil people were killed during the riots. The political implications of the Anti-Tamil riots in Sri Lanka reverberated on the other side of the Palk Strait. On 24th August 1977, the Tamil Nadu Assembly adopted a resolution urging the Government of India to “depute a representative of the status of a Cabinet Minister to Sri Lanka to find out the true status of the affairs and have direct talks with that government by way of assuring the feelings of the Tamils there”. At this time, however, the Prime Minister Moraji Desai dismissed the Tamil Nadu request and stated that the Government of India did not propose to send a Cabinet Minister to Sri Lanka since the Indian High Commissioner in Colombo had been doing every thing possible and the two governments were also in close touch with each other.
Despite the election pledge to summon an All Party Conference to take all possible steps to remedy the grievances of the Tamil-Speaking people, J.R. Jayewardene first offered the District Development Councils (DDCs). It is important to note that, in spite of strong pressure on the part of the militant youth groups not to contest, the TULF participated in the DDCs. The DDC experiment of the TULF proved to be disastrous. On the one hand it faced the antipathy of the youth who advocated direct-armed struggle. On the other, the Central government was not prepared to tolerate even decentralization of administration. “The institution of District Minister ensured that all decisions of the Council will be subjected to strict control by the representative of the central government”.
There were anti-Tamil riots again in 1981. Tamil Nadu politics was rocked again due to the ethnic riots in Sri Lanka. The leaders of the 20 political parties urged the Prime Minister Indira Ghandi to grant the Tamil youths seeking refuge in Tamil Nadu political asylum. This time the Indian official reaction was clearly different. For the first time, the Indian Government made representation to the Government of Sri Lanka regarding the violence against Tamils during the ethnic riots. In the period 1977-1983, the power and influence of the Tamil militant groups increased very rapidly. This is reflected in the Jaffna Municipal elections held in 19 May 1983. The LTTE was able to implement a boycott of the elections successfully and the turn-out of the Jaffna polls was only 14.5 percent. The 1983 July riots created a very strong protest in Tamil Nadu in the form of bandhs and demonstrations. The delegation from Tamil Nadu made representation to Prime Minister Indira Ghandi on this situation and she assured the delegation that New Delhi “was dealing with the Tamil question in Sri Lanka as a national issue affecting the whole country, not merely as a problem concerning Tamil Nadu alone”. Just two days after the outbreak of riots, Prime Minister Indira Ghandi contacted President Jayewardene by telephone to discuss the Sri Lankan situation. As K.M.de Silva reveals, ‘The upshot of that fateful conversation was that Jayewardene found it necessary to invite Mrs. Ghandi to send an official representative to observe the situation in the island on the spot and report back to her”. When V.P Narasinghe Rao, a senior Cabinet Minister, visited Sri Lanka as a special envoy of the Indian Prime Minister on 29 July, parts of Colombo was still burning.
After July 1983, India entered swiftly as a self-appointed mediator and Indira Ghandi selected G. Parathasarathy as the mediator. The declared mission of G. Parathasarathy was to create an atmosphere for a negotiated settlement and act as intermediary between the Government and the Tamil political parties to formulate new proposals for devolution. As Godfrey Gunatilleke traced, at this point there were four inter-related but separate components to the negotiating process. “(1) the negotiation between the government of India and the government of Sri Lanka, (2) the talks between the Indian government and the Tamil Parties (3) the consultation in the conferences of the Sri Lankan political parties, and (4) the negotiation between the Tamil parties and the Sri Lankan government”. The first layer negotiations continued from August to November and the both parties able to agree on an acceptable plan, based on regional councils. This plan was became known as annexure ‘C’
In January, President Jayewardene convened the all-Party conference (APC) to discuss the proposals that came out from the first layer of negotiations. The polarization was very clear. The TULF and Tamil parties firmly stick to ‘regional councils and no less’ while the Sinhala political parties to ‘district councils no more’. Jayewardene’s vacillation and naivety was demonstrated very clearly at the APC and he did not come forward to defend the Annexure – C that he jointly fathered. Lacking his strong support, Annexure “C’ was made impotent”. The deadlock over the two positions made Jayewardene to suspend the APC on 30 September 1984.
Meantime, the Government prepared the 10th Amendment Proposals and Draft District and Regional Council Billi. On 21 December the Jayewardene Government decided to terminate the APC and stated that he would meet the TULF in early January to discuss the proposals. At first, the TULF agreed to go alone with the 10th Amendment. Later, Amirthalingam stated that the proposals were totally unacceptable to the Tamils and left Sri Lanka. Thereafter, President Jayewardene announced that he was withdrawing the proposals.
In June 1985, President Jayewardene and Minister Athulathmudali met Prime Minister Rajiv Ghandi for direct discussions the on ethnic issue and reached “an agreement on using India’s good office in finding a solution to the ethnic problem”. This paved the way for the direct dialogue between the Tamil armed groups and the Sri Lankan Government in Thimpu in August 1985. At the discussions at Thimpu, the six Tamil groups enunciated ‘four principles’ from which they would not waver. The Sri Lankan delegation also presented an outline of structure for devolution of power and affirmed that beyond which they could not proceed. In this context, what has happened in Thimpu is well known.
In June 1986 President Jayewardene decided to embark on a new political initiative and convened a round table conference of all political parties (PPC). He declared the Provincial Councils as the basis for devolution of power at the PPC. Both the SLFP did not attend the PPC but Mrs. Bandaranaike agreed to consult to President Jayewardene separately. The negotiations between GOSL and the TULF as well as discussions within the PPC continued for over three months. The basic draft of the Provincial Councils emerged out of these deliberations. As K.M.de Silva ,who had access to the official documents, traced “consisting of 50 pages in all, they included draft constitutional amendments, a draft Provincial Council Bill, schedules setting out ‘Reserved, Concurrent and Provincial Lists’, as well as detailed memoranda dealing with law and order, land and land settlement and education”. President Jayewardene and Prime Minister met at the Bangalore Summit of SAARC in November 1986 and further discussed the proposals known as ‘19 December Proposals’. It was really an incorporation of the agreements reached at the Bangalore summit into the Draft Provincial Council Bill of the PPC. The main issue remained unsettled was the merger of the Northern and the Eastern Provinces. There were many proposals in this regard but no agreement was reached.
The situation began to change rapidly from January 1987. Prabakaran who was operating in Tamil Nadu till now, slipped into Jaffna, in January anticipating the Indian pressure. The LTTE leader’s arrival marked a new phase in the armed action. In response to the increased pace of the LTTE armed activities, the Sri Lankan government imposed economic and communication blockade on the Jaffna peninsula. In March 1987, Rajiv Ghandi sent his personal envoy, Dinesh Singh to Colombo to convey India’s grave concern about the situation in Jaffna. In response to the Indian concern, Colombo declared an unilateral ceasefire for 10 days in April. However, after a bomb explosion in Colombo, which claimed over 200 deaths, the government decided to commence military offence in the North once again and Vadamarachchi offensive came in this context.
It is true that the Indian démarche was the immediate factor that cleared the way for the Provincial Councils in 1987. Even a cursory look at the political genealogy of the concept of Provincial Councils would clearly endorse that it was not simply a parasitic organ. It has been in the political discourse since independence in various forms. The vacillation and failure to take correct stand at the correct time on the part of Sri Lankan state had given India an opportunity to intervene in Sri Lanka’s internal affairs. By utilising Sri Lanka’s vacillation, India applied coercive diplomacy and violated Sri Lankan air space, entered into the Sri Lanka’s decision making orbit and attained its geo-strategic objectives, which was manifested in the Annexure to the Indo-Sri Lanka Peace accord.
It must be noted that at the outset the Provincial Councils have to carry a certificate of illegitimate birth due to the Indian intervention. However, the Indian role was just a midwifery role. The politically and ideologically weak ruling class of Sri Lanka failed to give it a natural birth. Further, the Provincial Councils had to toddle at the beginning on an unceremonious note as both the LTTE in the North and the JVP in the South violently denounced the Provincial Councils. The SLFP boycotted the Provincial Council elections at the beginning. In addition, there were many inherent structural weaknesses. As President J.R. Jayewardene was not yet deviated from the old centralized mind-set, the devolution package under the 13th Amendment was a half-baked product. The other hand took what was offered by one hand to the Provincial Councils. With all these shortcomings, the 13th Amendment was an important step in the evolution of the political discourse of the country. It alleviated the earlier fears that devolution promotes separation. In addition to the structural weaknesses of the 13th Amendment, non-implementation of some provisions and failure of the central government institutions to devolve functions to provincial units hampered the Provincial Council System. The dominant of centralized political culture of the country has negated the true potentials of the Provincial Council system as another tier of democratic governance. Some of the political criticisms levelled against the provincial council are equally applicable to the central government too. All these shortcomings are not reasons for the abolition of the Provincial Council system. Such a move would create more complicated political problems and their repercussions would be grave. What is necessary at this point is to go forward and address the shortcoming of Provincial Councils to make them true units of devolution of power to the people in the regions. (Concluded)
Sri Lanka needs to take full stock of its current economic situation and use to the maximum the potential in its GSP+ facility for export sector growth. In the process, it should ensure that it cooperates fully with the European Union. The urgency of undertaking these responsibilities is underscored by the issues growing out of the recent US decision to sweepingly hike tariffs on its imports, though differentially.
These were principal ‘takes’ for participants in the Pathfinder Foundation’s Ambassadors’ Roundtable forum held on April 8th at the Colombo Club of the Taj Samudra. The main presenter at the event was Ms. Carmen Moreno Raymundo, Ambassador of the European Union to Sri Lanka and the Maldives. The forum was chaired by Ambassador Bernard Goonetilleke, Chairman, Pathfinder Foundation. The event brought together a cross-section of the local public, including the media.
Ms. Moreno drew attention to the fact Sri Lanka is at present severely under utilizing its GSP+ facility, which is the main means for Sri Lanka to enter the very vast EU market of 450 million people. In fact the EU has been Sri Lanka’s biggest trading partner. In 2023, for instance, total trade between the partners stood at Euros 3.84 billion. There is no greater market but the EU region for Sri Lanka.
‘However, only Sri Lanka’s apparel sector has seen considerable growth over the years. It is the only export sector in Sri Lanka which could be said to be fully developed. However, wider ranging export growth is possible provided Sri Lanka exploits to the fullest the opportunities presented by GSP+.’
Moreno added, among other things: ‘Sri Lanka is one among only eight countries that have been granted the EU’s GSP+ facility. The wide-ranging export possibilities opened by the facility are waiting to be utilized. In the process, the country needs to participate in world trade in a dynamic way. It cannot opt for a closed economy. As long as economic vibrancy remains unachieved, Sri Lanka cannot enter into world trading arrangements from a strong position. Among other things, Sri Lanka must access the tools that will enable it to spot and make full use of export opportunities.
‘Sri Lanka must facilitate the private sector in a major way and make it possible for foreign investors to enter the local economy with no hassle and compete for local business opportunities unfettered. At present, Lanka lacks the relevant legal framework to make all this happen satisfactorily.
‘Sri Lanka cannot opt for what could be seen as opaque arrangements with bilateral economic partners. Transparency must be made to prevail in its dealings with investors and other relevant quarters. It’s the public good that must be ensured. The EU would like to see the local economy further opening up for foreign investment.
‘However, it is important that Sri Lanka cooperates with the EU in the latter’s efforts to bring about beneficial outcomes for Sri Lankans. Cooperation could be ensured by Sri Lanka fully abiding by the EU conditions that are attendant on the granting of GSP+. There are, for example, a number of commitments and international conventions that Sri Lanka signed up to and had promised to implement on its receipt of GSP+ which have hitherto not been complied with. Some of these relate to human rights and labour regulations.
‘Successive governments have pledged to implement these conventions but thus far nothing has happened by way of compliance. GSP+ must be seen as an opportunity and not a threat and by complying with EU conditions the best fruits could be reaped from GSP+. It is relevant to remember that GSP+ was granted to Sri Lanka in 2005. It was suspended five years later and restored in 2017.
‘The importance of compliance with EU conditions is greatly enhanced at present in view of the fact that Sri Lanka is currently being monitored by the EU with regard to compliance ahead of extending GSP+ next year. A report on Sri Lanka is due next year wherein the country’s performance with regard to cooperating with the EU would be assessed. The continuation of the facility depends on the degree of cooperation.
‘A few statistics would bear out the importance of Sri Lanka’s partnership with the EU. For example, under the facility Sri Lanka benefits from duty free access in over 66% of EU tariff lines. The highest number of tourist arrivals in Sri Lanka in 2023 was from the EU’s 27 member states. Likewise, the EU’s 27 member states rank second in the origin of inflows of foreign exchange to Sri Lanka; with Italy, France and Germany figuring as the main countries of origin. Eighty five percent of Sri Lanka’s exports to the EU market benefits from GSP+. Thus, the stakes for the country are high.’
Meanwhile, President, In-house Counsel & Legal Advisor, The European Chamber of Commerce of Sri Lanka, John Wilson said: ‘GSP+ should be seen as not only an opportunity but also as a necessity by Sri Lanka in the current international economic climate. ‘Implementation of local laws is what is needed. Considering the pressures growing out of the US imposed new tariff regime, a good dialogue with the EU is needed.
‘Sri Lanka’s level of business readiness must be upped. Among the imperatives are: An electronic procurement process, Customs reforms, a ‘National Single Window’, stepped-up access to land by investors, for example, a clear policy framework on PPPs and reform of the work permits system.’
It ought to be plain to see from the foregoing that Sri Lanka cannot afford to lose the GSP+ facility if it is stepped-up economic growth that is aimed at. It would be in Sri Lanka’s best interests to remain linked with the EU, considering the aggravated material hardships that could come in the wake of the imposition of the US’ new tariff regime. Sri Lanka would need to remain in a dialogue process with the EU, voice its reservations on matters growing out of GSP+, if any, iron out differences and ensure that its national interest is secured.
Chit-Chat
Chiara Tissera
Mrs. Queen of the World Sri Lanka 2024, Chiara Tissera, leaves for the finals, in the USA, next month
I had a very interesting chat with her and this is how it all went:
1. How would you describe yourself?
I am a sensitive and passionate individual who deeply cares about the things that matter most to me. I approach life with a heart full of enthusiasm and a desire to make meaningful connections.
2. If you could change one thing about yourself, what would it be?
Actually, I wouldn’t change a thing about myself because the person I am today, both inside and out, is the result of everything I’ve experienced. Every part of me has shaped who I am, so I embrace both my strengths and imperfections as they make me uniquely me.
3. If you could change one thing about your family, what would it be?
If there’s one thing I could change about my family, it would be having my father back with us. Losing him six years ago left a void that can never be filled, but his memory continues to guide and inspire us every day.
4. School?
I went to St. Jude’s College, Kurana, and I’m really proud to say that the lessons I gained during my time there have shaped who I am today. My school and teachers instilled in me values of hard work, perseverance and the importance of community, and I carry those lessons with me every day. I was a senior prefect and was selected the Deputy Head Prefect of our college during my tenure.
5. Happiest moment?
The happiest moment of my life so far has been winning the Mrs. Sri Lanka 2024 for Queen of the World. It was a dream come true and a truly unforgettable experience, one that fills me with pride and gratitude every time I reflect on it.
6. What is your idea of perfect happiness?
Happiness is a deeply personal and multifaceted feeling that often comes from a sense of contentment, fulfillment and well-being. For me, perfect happiness is in moments of joy, peace and accomplishments … and also being surrounded by my loved ones.
7. Are you religious?
Yes, I’m a very religious person. And I’m a firm believer in God. My faith guides me through life, providing strength, dedication and a sense of peace in every situation. I live by the quote, ‘Do your best, and God will do the rest.’
8. Are you superstitious?
I’m not superstitious. I believe in making my own decisions and relying on logic and faith rather than following superstitions.
9. Your ideal guy?
My ideal guy is my husband. He is compassionate, understanding and is always there to support me, no matter what. He’s my rock and my best friend – truly everything I could ever want in a partner.
10. Which living person do you most admire?
The living person I admire the most is definitely my mummy. Her strength, love and unwavering support has shaped me into who I am today. She is my role model and she inspires me every day with her wisdom and kindness.
11. Your most treasured possession?
My most treasured possession is my family. They are the heart of my life, providing me with love, support and strength. Their presence is my greatest blessing.
12. If you were marooned on a desert island, who would you like as your companion?
I would like to have my spouse as my companion. Together, we could make the best of the situation, supporting each other, sharing moments of laughter and finding creative ways to survive and thrive.
13. Your most embarrassing moment?
There’s quite a few, for sure, but nothing is really coming to mind right now.
14. Done anything daring?
Yes, stepping out of my comfort zone and taking part in a pageant. I had no experience and was nervous about putting myself out there, but I decided to challenge myself and go for it. It pushed me to grow in so many ways—learning to embrace confidence, handle pressure, and appreciate my own uniqueness. The experience not only boosted my self-esteem but also taught me the value of taking risks and embracing new opportunities, even when they feel intimidating.”
15. Your ideal vacation?
It would be to Paris. The city has such a magical vibe and, of course, exploring the magical Eiffel Tower is in my bucket list. Especially the city being a mix of history culture and modern life in a way that feels timeless, I find it to be the ideal vacation spot for me.
16. What kind of music are you into?
I love romantic songs. I’m drawn to its emotional depth and the way they express love, longing a connection. Whether it’s a slow ballad, a classic love song or a more modern romantic tune these songs speak to my heart.
17. Favourite radio station?
I don’t have a specific radio station that I like, but I tend to enjoy a variety of stations, depending on my mood. Sometimes I’ll tune into one for a mix of popular hits, other times I might go for something more relaxing, or a station with a certain vibe. So I just like to keep it flexible and switch it up.
18. Favourite TV station?
I hardly find the time to sit down and watch TV. But, whenever I do find a little spare time, I tend to do some spontaneous binge – watching, catching whatever interesting show is on at that moment.
19 What would you like to be born as in your next life?
Mmmm, I’ve actually not thought about it, but I’d love to be born as someone who gets to explore the world freely – perhaps a bird soaring across continents.
20. Any major plans for the future?
Let’s say preparing and participating in the international pageant happening in the USA this May. It’s an exciting opportunity to represent myself and my country on a global stage. Alongside this, I am dedicated to continuing my social service work as a title holder, striving to make a meaningful difference in the lives of others through my platform.
The formation of wrinkles and fine lines is part of our ageing process. However, if these wrinkles negatively impact appearance, making one look older than they actually are, then trying out some homemade remedies, I’ve listed for you, this week, may help in giving your skin a fresher look.
* Banana:
Bananas are considered to be our skin’s best friend. They contain natural oils and vitamins that work very perfectly to boost our skin health. Skincare experts recommend applying the banana paste to the skin.
Take a ripe banana and mash a quarter of it until it becomes a smooth paste. Apply a thin layer of the banana paste on your skin and allow it to sit for 15 to 20 minutes before washing it off with warm water.
* Olive Oil:
Olive oil works as a great skin protector and many types of research suggest that even consuming olive oil may protect the skin from developing more wrinkles. Olive oil contains compounds that can increase the skin’s collagen levels. Yes, olive oil can be used as a dressing on your salads, or other food, if you want to consume it, otherwise, you can apply a thin layer of olive oil on your face, neck and hands and let it stay overnight.
* Ginger:
Ginger serves to be a brilliant anti-wrinkle remedy because of the high content of antioxidants in it. Ginger helps in breaking down elastin, which is one of the main reasons for wrinkles. You can have ginger tea or grate ginger and have it with honey, on a regular basis.
* Aloe Vera:
The malic acid present in Aloe Vera helps in improving your skin’s elasticity, which helps in reducing your wrinkles. Apply the gel once you extract it from the plant, and leave it on for 15-20 minutes. You can wash it off with warm water.
* Lemons:
Lemons contain citric acid, which is a strong exfoliant that can help you get rid of your dead skin cells and wrinkles. Also, as an astringent and a cleansing agent, it helps to fade your wrinkles and fine lines. You can gently rub a lemon slice in your wrinkled skin and leave it on for 10-15 minutes. Rinse afterwards and repeat this process two to three times a day.
* Coconut Oil:
Coconut oil contains essential fatty acid that moisturises the skin and helps to retain its elasticity. You can directly apply the coconut oil, and leave it overnight, after gently massaging it, for the best results.
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Sun directly overhead Hatthikuchchi, Kalankuttiya, Halmillewa, Ipalogama, Palugaswewa and Habarana at about 12:11 noon. today [10]
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