Features
Founding of the Federal Party, the B-C Pact, Dudley-Chelva Pact Constituent Assembly and Vadukoddai Resolution
(Continued from last week)
Formation of the Federal Party (Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi) in December, 1949, was a turning point. With S. J. V. Chelvanayakam, K. C., as Founder President, and Dr. E. M. V. Naganathan and Mr. V. Navaratnam as Joint Secretaries, the party embarked on a journey which marked a radical departure from the conventional thinking of the past. This was plain from the text of seven resolutions adopted at the first National Convention of the Party, held in Trincomalee in April, 1951. The bedrock of the resolutions was the call to establish a Tamil state within the Union of Ceylon, and the bold assertion that no other solution was feasible.
The trajectory was now becoming manifest. The demand up to this time had been for substantial power sharing within a unitary state. This was now giving way to a strident demand for the emergence of a federal structure, destined to be expanded in due course to advocacy of secession.
The epitome of the resolutions was a critique of the unitary state as a wholly inadequate instrument for the fulfillment of legitimate Tamil aspirations. These were said to be capable of fruition only within the framework of an autonomous Tamil linguistic state forming a unit of the proposed federation. The overriding requirement of preserving the Tamil language and culture, in its pristine integrity, was spelt out explicitly. Territory was identified as the central factor defining the identity of the Tamil people.
From this perspective, a cogent objection was made to government initiatives in respect of colonization schemes which, it was claimed, distorted the demographic character of the areas in question. Asoftening element was introduced by the principle of “non-domination” which purported to allow residual space for other communities and religions.
Although standing out boldly as a landmark in constitutional evolution, the Federal Party resolutions did not carry on their face the hallmark of finality or immutability. In the next two decades, there was still the opportunity for addressing Tamil aspirations within the confines of an undivided country. Unequivocal insistence by the Tamil leadership on secession was yet some years away.
The next two decades saw further attempts, by different governments, to resolve the vexed issues around power sharing. The first of these was the Bandaranaike-Chelvanayakam Pact, signed by the Prime Minister and the leader of the Federal Party on July 26, 1957. There was an air of uneasy compromise surrounding the entire transaction. This was evident from the structure of the pact, which, as one of its three integral parts, contained a section not reduced to writing in any form, but consisting of a series of informal understandings. The essence of the pact was the proposed system of Regional Councils, which were envisaged as an intermediary tier between the central government and local government institutions.
This did break new ground. Not only did the pact confer on the people of the North and East a substantial measure of self-governance through innovative Regional Councils, including in such inherently controversial areas as colonization, irrigation, and land management, but territorial units were conceived of as the recipients of devolved powers. Thus, the Northern Province was envisaged to encompass one area, while the Eastern Province would comprise of two or more units. Of particular significance, the Regional Councils were to be invested with some measure of fiscal autonomy, in that they were not solely dependent on resources allocated by the Treasury, but were empowered to raise revenue through taxation and borrowing.
These, and other, attributes encouraged the impression that Regional Councils, representing the thin end of the wedge, could be a halting place on the road to fully-fledged federation. Certainly, there was no hesitation by out bidders to present the pact in these terms and to agitate virulently against it. The blow back was so intense as to compel the government to abrogate the pact.
In any event, there was the infirmity that the pact, to be implemented by ordinary legislation, would not have the sanctity of a constitutional amendment. Given the volatility of the subject matter, the comfort zone for the minorities was clearly precarious.
DUDLEY SENANAYAKE – CHELVANAYAKAM PACT
The next attempt, eight years later, was by the United National Party, which had vehemently opposed the Bandaranaike- Chelvanayakam Pact. This was the Dudley Senanayake- Chelvanayakam Pact, signed between the leader of the United National Party, at the time Leader of the Opposition, and the leader of the Federal Party. It differed from the Bandaranaike- Chelvanayakam Pact, both contextually and substantively.
As to context, it was signed on March 24, 1965, on the eve of a parliamentary election, to ensure for the United National Party the support of the Federal Party. A disheartening feature was the plainly evident element of duplicity. Once in government, the Prime Minister’s party showed little interest in giving effect to the terms of the pact. Within three years, the Federalist in the Cabinet, Mr. M. Tiruchelvam QC, Minister of Local Government, whose draft White Paper on the authority of District Councils was not acted upon by the government, relinquished his portfolio.
Substantively, the lynch pin of the pact was a system of District Councils whose powers received no definition but were to be resolved by subsequent negotiation. The primary debilitating aspect was the entrenched control of District Councils by the central government, even in regard to action within their vires (powers). This was largely an exercise in expediency which, far from engendering confidence, was almost universally seen as a sleight of hand.
THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY AND THE MODEL FEDERAL CONSTITUTION
Constitution making was very much at the crossroads in 1970, when the government of Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike, heading a coalition, was elected with a two- thirds majority. The new administration immediately embarked on the historic task of severing the centuries- old bond with the British Crown, and bringing into being the Republic of Sri Lanka. This was an all-encompassing enterprise, calling for an entirely new point of departure, signified by a comprehensive Constitution.
Thiswas to be drafted by a Constituent Assembly, which commenced its work with the formulation of a set of Basic Resolutions. The second of these, which eventually found expression in Article 2 of the new Constitution, characterized Sri Lanka as a unitary state. The Federal Party moved an amendment to this resolution, proposing that the word “federal” should be substituted for “unitary”.
The Federal Party, participating in the proceedings of there early stages on November 23, 1970, presented a Memorandum and a Model Federal Constitution. The striking feature of this intervention was its flexibility in respect of many critical issues, which saw a distinct hardening of attitudes through the developments of subsequent years. At the time of adoption of the first Republican Constitution, however, the resilience of approach of the Federal Party manifested itself in a variety of ways.
Mr. V. Dharmalingam, the spokesperson for the party on this subject, in his address to the Constituent Assembly on March 16, 1971, scrupulously refrained from insistence on any specific model and made it clear that all matters pertaining to the powers of the federating units and their relationship to the Centre could be freely discussed, once the principle of federalism was accepted. The principle of indivisibility of the Republic of Ceylon was emphatically articulated in the document as a non-negotiable premise. Exercise of the right of self-determination, in its external aspect, was firmly ruled out.
Unlike the Interim Self-Governing Authority document drafted by the LTTE, which sought to bring the President of the International Court of Justice into an arbitral process in the context of settlement of disputes between Centre and Periphery, the Federal Party document was content to vest responsibility in this regard in the Constitutional Court of the Republic, clearly designated the final arbiter. Here, too, an external dimension was studiedly avoided.
Demarcation of the powers and responsibilities of the Centre and the units was done in such a manner as to reserve to the Centre all authority for which there was legitimate need. This is clear from a comparison of the 29 clauses in Article 16 of the Model Constitution of the Federal Party with the provisions contained in the 9th Schedule to the 13th Amendment which forms part of the present Constitution. The former is not materially less extensive than the latter.
In sharp contrast with the acrimony generated in relation to the issue of Muslim representation in the Norwegian- facilitated peace talks between the Government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE, the Federal Party Memorandum had no reservation about conceding to the Muslim community the right to form their own unit in Ampara district.
The Federal Party Memorandum, invoking as its inspiration the principle of “democratic decentralization”, claimed that it was motivated by the basic purpose of achieving integration among the different ethnic groups of the population within a conceptual scheme which offered ample scope for the preservation of their distinct identities. There was, however, the stark admonition that persistent refusal to address these issues in earnest would inevitably propel the minorities to fall back on the residual option of external self-determination, culminating in secession.
The relative moderation of tone and substance reflected in the Federal Party documents, in comparison with far more extreme formulations which dominated the discourse in succeeding decades, met with nothing approximating to reciprocity in the slightest degree. The response came in the form of a sharp rebuke by Mr. Sarath Muttetuwegama, administered on the floor of the Constituent Assembly. Adamant in his refusal to leave the door ajar for any discussion, he declared: “Federalism has become something of a dirty word in the southern parts of this country.” The last opportunity to halt what turned out to be the inexorable march of events was arrogantl and contumaciously spurned.
VADUKODDAI RESOLUTION
The pushback came briskly, and with singular ferocity. This was in the form of the Vadukoddai Resolution, adopted by the Tamil United Liberation Front at its first National Convention held on May 14, 1976. The historic significance of this document, marking an irreversible trend, is that it set out for the first time, in the most unambiguous terms, the blueprint for an independent state for the Tamil Nation, embracing the merged Northern and Eastern Provinces.
The catalyst for this development arose from three fundamental features of the Constitution of 1972, which, taken in combination, were seen as a cavalier affront to Tamil aspirations. These characteristics were firm affirmation of the unitary state, the foremost place accorded to Buddhism, and the recognition of Sinhala as the sole official language. Tamil sentiment was convinced that the Rubicon had been crossed.
The first part of the resolution chronicled the grievances, over time, of the Tamil community, their persevering efforts to secure redress, and the unreceptive, indeed dismissive, reaction of successive governments in an unbroken sequence. The second part contained the nucleus of Tamil Eelam. Its scope extended beyond the shores of the Island. The state of Tamil Eelam was to be home not only to the people of the Northern and Eastern Provinces, but to “all Tamil-speaking people living in any part of Ceylon, and to Tamils of Eelam origin living in any part of the world who may opt for citizenship of Tamil Eelam”.
“Restoration and reconstitution of the free, sovereign, secular, socialist state of Tamil Eelam” was declared to be “based on the right of self-determination inherent to every nation”, which had “become inevitable in order to safeguard the very existence of the Tamil Nation in this country”. Giving credence to the document was the idea that the Tamils, as a nation, had an identity distinct and separate from the Sinhalese, with historical habitation of the Northern and Eastern Provinces. The final exhortation was that “This Convention calls upon the Tamil Nation in general, and the Tamil youth in particular, to come forward to throw themselves fully into the sacred fight for freedom, and to flinch not till the goal of a sovereign, socialist state of Tamil Eelam is reached.”
(Professor Pieris’ book is available at Vijitha Yapa Bookshops.)
(Excerpted from The Sri Lanka Peace Process: An Inside View by GL Peiris)
Features
End of ‘Western Civilisation’?
“All animals are equal, but some animals are more equal than others” ––George Orwell, Animal Farm
When I wrote in this column an essay on 4th February 2026 titled, the ‘Beginning of Another ‘White Supremacist’ World Order?’, my focus was on the hypocrisy of Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney’s Davos address on 20 January 2026 to the World Economic Forum. It was embraced like the gospel by liberal types and the naïve international relations ‘experts’ in our country and elsewhere. My suspicion of Carney’s words stemmed from the consistent role played by countries like Canada and others which he called ‘middle powers’ or ‘intermediate powers’ in the world order he critiqued in Davos. He wanted such countries, particularly Canada, “to live the truth?” which meant “naming reality” as it exists; “acting consistently” towards all in the world; “applying the same standards to allies and rivals” and “building what we claim to believe in, rather than waiting for the old order to be restored.” These are some memorable pieces of Carney’s mantra.
Yet unsurprisingly, it only took the Trump-Netanyahu illegal war against Iran to prove the hollowness in Carney’s words. If he placed any premium on his own words, he should have at least voiced his concern against the continuing atrocities in the Middle East unilaterally initiated by the US and Israel. But his concern is only about Iran’s seemingly indiscriminate attacks across the region targeting US and Israeli installations and even civilian locations in countries allied with the Us-Israel coalition.
Issuing a statement on 3 March 2026 from Sydney he noted, “Canada has long seen Iran as the principal source of instability and terror in the Middle East” and “despite more than two decades of negotiations and diplomatic efforts, Iran has not dismantled its nuclear programme, nor halted its enrichment activities.” A sensible observer would note how the same statement would also apply to Israel. In fact, Israel has been the bigger force of instability in the Middle East surpassing Iran. After all, it has exiled an entire population of people — the Palestinians — from their country to absolute statelessness has not halted its genocide of the same people unfortunate enough to find themselves in Gaza after their homeland was taken over to create Israel in 1948 and their properties to build illegal Jewish settlements in more recent times. And then there is the matter of nuclear weapons. Israel has never been hounded to stop its nuclear programme unlike Iran. There is, in the world order Carney criticixed and the one in his fantasy, a fundamental difference between a ‘Jewish bomb’ and a ‘Muslim bomb’ in the ‘clash of civilisations’ as imagined by Samuel P. Huntington and put into practice by the likes of Messers Trump, Netanyahu, and Carney. That is, the Jewish bomb is legitimate, and the Muslim one is not, which to me evokes the commandments in the dystopian novella Animal Farm.
But Carney, in his new rhetoric closely echoing those of the leaders of Germany, UK and France, did not completely forget his Davos words too. He noted, in the same statement, “we take this position with regret, because the current conflict is another example of the failure of the international order.” But in reality, it is not the failure of the current international order, but its reinforcement by the likes of Mr Carney, reiterating why it will not change.
Coming back to the US-Israel attack on Iran, anyone even remotely versatile in the craft of warfare should have known, sooner or later, the rapidly expanding theatre of devastation in the Middle East was likely to happen for two obvious reasons. One, Iran had warned of this outcome if attacked as it considered those countries hosting US and Israeli bases or facilities as enemies. This is military common sense. Two, this was also likely because it is the only option available for a country under attack when faced with superior technology, firepower and the silence of much of the world. I cannot but feel deep shame about the lukewarm and generic statements urging restraint issued by our political leaders notwithstanding the support of Iran to our country in many times of difficulty at the hands of this very same world order.
When I say this, I am not naïvely embracing Iran as a shining example of democracy. I am cognizant of the Iranian regime’s maltreatment of some of its own citizens, stifling of dissent within the country and its proxy support for armed groups in the region. But in real terms, this is no different from similar actions of Israel and the US. The difference is, the actions of these countries, particularly of the US, have been far more devastating for the world than anything Iran has done or could do. US’s misadventures in Vietnam, Iraq, Syria, and Afghanistan come to mind — to take only a handful of examples.
But it is no longer about Carney and the hollowness of his liberal verbal diarrhoea in Davos. What is of concern now is twofold. One is the unravelling fiction of what he called the ‘new world order’ in which he located countries like Canada at the helm. And the second is the reality of continuing to live in the same old world order where countries like Canada and other middle and intermediate powers will continue to do the bidding of powerful aggressors like the US and Israel as they have done since the 20th century.
Yet, one must certainly thank Trump and Mr Natenyahu for one thing. That is, they have effectively exposed the myth of what used to be euphemistically called the ‘western civilisation.’ Despite its euphemism, the notion and its reality were omnipresent and omnipotent, because of the devastating long term and lingering consequences of its tools of operation, which were initially colonialism and later postcolonial and neocolonial forms of control to which all of us continue to be subjected.
One thing that was clearly lacking in the long and devastating history of the ‘western civilisation’ in so far as it affected the lives of people like us is its lack of ‘civilisation’ and civility at all times. Therefore, Trump and Mr Netanyahu must be credited for exposing this reality in no uncertain terms.
But what does illegal and unprovoked military action and the absence so far of accountability mean in real terms? It simply means that rules no longer matter. If Israel and the US can bomb and murder heads of state of a sovereign country, its citizens including children, cause massive destruction claiming a non-existent imminent threat violating both domestic and international law, it opens a wide playing field for the powerful and the greedy. Hypothetically, in this free-for-all, China can invade India through Arunachal Pradesh and occupy that Indian state which it calls Zangnan simply because it has been claiming the territory of itself for a very long time and also simply because it can. India can invade and occupy Sri Lanka, if it so wishes because this can so easily be done and also because it is part of the extended neighbourhood of the Ramayana and India’s ‘Akhand Bharat’ political logic. Sri Lanka can perhaps invade and occupy the Maldives if it wants a free and perennial supply of Maldive Fish. Incidentally, the Sri Lankan Tamil guerrilla group, People’s Liberation Organization of Tamil Eelam nearly succeeded in doing so 1988.
Sarcasm aside, even more dangerous is the very real possibility of this situation opening the doors for small, violent and mobile militant groups to target citizens of these aggressor countries and their allies as we saw in the late 1960s and 1970s. This will occur because in this kind of situation, many people would likely believe this form of asymmetric warfare is the only avenue of resistance open to them. It is precisely under similar conditions that the many Palestinian armed factions and Lebanese militia groups emerged in the first place. If this happens, the victims will not be the fathers and the vociferous supporters of the present aggression but all of us including those who had nothing to do with the atrocities or even opposed it in their weak and inaudible voices.
If I may go back to Carney’s Davos words, what would “to live the truth?”, “naming reality”, “acting consistently” and “applying the same standards to allies and rivals” mean in the emerging situation in the Middle East? Would this kind of hypocrisy, hyperbole, choreographed silence and selective accusations only end if a US invasion of Greenland, an integral part of the ‘White Supremacist’ World Order’ takes place? By then, however, all of us would have been well-trained in the art of feeling numb. By that time, we too would have forgotten yet another important line in Animal Farm: “No animal shall kill any other animal without cause.”
Features
Silence is not protection: Rethinking sexual education in Sri Lanka
Sexual education is a vital component of holistic education, contributing to physical health, emotional well-being, gender equality, and social responsibility. Despite its importance, sexual education remains a sensitive and often controversial subject in many societies, particularly in culturally conservative contexts. In Sri Lanka, discussions around sexuality are frequently avoided in formal and informal settings, leaving young people to rely on peers, social media, or misinformation. This silence creates serious social, health, and psychological consequences. By examining the Sri Lankan context alongside international examples, the importance of comprehensive and age-appropriate sexual education becomes clear.
Understanding Sexual Education
Sexual education goes beyond biological explanations of reproduction. Comprehensive sexual education includes knowledge about human anatomy, puberty, consent, relationships, emotional health, gender identity, sexual orientation, reproductive rights, contraception, prevention of sexually transmitted infections (STIs), and personal safety. Importantly, it also promotes values such as respect, responsibility, dignity, and mutual understanding. When delivered appropriately, sexual education empowers individuals to make informed decisions rather than encouraging early or risky sexual behavior.
The Sri Lankan Context: Silence and Its Consequences
In Sri Lanka, sexual education is included in school curricula mainly through subjects such as Health Science and Life Competencies, however the content is often limited and taught with hesitation. Many teachers feel uncomfortable discussing sexual topics openly due to cultural norms, religious sensitivities, and fear of parental backlash. As a result, lessons are rushed, skipped, or delivered in a purely biological manner without addressing emotional, social, or ethical dimensions.
This lack of open education has led to several social challenges. Teenage pregnancies, although less visible, remain a significant issue, particularly in rural and estate sectors. Young girls who become pregnant often face school dropouts, social stigma, and limited future opportunities. Many of these pregnancies occur due to lack of knowledge about contraception, consent, and bodily autonomy.
Another serious concern in Sri Lanka is child sexual abuse. Numerous reports indicate that many children do not recognize abusive behaviour or lack the confidence and language to report it. Proper sexual education, especially lessons on body boundaries and consent, can help children identify inappropriate behavior and seek help early. In the Sri Lankan context, where respect for elders often discourages questioning authority, this knowledge is especially crucial.
Furthermore, misinformation about menstruation, nocturnal emissions, and bodily changes during puberty causes anxiety and shame among adolescents. Many Sri Lankan girls experience menarche without prior knowledge, leading to fear and confusion. Similarly, boys often receive no guidance about emotional or physical changes, reinforcing unhealthy notions of masculinity and silence around mental health.
Cultural Resistance and Misconceptions
Opposition to sexual education in Sri Lanka often stems from the belief that it promotes immoral behaviour or encourages premarital sex. However, international research consistently shows the opposite: young people who receive comprehensive sexual education tend to delay sexual initiation and engage in safer behaviours. The resistance is therefore rooted more in cultural fear than empirical evidence.
Religious and cultural values are important, but they need not conflict with sexual education. In fact, sexual education can be framed within moral discussions about responsibility, respect, family values, and care for others principles shared across Sri Lanka’s major religious traditions. Ignoring sexuality does not protect cultural values; rather, it leaves young people vulnerable.
International Evidence: Lessons from Other Countries
Several countries demonstrate how effective sexual education contributes to positive social outcomes.
In the Netherlands, sexual education begins at an early age and is age-appropriate, focusing on respect, relationships, and communication rather than explicit sexual activity. As a result, the Netherlands has one of the lowest rates of teenage pregnancy and STIs in the world. Young people are encouraged to discuss feelings, boundaries, and consent openly, both in schools and at home.
Similarly, Sweden introduced compulsory sexual education as early as the 1950s. Swedish programs emphasise gender equality, reproductive rights, and sexual health. This long-term commitment has contributed to high levels of sexual health awareness, low maternal mortality among young mothers, and strong societal acceptance of gender diversity. Sexual education in Sweden is also closely linked to public health services, ensuring access to counseling and contraception.
In many developing contexts, international organisations have supported sexual education as a tool for social development. UNESCO promotes Comprehensive Sexuality Education (CSE) globally, emphasising that it equips young people with knowledge, skills, attitudes, and values that enable them to protect their health and dignity. Studies supported by UNESCO show that CSE reduces risky behaviours, improves academic outcomes, and supports gender equality.
In countries such as Rwanda and South Africa, sexual education has been integrated with HIV/AIDS prevention programs. These initiatives demonstrate that sexual education is not a luxury of developed nations but a necessity for public health and social stability.
Comparing Sri Lanka with International Models
When compared with international examples, Sri Lanka’s challenges are not due to lack of capacity but lack of open dialogue and political will. Sri Lanka has a strong education system, high literacy rates, and an extensive public health network. These strengths provide an excellent foundation for implementing comprehensive sexual education that is culturally sensitive yet scientifically accurate.
Unlike the Netherlands or Sweden, Sri Lanka may not adopt early-age sexuality discussions in the same manner, but age-appropriate education during late primary and secondary school is both feasible and necessary. Topics such as puberty, menstruation, consent, online safety, and respectful relationships can be introduced gradually without violating cultural norms.
Sexual Education in the Digital Era
The urgency of sexual education has increased in the digital age. Sri Lankan adolescents are exposed to sexual content through social media, films, and online platforms, often without guidance. Pornography frequently becomes a primary source of sexual knowledge, leading to unrealistic expectations, objectification, and distorted ideas about consent and relationships.
Sexual education can counter these influences by developing critical thinking, media literacy, and ethical understanding. Teaching young people how to navigate digital relationships, cyber harassment, and online exploitation is now an essential component of sexual education.
Gender Equality and Social Change
Sexual education also plays a crucial role in promoting gender equality. In Sri Lanka, traditional gender roles often limit open discussion about female sexuality while excusing male dominance. Comprehensive sexual education challenges these norms by emphasizing mutual respect, shared responsibility, and equality in relationships.
Educating boys about consent and emotional expression helps reduce gender-based violence, while educating girls about bodily autonomy strengthens empowerment. In the long term, this contributes to healthier families and more equitable social structures.
The Way Forward for Sri Lanka
For sexual education to be effective in Sri Lanka, several steps are necessary. Teachers must receive proper training to handle the subject confidently and sensitively. Parents should be engaged through awareness programs to reduce fear and misconceptions. Curriculum developers must ensure that content is age-appropriate, culturally grounded, and scientifically accurate.
Importantly, sexual education should not be treated as a one-time lesson but as a continuous process integrated into broader life skills education. Collaboration between schools, healthcare providers, religious leaders, and community organisations can help normalise discussions around sexual health while respecting cultural values.
Finally , sexual education is not merely about sex; it is about health, dignity, safety, and responsible citizenship. The Sri Lankan experience demonstrates how silence and taboo can lead to misinformation, vulnerability, and social harm. International examples from the Netherlands, Sweden, and global initiatives supported by UNESCO clearly show that comprehensive sexual education leads to positive individual and societal outcomes.
For Sri Lanka, embracing sexual education does not mean abandoning cultural values. Rather, it means equipping young people with knowledge and ethical understanding to navigate modern social realities responsibly. In an era of rapid social and technological change, sexual education is not optional it is essential for building a healthy, informed, and compassionate society.
by Milinda Mayadunna ✍️
Features
A long-running identity conflict flares into full-blown war
It was Iran’s first spiritual head of state, the late Ayatollah Khomeini, who singled out and castigated the US as the ‘Great Satan’ in the revolutionary turmoil of the late seventies of the last century that ushered in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The core issue driving the long-running confrontation between Islamic Iran and the West has been religious identity and the seasoned observer cannot be faulted for seeing the explosive emergence of the current war in the Middle East as having the elements of a religious conflict.
The current crisis in the Middle East which was triggered off by the recent killing of Iranian spiritual head of state Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in a combined US-Israel military strike is multi-dimensional and highly complex in nature but when the history of relations between Islamic Iran and the West, read the US, is focused on the religious substratum in the conflict cannot be glossed over.
In fact it is not by accident that US President Donald Trump resorts to Biblical language when describing Iran in his denunciations of the latter. Iran, from Trump’s viewpoint, is a primordial source of ‘evil’ and if the Middle East has collapsed into a full-blown regional war today it is because of the ‘evil’ influence and doings of Iran; so runs Trump’s narrative. It is a language that stands on par with that used by the architects of the Iranian revolution in the crucial seventies decade.
In other words, it is a conflict between ‘good’ and ‘evil’ and who is ‘good’ and who is ‘evil’ in the confrontation is determined mainly by the observer’s partialities and loyalties which may not be entirely political in kind. It should not be forgotten that one of President Trump’s support bases is the Christian Right in the US and in the rest of the West and the Trump administration’s policy outlook and actions should not be divorced from the needs of this segment of supporters to be fully made sense of.
The reasons for the strong policy tie-up between Rightist administrations in the US in particular and Israel could be better comprehended when the above religious backdrop is taken into consideration. Israel is the principal actor in the ‘Old Testament’ of the Bible and is seen as ‘the Chosen People of God’ and this characterization of Israel ought to explain the partialities of the Republican Right in particular towards Israel. Among other things, this partiality accounts for the strong defence of Israel by the US.
For the purposes of clarity it needs to be mentioned here that the Bible consists of two parts, an ‘Old’ and ‘New Testament’ , and that the ‘New Testament’ or ‘Message’ embodies the teachings of Jesus Christ and the latter teachings are seen as completing and in a sense giving greater substance to the ‘Old Testament’. However, Judaism is based mainly on ‘Old Testament’ teachings and Judaism is distinct from Christianity.
To be sure, the above theological explanation does not exhaust all the reasons for the war in the Middle East but the observer will be allowing an important dimension to the war to slip past if its importance is underestimated.
It is not sufficiently realized that the Iranian Islamic Revolution of 1979 utterly changed international politics and re-wrote as it were the basic parameters that must be brought to bear in understanding it. So important is the Islamic factor in contemporary world politics that it helped define to a considerable degree the new international political order that came into existence with the collapsing of the Cold War and the disintegration of the USSR .
Since the latter developments ‘political Islam’ could be seen as a chief shaping influence of international politics. For example, it accounts considerably for the 9/11 calamity that led to the emergence of fresh polarities in world politics and ushered in political terrorism of a most destructive kind that is today disquietingly visible the world over.
It does not follow from the foregoing that Islam, correctly understood, inspires terrorism of any kind. Islam proclaims peace but some of its adherents with political aims interpret the religion in misleading, divisive ways that run contrary to the peaceful intents of the faith. This is a matter of the first importance that sincere adherents of the faith need to address.
However, there is no denying that the Islamic Revolution in Iran of 1979 has been over the past decades a great shaper of international politics and needs to be seen as such by those sections that are desirous of changing the course of the world for the better. The revolution’s importance is such that it led to US political scientist Dr. Samuel P. Huntingdon to formulate his historic thesis that a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ is upon the world currently.
If the above thesis is to be adopted in comprehending the principal trends in contemporary world politics it could be said that Islam, misleadingly interpreted by some, is pitting a good part of the Southern hemisphere against the West, which is also misleadingly seen by some, as homogeneously Christian in orientation. Whereas, the truth is otherwise. The West is not necessarily entirely synonymous with Christianity, correctly understood.
Right now, what is immediately needed in the Middle East is a ceasefire, followed up by a negotiated peace based on humanistic principles. Turning ‘Spears into Ploughshares’ is a long gestation project but the warring sides should pay considerable attention to former Iranian President Mohammad Khatami’s memorable thesis that the world needs to transition from a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ to a ‘Dialogue of Civilizations’. Hopefully, there would emerge from the main divides leaders who could courageously take up the latter challenge.
It ought to be plain to see that the current regional war in the Middle East is jeopardising the best interests of the totality of publics. Those Americans who are for peace need to not only stand up and be counted but bring pressure on the Trump administration to make peace and not continue on the present destructive course that will render the world a far more dangerous place than it is now.
In the Middle East region a durable peace could be ushered if only the just needs of all sides to the conflict are constructively considered. The Palestinians and Arabs have their needs, so does Israel. It cannot be stressed enough that unless and until the security needs of the latter are met there could be no enduring peace in the Middle East.
-
Features4 days agoBrilliant Navy officer no more
-
Opinion4 days agoSri Lanka – world’s worst facilities for cricket fans
-
Features4 days agoA life in colour and song: Rajika Gamage’s new bird guide captures Sri Lanka’s avian soul
-
Business2 days agoCabinet nod for the removal of Cess tax imposed on imported good
-
Features5 days agoOverseas visits to drum up foreign assistance for Sri Lanka
-
Features5 days agoSri Lanka to Host First-Ever World Congress on Snakes in Landmark Scientific Milestone
-
Latest News2 days agoAround 140 people missing after Iranian navy ship sinks off coast of Sri Lanka
-
News1 day agoLegal experts decry move to demolish STC dining hall
