Midweek Review
Emergence of Champika’s outfit against backdrop of economic chaos
Can Rescue & Thrive project attract public attention?
By Shamindra Ferdinando
President Gotabaya Rajapaksa referred to lawmaker Patali Champika Ranawaka’s public statements, during a recent private meeting with some of his supporters. The President queried whether the former minister’s declarations shouldn’t be examined, taking into consideration his record as a minister (continuously from Feb 2007 to Nov 2019 under different Presidents).
President Rajapaksa questioned whether Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB) MP Ranawaka could absolve himself of the responsibility for the current crisis the country is experiencing. In other words, if the Cabinet of Ministers, headed by the President, is collectively responsible for decisions taken, can a member of that Cabinet absolve him/herself of that responsibility?
Against the backdrop of the ruling Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) at the receiving end over the current crisis and the bankrupt Opposition trying to capitalize on the public misery, civil society grouping ’43 Brigade’, affiliated to lawmaker Ranawaka, has attempted to capitalise on the situation.
President Rajapaksa’s hitherto unreported comments on the former minister should be examined taking into consideration the project undertaken by the ’43 Brigade.’ MP Ranawaka emphasised at the National Convention of the ’43 Brigade’, in January, this year that whatever the current dispensation professed, the change of the system should begin in Parliament. The MP declared the country has been bankrupted due to the utterly irresponsible conduct of rulers between 2005 and 2015, conveniently forgetting his own leading roles in that regime.
The new political outfit has emerged close on the heels of ruination of traditional political parties and alliances. They have proved their policy statements are meant to deceive the people. Dr. Indrajit Coomaraswamy, one-time Governor of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (July 2016-Dec 2019), recently blamed the current crisis on the failure on the part of successive governments to manage the expenditure since the country gained Independence. Sri Lanka had been plagued by a toxic combination of populist politics and an entrenched entitlement culture among the people, Dr. Coomaraswamy pointed out adding “Time and again, the electoral calendar has undermined fiscal discipline.”
The Election Commission (EC) organised an event at the five-star Galadari Hotel, to celebrate the national Voters’ Day with the participation of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, on March 11, whereas the polls monitoring body, the People’s Action for Free and Fair Elections (PAFFREL) and the March 12 Movement jointly organised a public meeting at the Sri Lanka Foundation, on March 14, to mark the 90th anniversary of the country receiving universal franchise. Can celebration of such events, with a dance troupe, etc., be justified under any circumstances, at a time the country is on the verge of being declared bankrupt?
The ’43 Brigade’ has paid a glowing tribute to Dr. Coomaraswamy for the way he handled the monetary policy as Governor and head of the Monetary Board after having succeeded disgraced Arjuna Mahendran.
Former Attorney General Gamini Wijesinghe who delivered the keynote speech, at the SLF, lambasted the five-star parliamentary system for the ruination of democracy as well as the national economy. Wijesinghe quietly brashly blamed the executive, the legislature and the judiciary for the current calamitous situation. Damning declarations made by Dr. Coomaraswamy and Wijesinghe, if properly used, can possibly have quite a devastating impact on the major political parties and alliances. It would be pertinent to mention that the UNP is no longer a major political party. Instead, it has been reduced to just one National List seat filled contrary to the stipulated constitutional requirement. The electorate brought the UNP down to its knees at the last parliamentary election whereas its breakaway faction, the SJB, secured 54 seats. Lawmaker Ranawaka’s affiliation with the ‘43 Brigade’ obviously rattles the SJB.
The Opposition needs a common front against the incumbent President. At the 2010 presidential election, the Opposition accepted the then General Sarath Fonseka as the presidential candidate. In spite of being backed by the US and a coalition comprising the UNP-JVP-TNA-SLMC-ACMC as well as the civil society, Fonseka suffered a humiliating defeat.
At the 2015 presidential poll, Maithripala Sirisena quite comfortably succeeded, regardless of the then President’s personal Astrologer Sumanadasa Abeygunawardena‘s prediction in favour of Mahinda Rajapaksa. The coalition that had been unsuccessful at the 2010 presidential election achieved its objective at the 2015 election with the help of millions of dollars that the US spent on the sinister task as was revealed publicly by former American Secretary of State John Kerry.
In the run-up to the 2019 presidential election wartime Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa emerged as the SLPP’s candidate and comfortably won the contest, primarily due to the public losing faith in traditional politicians and the 19th Amendment to the Constitution depriving Mahinda Rajapaksa another chance to contest the presidential poll.
Just two years into the Gotabaya Rajapaksa presidency, the national economy is in tatters. Although the crisis cannot be entirely blamed on the global epidemic Covid-19, the SLPP has sought to largely blame it all on Covid and the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Let us only hope Uncle Sam is not involved!
The Opposition cannot afford to pull in different directions. Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa, who is also the leader of the SJB, seems to be confident that the current crisis can be solved by defeating Gotabaya Rajapaksa at the next presidential election. Obviously, Premadasa considers himself as their presidential candidate. Therefore, his demand made outside the Presidential Secretariat for early presidential election is nothing but rhetoric. The JVP that staged a far more aggressive protest at the same place ridiculed Premadasa. The JVP for a while forgot their protest targeted President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and instead attacked Sajith Premadasa.
Lawmaker Ranawaka joined the SJB protest along with defeated presidential candidate Sarath Fonseka. At one point, MPs Ranawaka and Fonseka flanked Sajith Premadasa as the SJB marched towards the Presidential Secretariat.
Having studied the ’43 Brigade’ proposals, along with a booklet launched by the then Minister Ranawaka, in 2019, that dealt with his performances as a minister over a period of 12 years, the writer sought an explanation from Attorney-at-Law Shiral Lakthilaka, a livewire of the project, as regards SJB MP Ranawaka’s role in the outfit.
Asked in what capacity MP Ranawaka addressed the national conference of the ‘43 Brigade’ held at the Monarch Imperial Auditorium, Sri Jayewardenepura, Kotte, and whether the outfit’s proposals could be considered as a sort of citizens’ manifesto for the next presidential and parliamentary polls? Lakthilaka said: “Not at all. It is a document that proposes policy framework and thinking to face the present crisis. MP Ranawaka addressed the gathering and endorsed the proposals as a leader of 43 Brigade.”
Lakthilaka, one-time advisor to President Maithripala Sirisena, stressed that the citizens’ initiative ‘43 Brigade’ was meant to mobilise people. Having launched ’43 Brigade’ in January 2021, the organisers released ‘Rescue & Thrive’ on January 23, 2022, amidst the current unprecedented economic crisis facing the country. There is no point in denying the fact that the ’43 Brigade’ exploits the ground situation to advance its agenda, the way ‘Viyathmaga’ did in the run-up to the last presidential election. Since the event at the Monarch Imperial Auditorium, in late January, the economy has suffered a series of shocks, with the government sharply divided over its agenda. At the time of the launch of ‘Rescue & Thrive’, the ’43 Brigade’ wouldn’t have anticipated, under any circumstances, the break-up of the SLPP with a section of the Cabinet rejecting the controversial decision on the Yugadanavi deal, sacking of ministers and the Russian invasion of Ukraine that has caused chaos everywhere. The unprecedented increase in the price of petrol and diesel has been blamed on the Ukraine war. It would be pertinent to mention that the US actions in Eastern Europe that threatened Russia’s legitimate security, political and economic interests, prompted President Putin to order the largest Russian offensive in the recent past.
Champika’s role, yahapalana policies
The 66-page publication dealt with the economic crisis and the ways and means of restoring stability. The organisers asserted their efforts influenced the electorate towards what they called a ‘social discourse aimed at a practical social vision.’
At the time, the ’43 Brigade’ publication unveiled its assessment and proposals, the situation was rather stable. However, since then the situation has taken a turn for the worse with practically every essential item in short supply with long queues for gas and petroleum products. Power cuts imposed for want of diesel required to generate power have disrupted life. Even before the disruption of essential supplies and services, the ’43 Brigade’ commented for the first time that the country is under a very real threat of going into bankruptcy.
Declaring that the ’43 Brigade’ has been warning of deterioration of the national economy, the outfit applauded its senior member lawmaker Ranawaka for warning the country in 2014 through the issuance of ‘Aalapaalu Deshapalanaya’ of the impending disaster and again addressing the issue at hand in 2016. However, the MP owed an explanation how/why he failed to explain the inordinate delay on his part to issue the warning having served President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s Cabinet since Feb 2007. Ranawaka served as the Minister of Environment and Natural Resources (Feb 01, 2007 to April 28, 2010), Power and Energy (April 29, 2010 to January 30, 2013) and Science, Technology and Scientific Research (Jan 31, 2013 to Nov 18, 2014). Then Minister Ranawaka switched his allegiance to Ranil Wickremesinghe in Nov 2014 along with Maithripala Sirisena. In the wake of the change of government, following the 2015 presidential election, Ranawaka was rewarded with Power and Energy Ministry (January 31, 2015 to Sept 07, 2015). Ranawaka received Megapolis and Western Province Development Ministry on Sept 08 and held that portfolio until the change of the government in Nov 2019. Having abandoned the UNP in early 2020, Champika, the one-time Jathika Hela Urumaya stalwart, contested the last general election on the SJB ticket. His one-time colleague in the JHU and Attorney-at-Law Udaya Gammanpila however opted for a political career with the SLPP and recently ended up with a rebellious faction within the government parliamentary group. Interestingly, the once quite influential JHU is now defunct while Gammanpila’s PHU remains a one-MP party.
The ’43 Brigade’ has placed the entire blame on Rajapaksas for the current situation on the basis of large scale borrowings during the 2005-2015 administration. The outfit says: “Careful perusal of loan installments for 2020 and 2021, excluding the Sri Lanka Development Bonds, would reveal that 70% of the installments in 2020 was of those borrowings during the 2005-2015 Rajapaksa regime. (Fought the separatist terrorists to a finish in the battle field, while the self-appointed international community led by the West kept harping that Lankan security forces were incapable of defeating the LTTE)
The debt burden increased to 77% in 2021. In contrast, installments for loans obtained during Senanayake, Bandaranaike, Jayewardene, Mrs. Kumaratunga and yahapalana eras, combined together amounts to just 23%.”
The ’43 Brigade’ defended the yahapalana administration under fire for taking massive commercial loans on the claim they were necessary to pay installments of loans obtained earlier. The outfit pointed out that out of USD 6.1 bn loans obtained in 2018, a staggering USD 5.8 bn (95% of total borrowings) were repaid as installments and interests. If not for IMF loans, the country would have been bankrupt during the 2016-2019 period due to loans obtained during the Rajapaksa administration.
The refusal on the part of the current dispensation to seek IMF assistance should be examined against the backdrop of claims the decision to do away with IMF assistance following the 2019 presidential election caused the crisis. Former Governor of the Uva, Southern and Central Provinces Keerthi Tennakoon is also on record as having blamed the SLPP government for breaking off negotiations with the IMF. The NGO activist who received multiple top appointments, courtesy Sirisena, has faulted the SLPP over the collapsing of talks with the IMF that resulted in the present crisis.
The ’43 Brigade’ accusations that feasibility studies and national procurement guidelines had been disregarded for the benefit of those who wielded power and their associates cannot be ignored against the backdrop of accusation they had amassed massive wealth. The outfit’s comments on financial status of the country at the time of the 2015 change of government are of crucial importance. According to a comprehensive study that had been conducted with the help of the IMF, some borrowings were actually hidden within state institutions to suppress the actual national debt.
Let me reproduce verbatim what the ’43 Brigade’ stated about yahapalana policies: “The key priorities of that government was to take steps to ensure that there was fiscal discipline within the government, improve economic competition, improve the image of the government by working in accordance with good governance principles, protect the rights of the people, democratisation of state rule and lay the foundation for an innovation economy.”
The recent accusations directed at the yahapalana government by former Attorney General Gamini Wijesinghe cannot be ignored. Wijesinghe went to the extent of blaming the UNP-SLFP administration for paving the way for the 20th Amendment by its failure to properly implement the 19th Amendment to the Constitution enacted in 2015.
Fall of yahapalanaya, GR’s emergence
The ’43 Brigade’ blamed what it called internal conflicts within the government and Treasury bond scams perpetrated in Feb 2015 and March 2016 for its downfall. The outfit also found fault with the yahapalana administration for its failure to make the public aware of the crisis caused by the previous administration. The pathetic failure to punish those who had been accused of waste, corruption and serious irregularities, too, contributed to the public losing confidence.
Champika’s outfit quite correctly explained how unprecedented tax concessions as well as reduction in VAT within weeks after the Nov 2019 presidential election eroded the national economy struggling to cope up with the growing crisis. The national economy has been experiencing difficulties at the time the change of government took place and those who advocated tax concessions should accept the responsibility for the current crisis. The current dispensation is in deepening turmoil with the divided SLPP parliamentary group pulling in different directions while some have chosen to remain silent.
Recent declarations made by Dr. Coomaraswamy and Gamini Wijesinghe should prompt the electorate to seriously think of the current political party system that has ruined the country. All those who had been previously elected to Parliament and in the current Parliament should admit the mayhem caused by them due to their selfish shortsighted policies and apologise to the nation. Genuine recovery efforts can take place only if they accept what they have done to the country.
Midweek Review
How Prof. Dewasiri’s FB post brought about Speaker Ranwala’s exit
By Shamindra Ferdinando
Prof. Nirmal Ranjith Dewasiri was the first to question the National People’s Power government over Speaker ‘Dr.’ Asoka Sapumal Ranwala regarding his academic qualifications.
Dewasiri’s shock query caught the NPP by surprise. The academic questioned the government on his social media account on 05 Dec. The Parliament unanimously appointed Ranwala as Speaker of the Tenth Parliament on 21 Nov.
Dewasiri demanded that the government compel Speaker Ranwala to resign in case the parliamentarian deliberately provided false information. If the Speaker declined to do so, appropriate measures should be taken to remove him, Prof. Dewasiri declared, while finding fault with the new entrant for (i) falsely claiming to have a degree and (ii) believe he could hold such an important position regardless of the deceit perpetrated by him.
Prof. Dewasiri emphasized that the second fault was far worse than the first. One-time spokesperson for the Federation of University Teachers Association (FUTA) and advocate of the Yahapalana administration warned the government of far reaching consequences as it was badly exposed.
The government obviously didn’t take Prof. Dewasiri’s social media post seriously. Perhaps the top leadership felt that the issue at hand wouldn’t attract much public attention. However, the Opposition, both in Parliament and outside, launched an all-out attack.
The SJB declared its intention to move a no-confidence motion against the Speaker. In spite of the NPP having an unprecedented 2/3 majority in Parliament, the ruling party feared to face the Opposition move. The NPP could have easily routed the combined Opposition in Parliament, but to defend an obvious wrongdoer would have ruined President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s (AKD) parliamentary group as they came to power, less than three months ago, promising to correct all the shenanigans that had been going on in the country, under the guise of democracy, since independence.
Beleaguered AKD had no option but to ask Speaker Ranwala to step down. The NPP could have avoided a lot of flak if the party acted immediately after Prof. Dewasiri’s disclosure. If not for the intervention made by the academic and a vociferous critic of wrongs done by the previous regimes, particularly to academics, Ranwala would still have been the Speaker.
The utterly dispirited SJB wouldn’t have inquired into Ranwala’s credentials under any circumstances. Thanks to Prof. Dewasiri, the Opposition received a mega opportunity to question the very basis of the NPP’s presidential and parliamentary election campaigns.
The SJB and new Democratic Front (NDF) had been rejected by the electorate to such an extent, even if they challenged Ranwala over his educational qualifications, the people may have ignored the issue as the rantings of a frustrated Opposition still licking the wounds of their routing at the polls. Prof. Dewasiri’s disclosure obviously delivered a knockout blow to the government.
Ranwala resigned on 13 Dec., just over a week after Prof. Dewasiri’s bombshell revelation. It would be pertinent to mention that just before the announcemnt of the Speaker’s resignation, President AKD told government media bosses that he wouldn’t protect any wrongdoer.
Having asked the electorate to reject unscrupulous political parties that had ruined the country, the NPP couldn’t have risked its political project to save Ranwala, one-time President of the Ceylon Petroleum Common Workers’ Union, until he was sent on compulsory retirement in March 2023 by the then Minister of Power and Energy Kanchana Wijesekera. The Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government accused Ranwala of obstructing fuel distribution services.
The NPP couldn’t have been unaware of Ranwala’s bogus claim. If Ranwala deliberately deceived the NPP, he should be dealt with harshly. Perhaps Ranwala should be asked to resign his parliamentary seat forthwith for deceiving the whole country, to pave the way for the NPP to fill that Gampaha District vacancy thereafter. Having vowed to clean up Parliament, the NPP cannot, under any circumstances, protect any wrongdoer.
But, corrupt political parties shouldn’t think for a moment that they can capitalize on the Speaker’s issue. The people rejected the SJB, NDF and SLPP (Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna) twice this year as they earned the wrath of the people. It would be a grave fault on their part if they believed Ranwala’s ouster could strengthen their campaign against the government.
The NPP should, without delay, set the record straight. The issue is whether Ranwala deceived the NPP with regard to his doctorate, or the party knew all along that their CPC trade unionist didn’t have the academic qualification which he proudly flaunted.
House tricked
Premier Dr. Harini Amarasuriya and Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath, together, accompanied Ranwela to the Speaker’s chair. The Opposition accepted the appointment. The Premier proposed Ranwala, while Minister Herath seconded that proposal.
Premier Amarasuriya, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa, and Leader of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress Rauff Hakeem congratulated National Executive Committee member Ranwala on that occasion.
One-time member of the Biyagama Local government body, Ranwala twice represented the JVP in the Western Provincial Council. According to Parliament website, Ranwala holds a degree in Chemical Engineering from the University of Moratuwa and a doctorate in Biochemistry from Waseda University, Japan.
To make matters worse for the NPP, the Opposition challenged Deputy Speaker Dr. Rizvie Salih’s specialist tag. Salih answered his critics. His FB post explained his nearly 40-year career, with 12 years with the public sector, though he is not a specialist.
The Deputy Speaker told Parliament, on Tuesday, that he is not a specialist and never used the title in his official letterheads, visiting cards and prescriptions. ” I have categorically told that I should not be called a specialist in propaganda material during elections,” he said. In other words, he had found fault with those who handled the propaganda campaign for the NPP
Interested parties also challenged the doctorate of Justice Minister Harshana Nanayakkara, another first time entrant to Parliament.
The controversy over Nanayakkara’s doctorate took an unexpected turn when the Parliament claimed that the doctorate had been inadvertently mentioned by Parliament. Let me reproduce the clarification issued by M. Jayalath Perera, Director Legislative Services / Director Communication (Acting), Parliament: Clarification Regarding the Title of “Dr.” mentioned before the name of the Minister of Justice, Attorney-at-Law, Hon. Harshana Nanayakkara, on the Parliament website.
“I would like to emphasize the following points in relation to reports published in the media regarding the title of ‘’Dr.’’ mentioned before the name of the Minister of Justice and National Integration, Attorney-at-Law, Harshana Nanayakkara, in the directory of Members of Parliament on the Parliament website.
“It is important to note that Hon. Harshana Nanayakkara has not indicated holding a doctoral degree in the information provided to Parliament. The appearance of the title “Dr.” before the Minister’s name was a result of an error in entering the relevant data. Accordingly, steps have been taken to rectify this mistake.
“I express my deepest regret for the inconvenience caused to the Minister of Justice and National Integration, Attorney-at-Law, Hon. Harshana Nanayakkara, in this regard.
“Also, the process of re-checking and updating the information of all Members of Parliament on the Parliament website is currently underway.”
But those who cannot stomach the NPP’s victory ask why didn’t Nanayakkara get that corrected himself if he was not entitled to be called “Dr.”? However, the Justice Minister lodged a complaint with the CID on Monday (16). The investigation can help ascertain whether some interested party conspired to discredit the NPP.
That clarification issued by Parliament meant that Ranwala provided false information to Parliament. According to Jayalath Perera, the parliamentary staff entered the relevant data provided by lawmakers, hence the only mistake on their part pertained to the Justice Minister’s data.
Power Minister Kumara Jayakody, too, lodged a complaint with police seeking an investigation into what he called an organized attempt to discredit him by challenging his academic qualifications. Both Nanayakkara and Jayakody speculated about the possibility of those who had been rejected by the people and their associates and supporters being involved in the high profile campaign.
The NPP cannot afford to disappoint 5.7 mn people who voted for AKD at the presidential election and 6.8 mn at the general election. The NPP increased its voter tally from 5.7 mn to 6.8 mn within a couple of weeks whereas the SJB was reduced to 1.9 mn votes from 4.3 mn at the presidential poll. The NDF was reduced to just 500,000 votes from 2.2mn at the presidential election while the SLPP increased its tally from 340,000 to 350,000. The Opposition is in disarray and in a pathetic situation.
Ranwala’s fiasco has sort of given the Opposition false hopes of a quick comeback. The forthcoming local government polls will show the ground situation. The NPP must keep in mind that in addition to the Ranwala affair, the failure on its part to provide sufficient relief to fuel and electricity consumers as promised has caused much public anger. Having repeatedly alleged that the previous government couldn’t substantially reduce fuel prices as the then Minister Kanchana Wijesekera pocketed the money, and having made those claims against the previous Minister in charge of the subject, the NPP brought down the price of a litre of Octane 92 by just 2 rupees much to the public’s resentment.
The pathetic handling of the rice mafia, too, didn’t do the NPP any good. Throughout the polls campaigns, the NPP repeatedly assured that the rice mafia would be appropriately dealt with and prices brought down and stabilized. The NPP also promised that rice wouldn’t be imported at all though imports would meet the tourist sector requirement. That much touted promise, too, was broken. However, the electorate, the writer is certain, doesn’t see any point in once again pinning their hopes on the utterly corrupt and dishonest lot rejected at the presidential and parliamentary polls.
Why Parliament shouldn’t defend wrongdoers
During the general election campaign, AKD explained why Parliament shouldn’t protect wrongdoers. The President said that the Yahapalana Parliament (2015-2019), during Karu Jayasuriya’s tenure as the Speaker, defeated a no-confidence motion moved against Ravi Karunanayake over the Treasury bond scams, especially after he told the Presidential Commission of Inquiry that probed it, he could not remember the person who gave him a luxury penthouse at Kollupitiya. Then in 2023 the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government defended Keheliya Rambukwella when a no-faith motion was moved against him over corruption in the health sector procurement, the President said.
Having said so, AKD couldn’t have defended Ranwala in case the SJB handed over a no-confidence motion against him. In fact, the NPP has created an environment that may prevent those exercising political power from coming to the rescue of wrongdoers under any circumstances.
During Ranwala’s very short stint as the Speaker, he had the opportunity to receive several foreign dignitaries. Press releases issued by Parliament following those meetings referred to Ranwala as Dr. Ranwala.
South Korean Ambassador Miyon Lee paid a courtesy call on Speaker Ranwala on 04 Dec. at the Parliament complex. Secretary General of the Parliament Mrs. Kushani Rohanadeera, was also present on the occasion. This happened the day before Prof. Dewasiri exposed the NPP parliamentarian.
Ranwala, not aware of what was coming, addressed the newly elected members on 25 Nov., in Parliament, where he emphasized the responsibility on the part of newcomers (he, too, was a newcomer struggling to handle responsibilities for want of parliamentary experience) to familiarize with parliamentary procedures. Speaker Ranwala said that public expectations couldn’t be met unless they learnt about parliamentary procedures. Ranwala was addressing the inaugural session of the orientation programme for lawmakers.
The Parliament website quoted Speaker Ranwala as having emphasized the importance of organizing such workshops, noting that a thorough understanding of parliamentary traditions, constitutional frameworks, standing orders, and related parliamentary procedures is crucial for serving the people through the diverse debates conducted within Parliament.
Chinese Ambassador in Colombo Ambassador Qi Zhenhong was the first envoy to pay a courtesy call on Ranwala at the Parliament. The Chinese Ambassador conveyed the greetings of the Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress of the People’s Republic of China (Speaker of the Parliament of the People’s Republic of China) Zhao Leji, to the newly elected Speaker of the Tenth Parliament during the meeting.
The Chinese envoy was followed by Indian High Commissioner Santosh Jha. Jha paid a courtesy call on the Speaker on 28 Nov. at the Parliament.
The United Nations Resident Coordinator in Sri Lanka, Marc-André Franche, met Speaker Ranwala on 04 Dec.
In the wake of Prof. Dewasiri’s shocking disclosure, Speaker Ranwala received a high-level US delegation led by Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs Donald Lu. The meeting took place on 06 Dec.
The delegation included Ms. Anjali Kaur, Deputy Assistant Administrator of the Bureau for Asia at USAID, and Mr. Robert Kaproth, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Asia at the US Department of the Treasury.
According to a press release issued by Parliament the meeting focused on Sri Lanka’s reform priorities and the critical role of the House in advancing the people’s mandate for accountability, transparency, and inclusive governance.
Ambassador of the United Arab Emirates to Sri Lanka Khaled Nasser AlAmeri was the next to pay a courtesy call on Speaker Ranwala. That meeting took place on 09 Dec. amidst a stepped-up campaign against Speaker Ranwala. The NPP seems to have operated on the premise that the controversy over the Speaker’s credentials would gradually fade away. But, the media pressed the Cabinet spokesperson Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa over the simmering serious issue. That controversy sort of overwhelmed the NPP that worked so hard to portray all other political parties, other than them, as corrupt to the core.
In fact, the NPP had nothing else but to depend on what it called a new clean political culture. Having impressed the electorate with nothing but promises and assurances that it would do the right thing, it couldn’t have a blatant liar as the Speaker.
If not for the political culture that had been introduced by the NPP, in the wake of Aragalaya in 2022, the false declaration made by Ranwala wouldn’t have been an issue at all. The people would have simply accepted it as just another lie. Our inefficient and useless Parliament had been so disgraceful in its conduct and encouraged public resentment that a Speaker’s false claim wouldn’t have caused a public furore.
The NPP’s failed bid to storm Parliament during the final push against President Gotabaya Rajapaksa should be examined taking into consideration the pathetic state of our Parliament. Some of those unscrupulous men who represented Parliament over the past two to three decades brought about the Parliament’s collapse. Instead of taking remedial measures, political parties allowed the deterioration to continue, unabated. Nothing can be as ridiculous as conducting student parliaments all over the provinces. What the Parliament really expected to achieve by promoting student parliaments at a time the very basis of the parliamentary system is under threat due to overall failure of the political party system.
Parliament must take appropriate measures to restore public confidence in the highest institution in the country. Ranwala’s affair proved beyond doubt that the Speaker, who is also the Chairman of the Constitutional Council, could manipulate the system. No one and no political party should be above the law. War-winning Sri Lanka had suffered unbearable losses for want of proper parliamentary control over public finance over the years.
Let us hope the NPP has learnt a hard lesson at the onset of AKD’s five-year term that would help the party to navigate choppy waters. The daunting challenges faced by a bankrupt country should prompt all political parties, represented in Parliament, to reach consensus on Sri Lanka’s response to the deal with the IMF, signed by Ranil Wickremesinghe. The issue the Parliament must grapple with is how to transform the sick national economy to make it possible for us to start repaying foreign debt in 2028 without making most of us absolute paupers, but many Lankans are already in dire straits economically.
The Parliament can begin by making the Supreme Court judgment on the economic crisis that led to Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s removal available to new members of Parliament. Of the 225 MPs, 162 are new entrants. The Supreme Court in Nov. 2023 issued a symbolic ruling that Rajapaksa brothers – including two ex-Presidents – were guilty of triggering the worst financial crisis by mishandling the economy.
In a majority verdict on multiple petitions filed by academics and civil rights activists, a five-judge bench of the Supreme Court ruled that the respondents, who all later resigned or were sacked, had violated public trust. But that verdict should be examined along with massive foreign loans taken by the Yahapalana government during the 2015-2019 period at high interests that contributed massively to the crisis.
Let there be no holds barred examination of the economic crisis and exposure of all responsible, regardless of their status. However, that wouldn’t be a reality unless the legislature fulfils its basic obligations in terms of the Constitution.
Let us also not lose sight of hidden hands, especially from the West who make matters worse through their cloak and dagger operations worldwide as also was put into operation here during Gotabaya Rajapaksa presidency, like even cutting off worker remittances from our banking system thereby we couldn’t even scrape together a few million dollars to clear even a shipment of cooking gas. They have done similar jugglery to so many other countries, even in our neighbourhood, as has been the case already in Bangladesh and Pakistan. Modi should not feel all that smug as we do not know what plots are being hatched against him.
Remember the uncompromising Aragalaya activists who were threatening to die for a system change in the country, but disappeared into thin air no sooner Ranil Wickremesimnghe was installed in the seat of power with the ouster of Gotabaya Rajapaksa by extra parliamentary means.
Midweek Review
Seeking cultural transmission between bodies
From Chitrasena to Akram Khan:
by Saumya Liyanage
Akram Khan is a world-renowned dancer, choreographer and the founder of Akram Khan Company (AKC) in the UK. He has been an impactful dancer and choreographer who was initially trained as a Kathak dancer during his apprenticeship under various Kathak Gurus in Asia and elsewhere. He and his dance company have created numerous dance productions that surpass the traditional boundaries. Akram Khan is a recipient of top awards including two Laurence Olivier Awards, the Bessie Award (New York Dance and Performance Award), the prestigious ISPA (International Society for the Performing Arts) Distinguished Artist Award, the Fred and Adele Astaire Award, the Herald Archangel Award at the Edinburgh International Festival, the South Bank Sky Arts Award, and ten Critics’ Circle National Dance Awards for his company.
With the initiative of the British Council in Colombo, the Akram Khan Dance Company contacted me a few months ago. The Legacy International Project Manager of the AKC, Varsha Kumar sent me an email informing me of an exciting project the dance company wanted to initiate in Jaffna. It was an upcoming collaboration between Akram Khan Company supported by the British Council Colombo to conduct an intense dance exchange workshop. This initiative facilitated a five-day intensive cultural transmission of Bharatanatyam dance conducted by Mavin Khoo, the artistic associate of the Akram Khan Company with a selected group of youth from Jaffna.
The idea was to continue and sustain the traditional dance forms and explore how they could be sustained and continued further through innovative practices. Mavin Khoo visited Jaffna for the first time to initiate this cultural transmission project with the hope of conducting this intense workshop on Bharatanatyam. Mavin Khoo, trained as a traditional dancer in Bharatanatyam in Malaysia, is a choreographer and the creative collaborator of Akram Khan. Mavin holds an MA in Choreography from Middlesex University and was a faculty member of the Dance Studies Department, School of Performing Arts at the University of Malta in 2014. He has been working as the rehearsal director of the Akram Khan Company and is exploring traditional dance and its contemporary relevance as a mode of human agency and provocation.
It is an ongoing work that the AKC initiated and this collaboration will continue further in future. Here is something interesting about what happened when Khoo, Varsha and their team came to Colombo after finishing the Jaffna Classical Intensive project. The British council director Edward Orlando invited me to a networking lunch in Colombo, where Khoo and Varsha were present. At lunch, I met some of the Sri Lankan dance community representatives. They included versatile dancers such as Upeka Chitrasena, Heshma Wignaraja, and Kapila Palihawadana. We shared our thoughts and ideas about dance and future collaborations during lunch. After this session, Upeka Chitrasena invited us to visit Chitrasena Dance Company. Akram Khan Company focused on helping peripheral dance groups to sustain and continue their traditional dance heritage and encouraged them to expand their possibilities of innovations, and the Chitrasena Dance Company in Colombo is also dedicated to preserving and continuing Sri Lankan traditional dance practices for posterity.
Dance as Ekstasis
I am not a dancer, but I have been interested in dance and dance theatre throughout my academic career. Dance and theatre share many elements and it is the body that is central to the dancer and actor’s work. A few days ago, at the Faculty of Medicine, a session was conducted by the Centre for Meditation Research on how movement facilitates happiness and wellbeing. With my research collaborators, Kanchana Malshani and Chamanee Darshika, I demonstrated how movement is central to our understanding of the self and the world. The key question that I posed at the seminar is that movement allows us to understand our body, time and space and allows us to understand how we could connect with other bodies. Movement is the primal element of the body of the animated being.
What fascinates me here is that actor/dancer experiences time and space and the Other, in a different way than we experience the same phenomena on the daily basis. Dance scholar and Philosopher Sheets Maxine-Johnston argues that Man comprises temporality within himself, for he is such an ekstatic being. He is always at a distance of himself, always in flight” (Sheets-Johnston, 2015, pp. 16-17). This statement clearly indicates how the dance and dance experience override the objective time and space. Greek etymology of the word ekstatic means how one emancipates from her/his own self and transcends for the daily reality. In this sense, the moving body of the dancer, as I witnessed at the Chitrasena Dance Company, shows that dancers’ “being” is not in the daily reality when they intensely move their bodies in the space and time with the complex drum ensemble. Hence, I argue that our understanding about time and space is constructed through the physiological and mathematical understanding of time and space. The other is understood in a way that we as selves are constructed and defined through various lingual and cultural discourses. In this sense, the dancer/actor surpasses these constructed boundaries when the body becomes animated through dance and acting.
We sat at the Chitrasena Dance Company in the afternoon of Dec., 14 2024, and Khoo and Varsha were scheduled to leave Colombo a few hours later. An intense and galvanising performance was unveiled at the bare stage of Chitrasena Dance Company with Thaji Dias and the dance ensemble with seven master drum players. One after the other, a series of traditional dance repertoires unfolded before our eyes. Particularly Thaji Dias’ mesmerising and electrifying bodily motility of Kandyan, Low Country and Sabaragamuwa styles blended with intense rigor and precision. It was evident that some of the dance repertoires that Thaji and the lead male dancer performed were somewhat improvisational, bringing key elements of Kandyan dance into an ecstasy of performance. Both dancers seemed to be connected with each other through somatic means, communicating with facial and bodily gestures to trigger certain dance repertoire to perform together. I witnessed that both dancers were kinesthetically and sensorially joined through learned repertoires to perform a new interpretation of Kandyan dance form.
Cultural Transmission
These traditional dance performances triggered several important questions related to the dance body and cultural transmission of somatic knowledge. First, when Heshma, the artistic director and choreographer of Chitrasena Dance Company introduced a particular dance repertoire developed and choreographed by Vajira Chitrasena, she articulated this as a cultural transmission of choreographic knowledge which came through two generations of dancers. This statement triggered several important questions related to dance historiography. When Chitrasena and Vajira choreographed their works, it may have been done through the embodied knowledge that they possessed through what they learnt and mastered from the traditional Gurus. However, Chitrasena and Vijira may have understood that replicating traditional dance and its repertoire would not add any innovation to their dance interventions. My interest was drawn to this phenomenon and the question emerged on how these individual dance artists have distilled the traditional Kandyan dance to modernist choreographic works through adding innovative elements to their newly founded body notations.
Researchers who are working on the intangible cultural heritage mainly focus on how traditional dance and heritage can be transmitted. They are mainly concerned about how these traditions are continued and sustained through contemporary dance ensembles. However, the intangible heritage discourse has least focused on how these dance traditions have been changing through time and how these new elemental changes have been transformed and transmitted to the next generation of dancers. During our encounters with dance choreographer and artistic director of Chitrasena Dance Company, Heshma discussed how they “do” dance. Her articulation of “doing” dance rather than talking about dance explains how they transmit knowledge of somatic elements of dance through bodies. She said, “We rarely talk … we do not use language but we do dance”. One of the challenges posed by these issues is that the corporeal learning and embodied knowledge cannot be objectified in the researcher’s eyes. They are somatically embedded in the dancers’ bodies and are sedimented within their dance repertoires. A meticulous observation, analysis and categorisation will be required for someone to understand and identify how these dance elements have been changed and embedded in the dancer’s body. As I believe, new dance ethnographic research would be useful for researchers to extricate those elemental dance repertoires to understand how contemporary dancers’ bodies embody dance heritage in their somatic memories.
Conclusion
Akram Khan and his creative associate Mavin Khoo explore the possibilities of preserving traditional dance forms while seeking opportunities to revive them through innovative practices. The Chitrasena Dance Company working in the field of traditional Sri Lankan dance ambitiously is in search of a new era of Sri Lankan dance while passing the Chitrasena -Vajira dance heritage to the next generation of dancers and choreographers. Both companies share similar objectives in dance preservation and innovations within the highly contested Global cultural domains. Khan, Khoo, Chitrasena, Vajira, Thaji and other dancers embody a vast knowledge of somatic practices akin to their own dance traditions. Yet, these ekstatic bodies transcend the daily constructed selves, which carry the somatic knowledge of dance that are waiting to be disseminated in the bodies of the next generation of dancers. These areas of dance-ethnography should be further developed to understand the embodied knowledge and the somatic practices infiltrated through the generations of dancers and drummers. New dance-ethnography, dance historiography and new methodologies should be developed and applied to deepen our understanding of dance as an explicit knowledge of human expressions, emotions and ecstasy.
References
Sheets-Johnston, M. (2015). The phenomenology of dance. Philadelphia (Pensilvania, Estados Unidos) Temple University Press.
Company, Akram Khan. n.d. “Our Biographies.” Akram Khan Company. Cog. Accessed 2024. https://www.akramkhancompany.net/about-us/our-biographies/.
Company, Akram Khan. n.d. “Our Biographies.” Akram Khan Company. Cog. Accessed 2024. https://www.akramkhancompany.net/about-us/our-biographies/.
Nürnberger, Marianne. 2014. “Vajira – the First Professional Female Dancer of the Sinhalese Style.” Sri Lanka Journal of Humanities 40 (0): 99. https://doi.org/10.4038/sljh.v40i0.7232.
Raheem, Mirak. 2022. “Vajira: The Pioneering Female Dancer.” South Asian Dance Intersections 1 (1). https://doi.org/10.55370/sadi.v1i1.1475.
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Saumya Liyanage is an actor and professor in Drama and Theatre, currently working at the Department of Theatre Ballet and Modern Dance, Faculty of Dance and Drama, University of Visual and Performing Arts, Colombo, Sri Lanka. saumya.l@vpa.ac.lk
The author wishes to thank Himansi Dehigama for her assistance in preparing this article.
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