Features
Education at a time of economic crisis
By Mahendran Thiruvarangan
The current economic crisis has hit the country’s education sector severely. From pre-school children to undergraduates, students, teachers and non-academic staff attached to our educational system, have been affected in unprecedented ways. Our educational institutions are struggling to run academic activities due to frequent power-cuts and shortages of supplies, such as stationery and chemicals. Hostellers, and students boarded in private houses, face difficulties in meeting their daily needs, including food and transport. These financial constraints have resulted in a decline in students enrolled in some four-year special degree programmes this year at universities.
Students from low-income, working-class, and oppressed caste communities, those from poverty-stricken urban areas, fishing communities, and schools located in rural and plantation areas, and the war-affected North and East, bear a disproportionate burden of this crisis. As education is becoming alarmingly expensive for many, there is a serious threat to the idea of free public education as an avenue for social mobility and social justice. As we explore ways out, there is a need to reflect upon why our free education system has been hit in this manner and why we have been unable to take action to prevent students from being pushed out of the system.
Understanding the Crisis
The current economic crisis, and how it is impacting our education system, can be attributed to the mindless open-economic policies that Sri Lanka adopted in 1977 and the neoliberal mindset that governs our educational planning since. Today’s crisis is a visible, painful rupture of an already beleaguered system. The COVID pandemic only furthered its deterioration and has rendered the current moment in education an enormously challenging one.
The heavy toll the crisis is taking on our students is a manifestation of the longstanding negligence our education system has suffered at the hands of successive governments. While large amounts were spent on vanity projects, like the Hambantota Harbour, Mattala Airport, the Lotus Tower and beautification of Colombo, not to mention expanding the country’s military apparatuses, the 2012 demand by FUTA to allocate 6% of the GDP for education has been ignored. Since the 1980s, the country has not invested enough in educational support systems, such as hostels for undergraduates, or in strengthening rural schools or upgrading more of them into schools with A/L classes, including the Science streams. These measures would have reduced the transportation and accommodation costs many of our students are struggling to bear today, amidst the crisis.
Because low-income, working-class families have been hit hardest, solutions to the economic crisis today should give a central place to redistribution. Within this framework, the way the state allocates funds for various initiatives should be justified on the basis of how those initiatives can help build a just, egalitarian society. This rationale should lead to prioritising the development of universal free education and healthcare. Our calls for a wealth tax and increased income taxes should highlight that a portion of the revenues that may be accrued via these measures must be utilised to reduce the inequalities, within the free education system.
Re-imagining Education during the Crisis
Under neoliberalism, we have been made to understand education as a timeless, ahistorical, contextless process divorced from the socio-economic realities that confront communities. Our curriculum and evaluation methods are, for the most part, inflexibly set in stone and heavily templatized. Neoliberalism has turned teachers into teaching-machines that lack the imagination to adopt curriculum practices that suit the conditions and needs of a particular historical moment.
At this juncture, there is a need to improvise short-term curriculum and evaluation practices that are intellectually meaningful and less costly for students. Even if teachers are ready to adopt such practices and make the necessary adjustments, our administrations do not show much interest in discussing these adjustments, let alone implement them. Even though universities, contra schools, are not bound by a common curriculum, centralised systems, within individual universities, informed by archaic rules and regulations, make adjustments that are attentive to the unprecedented socio-economic conditions, difficult if not impossible.
Education at a time of crisis should give a central place to the crisis itself in its content. The university curriculum should be flexible enough to bring the current politico-economic moment and its varied impact on different communities to the fore. Students and teachers should frame the educational processes that we are engaging in today as processes that should help us understand the crisis better and unpack the ideologies and policies undergirding it. These processes should encourage students and teachers to work with communities, trade unions, protestors and policy-makers in finding appropriate remedies. When students find their educational activities directly speaking to their everyday lives and the experiences of their communities, they will find education even during crisis an inspiring, liberating experience.
At both the school and tertiary levels, examinations and evaluation practices should be re-imagined. Standards should be broadened and diversified so that the education system embraces inclusiveness at a time when economic conditions are becoming more and more punishing towards the poor. At least within the school system, helping the students to cross the next hurdle should be prioritised. For instance, the number of optional questions given in an examination may be increased. The recent call by Ruwanthie de Chickera to pass all the students who sat for the G. C. E. O/L examinations that concluded last week should be heeded.
Our undergraduates, especially those who are in their penultimate and final years, have already spent more than the stipulated number of years at the university mainly due to the COVID crisis. In the case of many, their families can no longer support their education. Some feel an urgent need to find employment to support their families. There should be deliberations on how courses and assessment methods can be provisionally re-designed so that their graduation is not delayed further. While one has to be cautious about haphazard proposals made at University Faculty Boards to reduce the teaching hours, without adequate discussion, there can be more flexibility when it comes to the time spent on examinations. For instance, we should explore take-home exams or a combination of take-home exams and final papers as alternative to traditional end-of-semester examinations, which often take over a month to conduct for each batch at some universities. This may help students minimize the money spent on transportation as well.
The Ministry of Education should facilitate students and teachers to attend schools in their neighbourhood till there is improvement in the economic situation. Schools should initiate activities that can provide joy and relaxation to children instead of focusing too much on the traditional curriculum. They should also function as social spaces where students, parents and teachers can get together and chart mechanisms of survival and resilience. Students could take the lead in cultivating vegetables in their school gardens. School kitchens, established with the help of the wider community, may ensure that future generations get the necessary nutrients for their growth.
Shaping a Vision
The free education system, together with the free healthcare system, have kept our communities physically, psychologically and intellectually healthy and vibrant. Despite its many flaws, the education system has contributed to democratizing our society. Even our collective resistance to the failed economic policies of ruling classes today is informed by the democratic consciousness that our free education has imbued in us. The undergraduates of the public university system have taken a lead role in the ongoing protests, demanding a system change. We need the free education system to be alive and dynamic now more than ever.
How do we make the education system resilient even as we battle everyday problems? In what ways can higher-resourced schools help those with less facilities? In what ways can strong overseas alumni associations help economically marginalized students from not just their own schools but also other schools? In what ways can schools and universities work together in overcoming the crisis? How can local communities support the schools in their areas in the latter’s efforts to address the challenges they face? These are questions that we need to discuss urgently.
Neoliberalism has made us view education as a quest geared towards individual success at the cost of social wellbeing. It has discouraged us from exploring alliances and solidarities that can help us overcome challenging situations together through redistribution. The crisis we are facing today within and outside the education sector should make us understand that our socio-economic lives are interconnected and that we are dependent on each other for survival. The support systems and redistributive mechanisms that we build today can also provide the foundations for our economic and educational vision in the long-run, beyond this crisis. Let’s turn this crisis into an opportunity to remove the economic, social and psychological stranglehold that neoliberalism has placed over us and imagine an egalitarian future.
|(Mahendran Thiruvarangan is a Senior Lecturer attached to the Department of Linguistics and English at the University of Jaffna)
Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.
Features
Cricket and the National Interest
The appointment of former minister Eran Wickremaratne to chair the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee is significant for more than the future of cricket. It signals a possible shift in the culture of governance even as it offers Sri Lankan cricket a fighting possibility to get out of the doldrums of failure. There have been glorious patches for the national cricket team since the epochal 1996 World Cup triumph. But these patches of brightness have been few and far between and virtually non-existent over the past decade. At the centre of this disaster has been the failures of governance within Sri Lanka Cricket which are not unlike the larger failures of governance within the country itself. The appointment of a new reform oriented committee therefore carries significance beyond cricket. It reflects the wider challenge facing the country which is to restore trust in public institutions for better management.
The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne brings a professional administrator with a proven track record into the cricket arena. He has several strengths that many of his immediate predecessors lacked. Before the ascent of the present government leadership to positions of power, Eran Wickremaratne was among the handful of government ministers who did not have allegations of corruption attached to their names. His reputation for financial professionalism and integrity has remained intact over many years in public life. With him in the Cricket Transformation Committee are also respected former cricketers Kumar Sangakkara, Roshan Mahanama and Sidath Wettimuny together with professionals from legal and business backgrounds. They have been tasked with introducing structural reforms and improving transparency and accountability within cricket administration.
A second reason for this appointment to be significant is that this is possibly the first occasion on which the NPP government has reached out to someone associated with the opposition to obtain assistance in an area of national importance. The commitment to bipartisanship has been a constant demand from politically non-partisan civic groups and political analysts. They have voiced the opinion that the government needs to be more inclusive in its choice of appointments to decision making authorities. The NPP government’s practice so far has largely been to limit appointments to those within the ruling party or those considered loyalists even at the cost of proven expertise. The government’s decision in this case therefore marks a potentially important departure.
National Interest
There are areas of public life where national interest should transcend party divisions and cricket, beloved of the people, is one of them. Sri Lanka cannot afford to continue treating every institution as an arena for political competition when institutions themselves are in crisis and public confidence has become fragile. It is therefore unfortunate that when the government has moved positively in the direction of drawing on expertise from outside its own ranks there should be a negative response from sections of the opposition. This is indicative of the absence of a culture of bipartisanship even on issues that concern the national interest. The SJB, of which the newly appointed cricket committee chairman was a member objected on the grounds that politicians should not hold positions in sports administration and asked him to resign from the party. There is a need to recognise the distinction between partisan political control and the temporary use of experienced administrators to carry out reform and institutional restructuring. In other countries those in politics often join academia and civil society on a temporary basis and vice versa.
More disturbing has been the insidious campaign carried out against the new cricket committee and its chairman on the grounds of religious affiliation. This is an unacceptable denial of the reality that Sri Lanka is a plural, multi ethnic and multi religious society. The interim committee reflects this diversity to a reasonable extent. The country’s long history of ethnic conflict should have taught all political actors the dangers of mobilising communal prejudice for short term political gain. Sri Lanka paid a very heavy price for decades of mistrust and division. It would be tragic if even cricket administration became another arena for communal suspicion and hostility. The present government represents an important departure from the sectarian rhetoric that was employed by previous governments. They have repeatedly pledged to protect the equal rights of all citizens and not permit discrimination or extremism in any form.
The recent international peace march in Sri Lanka led by the Venerable Bhikkhu Thich Paññākāra from Vietnam with its message of loving kindness and mindfulness to all resonated strongly with the masses of people as seen by the crowds who thronged the roadsides to obtain blessings and show respect. This message stands in contrast to the sectarian resentment manifested by those who seek to use the cricket appointments as a weapon to attack the government at the present time. The challenges before the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee parallel the larger challenges before the government in developing the national economy and respecting ethnic and religious diversity. Plugging the leaks and restoring systems will take time and effort. It cannot be done overnight and it cannot succeed without public patience and support.
New Recognition
There is also a need for realism. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee does not guarantee success. Reforming deeply flawed institutions is always difficult. Besides, Sri Lanka is a small country with a relatively small population compared to many other cricket playing nations. It is also a country still recovering from the economic breakdown of 2022 which pushed the majority of people into hardship and severely weakened public institutions. The country continues to face unprecedented challenges including the damage caused by Cyclone Ditwah and the wider global economic uncertainties linked to conflict in the Middle East. Under these difficult circumstances Sri Lanka has fewer resources than many larger countries to devote to both cricket and economic development.
When resources are scarce they cannot be wasted through corruption or incompetence. Drawing upon the strengths of all those who are competent for the tasks at hand regardless of party affiliation or ethnic or religious identity is necessary if improvement is to come sooner rather than later. The burden of rebuilding the country cannot rest only on the government. The crisis facing the country is too deep for any single party or government to solve alone. National recovery requires capable individuals from across society and from different sectors such as business and civil society to work together in areas where the national interest transcends party politics. There is also a responsibility on opposition political parties to support initiatives that are politically neutral and genuinely in the national interest. Not every issue needs to become a partisan battle.
Sri Lanka cricket occupies a special place in the national consciousness. At its best it once united the country and gave Sri Lankans a sense of pride and international recognition. Restoring integrity and professionalism to cricket administration can therefore become part of the larger task of national renewal. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee, while it does not guarantee success, is a sign that the political leadership and people of the country may be beginning to mature in their approach to governance. In recognising the need for competence, integrity and bipartisan cooperation and extending it beyond cricket into other areas of national life, Sri Lanka may find the way towards more stable and successful governance..
by Jehan Perera
Features
From Dhaka to Sri Lanka, three wheels that drive our economies
Court vacation this year came with an unexpected lesson, not from a courtroom but from the streets of Dhaka — a city that moves, quite literally, on three wheels.
Above the traffic, a modern metro line glides past concrete pillars and crowded rooftops. It is efficient, clean and frequently cited as a symbol of progress in Bangladesh. For a visitor from Sri Lanka, it inevitably brings to mind our own abandoned light rail plans — a project debated, politicised and ultimately set aside.
But Dhaka’s real story is not in the air. It is on the ground.
Beneath the elevated tracks, the streets belong to three-wheelers. Known locally as CNGs, they cluster at junctions, line the edges of markets and pour into narrow roads that larger vehicles avoid. Even with a functioning rail system, these three-wheelers remain the city’s most dependable form of everyday transport.
Within hours of arriving, their importance becomes obvious. The train may take you across the city, but the journey does not end there. The last mile — often the most complicated part — belongs entirely to the three-wheeler. It is the vehicle that gets you home, to a meeting or simply through streets that no bus route properly serves.
There is a rhythm to using them. A destination is mentioned, a price is suggested and a brief negotiation follows. Then the ride begins, edging into traffic that feels permanently compressed. Drivers move with instinct, adjusting routes and squeezing through gaps with a confidence built over years.
It is not polished. But it works.
And that is where the comparison with Sri Lanka becomes less about what we lack and more about what we already have.
Back home, the three-wheeler has long been part of daily life — so familiar that it is often discussed only in terms of its problems. There are frequent complaints about fares, refusals or the absence of meters. More recently, the industry itself has become entangled in politics — from fuel subsidies to regulatory debates, from election-time promises to periodic crackdowns.
In that process, the conversation has shifted. The three-wheeler is often treated as a problem to be managed, rather than a service to be strengthened.
Yet, seen through the experience of Dhaka, Sri Lanka’s system begins to look far more settled — and, in many ways, ahead.
There is a growing structure in place. Meters, while not perfect, are widely recognised. Ride-hailing apps have added transparency and reduced uncertainty for passengers. There are clearer expectations on both sides — driver and commuter alike. Even small details, such as designated parking areas in parts of Colombo or the increasing standard of vehicles, point to an industry slowly moving towards professionalism.
Just as importantly, there is a human element that remains intact.
In Sri Lanka, a three-wheeler ride is rarely just a transaction. Drivers talk. They offer directions, comment on the day’s news, or share local knowledge. The ride becomes part of the social fabric, not just a means of getting from one point to another.
In Dhaka, the scale of the city leaves less room for that. The interaction is quicker, more direct, shaped by urgency. The service is essential, but it is under constant pressure.
What stands out, across both countries, is that the three-wheeler is not a temporary or outdated mode of transport. It is a necessity in dense, fast-growing Asian cities — one that fills gaps no rail or bus system can fully address.
Large infrastructure projects, like light rail, are important. They bring efficiency and long-term capacity. But they cannot replace the flexibility of a three-wheeler. They cannot reach into narrow streets, respond instantly to demand or provide that crucial last-mile connection.
That is why, even in a city that has invested heavily in modern rail, Dhaka still runs on three wheels.
For Sri Lanka, the lesson is not simply about what could have been built, but about what should be better managed and valued.
The three-wheeler industry does not need to be politicised at every turn. It needs steady regulation — clear fare systems, proper licensing, safety standards — alongside encouragement and recognition. It needs to be seen as part of the solution to urban transport, not as a side issue.
Because for thousands of drivers, it is a livelihood. And for millions of passengers, it is the most immediate and reliable form of mobility.
The tuk-tuk may not feature in grand policy speeches or infrastructure blueprints. It does not run on elevated tracks or attract international attention. But on the ground, where daily life unfolds, it continues to do what larger systems often struggle to do — show up, adapt and keep moving.
And after watching Dhaka’s streets — crowded, relentless, yet functioning — that small, three-wheeled vehicle feels less like something to argue over and more like something to get right.
(The writer is an Attorney-at-Law with over a decade of experience specialising in civil law, a former Board Member of the Office of Missing Persons and a former Legal Director of the Central Cultural Fund. He holds an LLM in International Business Law)
by Sampath Perera recently in Dhaka, Bangladesh
Features
Dubai scene … opening up
According to reports coming my way, the entertainment scene, in Dubai, is very much opening up, and buzzing again!
After a quieter few months, May is packed with entertainment and the whole scene, they say, is shifting back into full swing.
The Seven Notes band, made up of Sri Lankans, based in Dubai, are back in the spotlight, after a short hiatus, due to the ongoing Middle East problems.
On 18th April they did Legends Night at Mercure Hotel Dubai Barsha Heights; on Thursday, 9th May, they will be at the Sports Bar of the Mercure Hotel for 70s/80s Retro Night; on 6th June, they will be at Al Jadaf Dubai to provide the music for Sandun Perera live in concert … and with more dates to follow.
These events are expected to showcase the band’s evolving sound, tighter stage coordination, and stronger audience engagement.
With each performance, the band aims to refine its identity and build a loyal following within Dubai’s vibrant nightlife and event scene.

Pasindu Umayanga: The group’s new vocalist
What makes Seven Notes standout is their versatility which has made the band a dynamic and promising act.
With a growing performance calendar, new talent integration, and international ambitions, the band is definitely entering a defining phase of its journey.
Dubai’s music industry, I’m told, thrives on diversity, energy, and audience connection, with live bands playing a crucial role in elevating events—from corporate shows to private concerts. Against this backdrop, Seven Notes is positioning itself not just as another band, but as a performance-driven musical unit focused on consistency and growth.
Adding fresh momentum to the group is Pasindu Umayanga who joins Seven Notes as their new vocalist. This move signals a strategic upgrade—not just filling a role, but strengthening the band’s front-line presence.
Looking beyond local stages, Seven Notes is preparing for an international tour, to Korea, in July.

Bassist Niluk Uswaththa: Spokesperson for Seven Notes
According to bassist Niluk Uswaththa, taking a band abroad means: Your sound must hold up against unfamiliar audiences, your performance must translate beyond language, and your discipline must be at a professional level.
“If executed well, this tour could redefine Seven Notes from a local band into an emerging international act,” added Niluk.
He went on to say that Dubai is not an easy market. It’s saturated with highly experienced, multi-genre bands that can adapt instantly to any crowd.
“To stand out consistently you need to have tight rehearsal discipline, unique sound identity (not just covers), strong stage chemistry, audience retention – not just applause.”
No doubt, Seven Notes is entering a critical growth phase—new member, multiple shows, and an international tour on the horizon. The opportunity is real, but so is the pressure.
However, there is talk that Seven Notes will soon be a recognised name in the regional music scene.
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