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Midweek Review

‘Don’t throw the baby out with the bathwater’ Quack doctors in Sri Lanka

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By Prof. M.W. Amarasiri de Silva

The surge in unregistered medical practitioners practising allopathic medicine and Ayurvedic, homeopathy, and indigenous medicines has become a growing concern in Sri Lanka, particularly in rural areas and low-income urban sectors as claimed by the GMOA. Estimates from various sources indicate a significant number, ranging from 50,000 to 80,000 such practitioners (Sunday Times, Feb 12, 2012; Daily News, Feb 7, 2012; Newswire 23, 02, 2024) are available in Sri Lanka, particularly in rural areas.

Alarming reports have prompted the Government Medical Officers Association (GMOA) to express apprehension over individuals impersonating doctors and providing treatments for severe conditions like cancer, kidney, and heart ailments. These unauthorised practitioners not only prescribe medicines but also pose a life-threatening risk to patients, according to the GMOA, which has brought this matter to the attention of the Ministry of Health, providing recommendations to address the issue. However, the GMOA regrets that the Health Ministry has been slow to resolve this critical and potentially dangerous situation. The need for swift and effective measures to curb the activities of these unregistered practitioners is imperative to safeguard the health and well-being of the public, as stated by the GMOA.

The prevalence of unregistered syncretic practitioners in Sri Lanka surpasses the number of registered biomedical practitioners (20,000) and registered Ayurvedic doctors (17,000), as reported by the Sunday Times on Feb 12, 2012.

This article aims to shed light on the reasons behind the rise in their numbers and the social acceptance of such treatments, particularly in rural areas.

Sri Lanka’s medical system, recognised as a plural medical system, incorporates diverse treatment modalities, including Ayurvedic, Western allopathic, and indigenous treatments. This dynamic landscape provides an intriguing context to explore various healthcare providers and treatment types in different cultural settings, encompassing rural, urban, and estate communities. The country also hosts distinct communities such as the Veddas, Purana villages, fishing communities, and settlement communities in the northern districts, each with unique socio-cultural and economic systems.

The new settlements in the Mahaweli area face challenges in healthcare facilities, lagging behind the more developed districts like those in the Western Province. Health priorities in rural villages of the NCP differ significantly, with many health issues being environmentally induced and linked to factors intrinsic to the dry zone climate and socio-cultural settings. During the formation of settlements, particularly in the Mahaweli Development area, health challenges arose due to the transient status of settlers living in temporary houses with poor hygienic conditions, a lack of potable water, dietary changes, and the absence of familiar foods. The ecological shift from rainy, green vegetation areas to the dry zone brought additional problems, with wild elephants often destroying houses, paddy fields, and vegetable gardens. Separation from original villages, living with unknown individuals, and the lack of social support due to family dispersion contributed to health challenges, including a high incidence of suicides in the early phases of settlement.

Although families are now considered settled in their new homes, remnants of the transient culture persist. People maintain connections with their original villages while adapting to the culture of the settlement villages in the NCP. Local rituals, such as the worship of the god Pulleyar and reliance on traditional treatment systems for various health issues, including snake bites, kidney disease, dysuria, skin problems, and somatic disorders, are prevalent in these villages. Diseases categorised as wind diseases (vata roga), phlegm diseases (sem roga), and skin diseases (kusta roga or charma roga) are often not addressed in urban hospitals, as they do not align with the expectations of residents who were raised in remote villages where traditional healing systems, including Ayurveda, were practiced. The healthcare landscape in these settlements reflects the intricate interplay between environmental, socio-cultural, and historical factors.

Traditional Ayurvedic physicians or village-based Ayurvedic doctors (vedaralas) were notably scarce in the agricultural settlements, as they did not choose to establish residency in these areas. Similarly, assistant medical officers, nurses, hospital attendants, and dispensers, who play vital roles in village medical systems, were seldom found in the new agricultural settlements in the North Central Province (NCP).

The allopathic, hospital-based medical system introduced to the settlements approached health problems from a biomedical perspective. However, for settlers, the hospital represented a bureaucratic system. The process involved commuting to the urban area where the hospital is located, waiting in queues, obtaining a numbered ticket, completing forms at the outpatient desk, and then waiting for their turn (identified by number, not name) to see the doctor. The doctor’s brief diagnosis often resulted in a prescription that the settlers found challenging to decipher. This prescription was then taken to the hospital dispensary, where another queue awaited them to collect the prescribed medicine—typically categorized as peti (tablets), karal (capsules), or watura (liquids). The entire process consumed the whole day, from leaving home to returning.

While hospital medicine offered temporary relief for issues like diarrhoea and fever, settlers observed that these problems often recurred. Loneliness from being away from their original villages and kinsfolk compounded the settlers’ health challenges. Other complaints, including an inability to work and concentrate, physical weakness, vertigo, dizziness, sleeping difficulties, skin diseases, and bone fractures, remained unaddressed, counselled, or discussed at the hospital.

This context created a demand for healers akin to the traditional village vedarala or Ayurvedic doctors, leading to the popularity of quacks or unregistered doctors (UDs) in the settlements and in remote rural villages. These UDs, known to the settlers, and rural villagers engaged in more extensive discussions about their problems, offered informal counselling, shared similar sentiments, came from comparable social and cultural backgrounds, and spoke the same vernacular vocabulary. While providing Western medicine like that from hospitals, UDs explained it in terms more understandable to the settlers, often incorporating elements of Ayurvedic or homeopathic treatments to enhance perceived effectiveness for the specific illnesses the settlers sought treatment for.

It is a factual observation that the quacks or Unregistered Doctors in Sri Lanka do not originate from the upper-middle class, setting them apart from qualified allopathic doctors, who predominantly hail from upper-middle-class urban backgrounds. The UDs typically have roots in rural villages, and their land ownership is limited, often not exceeding a quarter of an acre. The parental occupation of most UDs revolves around traditional agriculture or trades like carpentry or masonry, occupations that carry minimal prestige within their village communities. In contrast to the small nuclear families characteristic of urban middle-class backgrounds, UDs often belong to large extended families. This socio-economic disparity underscores the diverse backgrounds and origins of UDs in comparison to their allopathic counterparts.

There is a prevailing belief among the people that Western medicine provides quick relief but fails to address the root cause of illnesses, offering only temporary (thavakalika) solutions. Many believe that it is essential to complement or replace Western medicine with Ayurvedic treatments for a lasting cure. Sole reliance on Western medicine (dostara / ingirisi behet) is often associated with a higher likelihood of disease recurrence or the emergence of undesirable “side effects.” It’s common to hear people express concerns about becoming thin (kettu) or experiencing a sensation of having “dried up” (diravala giya) after using Western medications. This perspective reflects a broader sentiment that Ayurvedic medicine is perceived as providing more holistic and sustainable solutions compared to the perceived limitations of Western medical approaches.

There is a widespread belief that the use of Western medicine to treat upper respiratory infections can lead to the “drying up” (karavenava) of phlegm (sema) in some individuals. While Western medicine may offer quick relief and cure, this effect is often considered temporary. The accumulation of excessive or “bad” phlegm disrupts bodily elements’ natural harmony or homeostasis, emphasizing the perceived need for Ayurvedic treatment in patients with phlegm-related diseases.

Patients seeking rapid relief from Western doctors for phlegm-related conditions may concurrently or subsequently opt for Ayurvedic treatments. Some doctors employ secret formulae, including mixtures and ointments, comprising allopathic, Ayurvedic, and sometimes homeopathic medicines. According to these UDs, the preparation of these medicines involves using Ayurvedic medicinal herbs to control or neutralize the ‘bad’ or ‘poisonous’ (visa) effects of allopathic and homeopathic medicines.

The UDs argue that using these combined mixtures is preferable to relying solely on pure allopathic medicines, primarily for wounds, cough, constipation, and stomach problems in infants. The formulation of these secret medicines may be passed down through family traditions, originate from a secretive book in the doctor’s possession, or even be revealed in a dream by an ingenious person. The patient histories provide insights into the prevalent practice of combined therapy in rural Sri Lanka.

The recent institutionalisation of the Ayurvedic system in Sri Lanka, facilitated by trained doctors from the educated elite critical of the local treatment system (Sinhala vedakama), has resulted in the establishment of government-supported institutions, training colleges, research facilities, and hospitals. This system operates independently alongside the allopathic biomedical medical system in Sri Lanka. The creation of the Ministry of Indigenous Medicine reflects a nationalist approach to medical systems, serving as an identifier of Sri Lanka’s independent identity in medicine and disease management. However, there is no such institutionalisation of quacks or UDs, which I think is essential to properly organise the unregistered doctors and obtain their services in remote villages and settlements. These quacks or UDs can be considered ‘community doctors’ providing care in the absence of trained biomedical doctors in remote rural communities.

The concentration of the Ayurvedic system in rural areas has been attributed to the perceived poor availability of trained biomedical doctors in these regions. However, this spatial shift may also be a deliberate strategy to avoid direct competition between the Ayurvedic and allopathic systems for clientele. Like their Western counterparts, the newly trained, college-educated Ayurvedic doctors may hesitate to establish practices in impoverished rural areas, particularly in the scattered purana villages of the dry zone or newly irrigated agricultural colonies.

Traditional vedaralas in purana villages often conducted essential treatments in these areas, but the scarcity of such practitioners in newly established settlements and remote villages created an opening for UDs. These UDs, with their unique blend of traditional and contemporary medical knowledge, stepped in to fill the gap left by the absence of a formalised traditional medicine system and an inadequate allopathic medical infrastructure in these rural settlements. The role of UDs in these underserved areas becomes crucial for addressing healthcare needs where other systems might not have gained traction.

The UDs in the settlements served the diverse medical needs of the settlers, adopting roles akin to allopathic doctors, ayurvedic doctors, vedaralas, and homeopathy doctors. This multifaceted approach, which I refer to as the system of ‘combined treatment and therapy’, represents a unique and adaptive form of healthcare delivery.

The concept of combined therapy is not entirely novel within the Sinhalese treatment culture. In the traditional village setup of Sri Lanka, Ayurveda, astrology, and exorcism were distinct yet interconnected subsystems within the broader Sinhalese-Buddhist treatment culture. Despite their separate identities, they coexisted and often complemented each other. Practitioners, such as vedaralas, sometimes fulfilled roles as both exorcists and astrologers. This integrated approach was a part of the larger cultural milieu.

In the context of the settlements, the UDs faced minimal competition from allopathic practitioners, who were largely absent in these areas. The biomedical system struggled to connect with the existing treatment culture of the settlers, lacking both philosophical alignment and practical integration. The traditional therapeutic systems, rooted in thridosha vaadaya (doctrine of the three doshas) and the panchabhuta system (five-element theory), offered diverse explanations for the causes of diseases. These systems encouraged utilising various treatment methods, including those rooted in astrology and exorcism.

The prevalence of the belief that diseases could have multiple causes likely contributed to the establishment and acceptance of the combined therapy system as practiced by the UDs in the settlements and remote communities. This adaptive and inclusive approach aligns with the pluralistic nature of traditional Sinhalese medicine, where multiple streams of knowledge converge to address the community’s complex and varied health needs.

The hallmark of these doctors lies in their remarkable adaptability to various treatment methods and medicines. Their guiding philosophy is grounded in the belief that different medicines or treatment regimens exert distinct effects on individual patients. Consequently, they advocate for effectively combining different medicines and treatment approaches to address each patient’s unique needs. The amalgamation of these diverse interventions is intricately tailored based on the patient’s individual characteristics and the practitioner’s wealth of experience. This personalised and flexible approach underscores the dynamic nature of their medical practice, reflecting a commitment to optimizing patient outcomes through a holistic and individualized treatment strategy.

In conclusion, the complex healthcare landscape in Sri Lanka, particularly in rural areas, reveals a multifaceted reality where unregistered doctors (UDs) or quacks play a significant role in addressing the diverse medical needs of the population. While concerns raised by the Government Medical Officers Association (GMOA) about unauthorised practitioners impersonating doctors are valid, it is essential to approach the issue with nuance.

The prevalence of UDs stems from a variety of factors, including the inadequacies of the formal healthcare system to meet the specific needs of rural settlers. The settlers’ reluctance to engage with the bureaucratic hospital-based system, coupled with a belief in the holistic approach of traditional medicine, has contributed to the popularity of UDs in these underserved areas.

The socio-economic background of UDs, often originating from rural villages and engaged in traditional occupations, highlights the diverse origins of healthcare providers in Sri Lanka. The gap between registered biomedical practitioners and the healthcare needs of the population underscores the necessity for a more organised and institutionalized approach to integrating UDs into the healthcare system.

Recognising the unique role of UDs as ‘community doctors’ providing valuable care without trained biomedical professionals, there is an urgent need to institutionalise these practitioners. Establishing guidelines, training programmes, and support systems for UDs can help bridge the gap between traditional and formal medicine, ensuring their services are safely and effectively integrated into the broader healthcare framework.

In addressing the concerns raised by the GMOA, it is crucial not to dismiss the entire practice of UDs outright but rather to work towards a comprehensive and collaborative approach that leverages the strengths of traditional and modern healthcare systems. The challenge lies in finding a balance that ensures public safety while acknowledging the valuable contributions that UDs make in catering to the unique healthcare needs of rural communities.



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Midweek Review

Three high-profile alleged suicides shaping key investigations

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Former IGP Chandana Deepal Wickramaratne, 63, succumbed to gunshot injury he received at his residence at Parakrama Mawatha, in Thalahena, Malabe, on 17 July. Wickramaratne, the 35th IGP (25 November, 2020, to 23th November, 2025), was pronounced dead at the Mulleriyawa Hospital.

The incident triggered speculation regarding the circumstances leading to the ex-IGP’s death. Some declared that Wickramaratne shot himself with a weapon issued to his bodyguard. Others alleged that Wickramaratne had been deeply depressed over divorce proceedings, involving his son and daughter-in-law, and accusations directed at his son over domestic violence. They claimed that the situation may have had unexpected bearing on Wickramaratne.

There are also lingering concerns regarding the impact of the ongoing investigations into the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage, on Wickramaratne’s demise, the third such incident after the last presidential elections held in September, 2024.

Assistant Director of the External Resources Department of the Ministry of Finance, Ranga Nishantha Rajapaksa, 50, was found dead in the garden of his Kuliyapitiya home on 30 April, 2026. At the time of Rajapaksa’s alleged suicide, blamed on injuries he supposedly inflicted on himself using a knife, while he was under suspension over the USD 2.5 mn heist from the Treasury. He was the official who lodged a complaint with the CID regarding the unprecedented theft.

Former Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of SriLankan Airlines, Kapila Chandrasena, 61, was found dead at No. 38, Pedris Road, Kollupitiya, on 8 May, 2026. Authorities declared Chandrasena died by hanging. Chandrasena was the prime suspect in the SriLankan Airlines bribery case, exposed by the UK Serious Fraud Office (SFO), in a joint investigation carried out with US and French authorities. At the time of his death, he was out on bail but faced re-arrest over alleged violations of bail conditions.

The Finance Ministry official and ex-IGP died as a result of ‘incidents’ at their respective homes, while Chandrasena allegedly took his own life at the posh residence of his brother-in-law Aravinda de Silva. Their deaths are mired in controversy for obvious reasons. One of the major issues at hand is whether their deaths impacted the ongoing politically sensitive cases.

The USD 2.5 mn theft sent shockwaves through the National People’s Power (NPP) government, struggling to cope up with a spate of other sensitive developments, such as the massive coal scam that led to the resignation of Energy Minister Kumara Jayakody, and the controversial release of 323 red flagged containers from the Colombo port, without any checks, in addition to two containers carrying narcotics.

The police faced the challenging task of conducting transparent investigations into the deaths of Ranga Nishantha Rajapaksa, Kapila Chandrasena and C.D. Wickramaratne.

Although the Finance Ministry official’s death was caused by cardiorespiratory failure due to heavy loss of blood, many questioned how he inflicted grievous cut wounds on his legs and on his left wrist. The judicial post mortem report that was made available within 24 hours after the alleged suicide raised concerns. The Opposition expressed suspicions. A section of the media, too, weren’t satisfied with the way the government handled the case. The truth is in spite of a post mortem examination conducted by a four-member expert panel, suspicions remain regarding the Finance Ministry official’s death.

It would be pertinent to mention that The Sunday Leader Editor Lasantha Wickrematunga was stabbed to death though police and all others concerned initially claimed firearms attack caused his death. The Attorney-at-Law was killed inside his car that he was driving on the Attidiiya Road, Ratmalana, on 8 January, 2009. Over 17 years after the still unresolved killing of the one-time The Island staffer, the vast majority of people still believe Wickrematunga was shot dead. Wickrematunga’s case is just among several high profile investigations hampered by deliberate falsification of relevant autopsy reports.

Sarah Jasmine factor

Among those who paid their last respects to Wickremaratne at a funeral parlour in Colombo was former President Ranil Wickremesinghe. Former Minister Sagala Ratnayake accompanied the UNP leader.

One of the issues that received public and media attention, following Wickremaratne’s demise, was the controversial third DNA test conducted in spite of two previous DNA tests confirming that Pulastini Rajendran, alias Sarah Jasmine, was not among the dead caused by a series of explosions at Sainthamaruthu, in the East, a week after the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage.

She was married to Achchi Muhammadu Mohammadu Hasthun, the National Thowheeth Jaamath (NTJ) operative who carried out the suicide blast in St. Sebastian Church, Katuwapitiya.

The CID questioned Wickremaratne as he served as the IGP at the time of the third DNA test. Controversy surrounds the decision to call for a third DNA test and, in addition to Wickremaratne, the CID questioned former Deputy IGP of the CID Prasad Ranasinghe in the second week of December last year. Public Security and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Ananda Wiejapala commented on the issue at hand in Parliament in early June, 2025.

There had been contradictory claims on Sarah, a Batticaloa Tamil convert to Islam, who lived with the extremist group. In spite of investigations, controversy still surrounds her fate, though both Sri Lanka and Indian intelligence services investigated the circumstances of her ‘disappearance.’

There had been claims that she was taken out of the country by Indian intelligence. Let me remind you what the DSJB lawmaker Mujibur Rahuman said in Parliament on 10 November, 2022, during Ranil Wickremesinghe’s presidency. Declaring that Sarah had taken refuge in India, the outspoken parliamentarian alleged that the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government was struggling to prove she died in the Sainthamaruthu blasts, on the night of 26 April, 2019.

Rajarathnam Kavitha, mother of Sarah, is on record as having told the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI) that her daughter had been with Zharan Hashim’s wife, Fatima, from early February, 2019, to 26 April, 2019, the day remnants of the NTJ group triggered the Sainthamaruthu blasts.

Sarah’s mysterious status remains a key factor in the overall investigation, with retired Major General Suresh Sallay named a suspect in the high profile case. Sallay served as the Director of State Intelligence Service (SIS) from November, 2019, to October, 2024. The CID arrested the one-time head of the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI/ 2012 to 2016) in late February 2026, under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA).

Archbishop of Colombo, Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith, recently filed an intervening petition before the Court of Appeal in respect of the petition filed by Sallay challenging his arrest and detention under the PTA. Cardinal Ranjith sought permission to make submissions regarding Sallay’s petition while requesting the court to dismiss the latter’s petition.

The Church intervened after several prominent Buddhist monks, religious and civil society organisations filed intervenient petitions seeking leave to intervene in Sallay’s writ application, filed by the retired top intelligence officer, challenging the legality of his arrest and detention.

They highlighted the following points:

• The Supreme Court and the PCoI identified Zahran Hashim and the ISIS-inspired NTJ as the perpetrators of the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage while attributing responsibility to State officials for failing to act on prior intelligence.

• None of the official investigations or judicial findings implicated Sallay in planning or facilitating the Easter Sunday attacks.

• The PCoI recorded that Major General Sallay had warned authorities about the rise of Islamist extremism before the attacks.

• The intervening petitions expressed concerns that unsubstantiated allegations have created a public narrative suggesting a wider conspiracy involving Sinhala Buddhist military and intelligence officers, contrary to the findings of the Supreme Court and the PCoI.

• The petitions argued that such unsupported narratives risk undermining public confidence, damaging communal harmony, and unfairly tarnishing the reputation of individuals and institutions without credible evidentiary foundation.

Ex-IGP’s statement

In his statement to the CID, Wickremaratne explained that he directed the senior police officer, in charge of Ampara, to secure the military and STF backing for the Sainthamaruthu operation that led to the death of some inner remnants of Zahran’s group. The Ampara-based officer, identified as Samantha Wijesekera, had got in touch with the Department’s number two officer, as IGP Jayasundera couldn’t be contacted over the phone. That statement dealt with the measures taken by them to ascertain Sarah’s status and the final assertion on the basis of the Government Analyst’s findings (third DNA test) that she was among those who perished in the Sainthamaruthu suicide blast.

The then Police Spokesman DIG, Nihal Thalduwa, has been directed by Wickremaratne to issue a press release confirming Sarah’s death. In his statement to the CID, Wickremaratne explained the deep interest shown by the head of the Indian Intelligence, based in Colombo, regarding Sarah’s status, underscoring their requirement to know whether she was dead or alive. The Indian official has repeatedly emphasised the pivotal importance of establishing Sarah’s status and, according to Wickremaratne, never tried to hide their interest in knowing her fate.

Did India accept the findings of the third DNA test? The possibility of Sarah being an Indian informant cannot be ruled out as India was able to alert Sri Lanka of the impending attacks. SJB Colombo District MP Rahuman has often commented on this possibility. Or, perhaps, India knew of Sarah’s status but raised the issue with Wickremaratne in a bid to indicate they, too, weren’t aware. Perhaps, we’ll never know the truth.

Sri Lanka received three specific warnings on 4, 20 and 21 April regarding impending dastardly NTJ operation. The last warning was received several hours before the NTJ struck hotels and Churches in Colombo, Katana and Batticaloa. The blasts killed 270 persons and wounded about 500.

At the time of the NTJ operation, the DMI was headed by Brigadier Chula Kodituwakku, who appeared alongside President Maithripala Sirisena when he met the media at the Janadhipathi Mandiraya, several days after the attacks. Now retired, Kodituwakku, in his testimony in courts, declared that the SIS refrained from sharing foreign intelligence with the DMI. In fact, Army Commander Lt. Gen. Mahesh Senanayake, who also addressed the media, explained the difficulties experienced by the Army due to refusal on the part of the SIS to cooperate with the DMI.

According to an appeal filed against an order of the High Court-at-Bar, in terms of the Section 451 (3) of the Code of Criminal Procedure Act No. 15 of 1979, as amended, read with Article 128 of the Constitution, in the Supreme Court, India issued the following warning: “As per an input, Sri Lanka based Zahran Hashim of National Thowheeth Jamath and his associates are planning to carry out suicide terror attack in Sri Lanka shortly. They are planning to target some important churches. It is further learnt that they have conducted reconnaissance of the Indian High Commission in Sri Lanka and it is one of the targets for the planned attack.”

No holds barred investigation is required to establish the truth. The Opposition has repeatedly questioned the handing over of the investigation to retired Shani Abeysekera, who had been the Director, CID, at the time of the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage, and accommodating Senior DIG Ravi Seneviratne as the Secretary Public Security Ministry. They had been accused of failing to act on specific intelligence received from the SIS.

Both Abeysekera and Seneviratne, as members of the Retired Police Collective, backed the NPP campaigns in the run-up to the presidential and parliamentary polls, in 2024. Abeysekera, who retired on 30 June, 2021, was recalled and officially reappointed as the Director of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID), on a contract basis, by the NPP.

Political factors

There had never been a case as politicised as the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage. Immediately after the massive security lapse, and negligence on the part of the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government, facilitated the NTJ operation, the Church threw its weight behind Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s 2019 presidential bid.

The Church backing made a significant difference on the ground. That prompted SJB’s Harin Fernando to directly accuse Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith of ensuring Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s victory at the expense of Sajith Premadasa. Since the SJB’s highly publicised June, 2020, accusations, there had been contradictory statements regarding the Easter Sunday attacks.

In February, 2021, on behalf of the JVP/NPP, Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa (current Health and Media Minister) declared that India masterminded the Easter Sunday attacks.

This accusation was made just a few weeks after the PCoI handed over its report to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who, for some strange reason, appointed a six-member committee, consisting of SLPP lawmakers, headed by his elder brother Chamal, than requesting the Attorney General Dappula de Livera, PC, to act on the recommendations.

In May, 2021, Dappula, after having failed to convince President Rajapaksa to extend his term by one year, alleged that the Easter Sunday attack was a grand conspiracy. In spite of growing doubts regarding the delay in implementing the PCoI recommendations, the Church tried to convince the President to act on them. In July 2021, the Church wrote to President Rajapaksa. Against the backdrop of the SLPP’s continuing indifference, by the end of that year, the Church reached a consensus with those opposed to the government.

The Church openly backed the protest campaign, against President Rajapaksa, and remained committed to the operation until the very end.

Two sons of wealthy spice merchant and JVP National List MP, at the 2015 general election Mohamed Yusuf Ibrahim’s sons Ilham Ahamed and Imsath Ibrahim, carrying out suicide attacks, on behalf of the NTJ, made no difference. Ibrahim was later released on bail, in May, 2022, during Wickremesinghe’s tenure as the President. Ilham Ahamed’s heavily pregnant wife detonated an explosive vest, inside their Dematagoda mansion, when the police surrounded the place, soon after the attacks. Did the spice trader know about the despicable NTJ strategy? Zaharan Hashim’s wife Abdul Cader Fathima, who survived the Sainthamaruthu blast too was granted bail in March, 2023, during Wickremesinghe’s presidency.

The Church, at one point, demanded that the Deputy Defence Minister Maj. Gen. Aruna Jayasekera be removed pending conclusion of the investigations. The Church claimed that as Jayasekera served as the Eastern Commander at the time of the Sainthamaruthu blasts, he should give up the Defence portfolio for the time being. The government ignored that demand.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

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Midweek Review

‘The Play’s the Thing’, in Shakespeare

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Shakespeare. Image courtesy NYT

Exposing Complexities of the Human Condition in Man’s Quest for Power

Shakespeare believed that drama could illuminate truths about human nature more effectively than argument or philosophy. The famous line, “The play’s the thing, wherein I’ll catch the conscience of the king,” expresses not merely Hamlet’s strategy but Shakespeare’s own artistic philosophy – that theatre exposes hidden moral realities and awakens the human conscience.

Shakespeare and the Human Condition

Shakespeare displayed an extraordinary understanding of the human mind, long before psychology emerged as a formal discipline. He possessed an unparalleled gift for revealing human experience through vividly drawn characters and situations they create. He drew from Renaissance historical material as they provided a rich source of dramatic material, and chose themes that reflected musings of the Elizabethan era he lived in, taking his audiences with him.

Complexities of the human condition, regardless of culture, nationality or historical period have endured. As his fellow playwright, Ben Jonson famously proclaimed over four hundred years ago: “He [Shakespeare] is not of an age, but for all time”. He continues to alert our senses and raise our conscience about humanity with all its strengths and weaknesses by way of dramatic expression. Shakespeare is our contemporary.

I have endeavoured to examine the great playwright’s work in relation to the treatment of psychological and moral complexities surrounding humanity’s pursuit for power, in order to demonstrate how these works continue to speak with remarkable urgency to our own time. The enduring relevance of this idea becomes apparent in the following three Shakespeare’s plays: Henry V, Macbeth and The Tragedy of Julius Caesar, I have chosen to illustrate my argument.

Henry V: Leadership and the Cost of Glory

It is a reflection on Shakespeare’s stature that he portrays triumphalism of leadership and the anguish of those who pay with their lives in war, in equal measure. In his Historical play, Henry V. King Henry of England makes a claim to the French throne, egged on by church leaders who wish to distract him from domestic issues. Feeling mocked by the French response, Henry declares war. He invades France displaying strong leadership despite hardship and heavy loss of life. On the eve of the pivotal battle of Agincourt, on St. Crispin’s day, he delivers an inspiring speech to his outnumbered troops. The long and poetic speech, which came to be known as the St. Crispin’s day speech – one of the best known in all Shakespeare – strengthened his powerful status in the play.

“…This story shall the good man teach his son;

And Crispin Crispian shall ne’er go by,

From this day to the ending of the world,

But we in it shall be remember’d.

We few, we happy few, we band of brothers;

For he to-day that sheds his blood with me

Shall be my brother; be he ne’er so vile,

This day shall gentle his condition …”

Against the odds, the English defeat the French at Agincourt. The play ends with a note of political and personal triumph, as Henry woos and marries Princess Catherine of France, securing peace between the two nations, at an immense cost to human life.

Macbeth: Ambition and Moral Corruption

In the reign of King Duncan of Scotland, General Macbeth who commands respect as a valiant soldier, returning home with his colleague Banquo following a victorious military expedition, is confronted by three witches who predict cryptically that he is destined to become King of Scotland. Macbeth is urged on by his wife, who, in an ‘’unquenchable desire to become queen’’, attempts to persuade her husband with ‘a humane disposition’ to assassinate the king while he is asleep as a royal guest in their home, and frame the two intoxicated royal aides. Malcolm and Donalbain, King Duncan’s two sons who accompanied him, fled to England.

Macbeth, the play, portrays the tale of a man in pursuit of power destroying anyone on his way, bringing about a collapse in moral order, providing insights into everything inhumane about humankind. The character of Macbeth is first acknowledged as a ‘hero’; his innate desire for power is activated by the prophecy of the witches. But bound by his loyalty to his king, his ‘conscience’ would not allow him the thought of regicide: “If chance will have me king, why, chance may crown me/ without my stir”. Weighed down by fear and guilt, he drags his feet, but the valiant soldier succumbs to the “valour of his wife’s tongue”: “Your hand, your tongue look like th’ innocent flower/ But be the serpent under’t”. She herself did not have the courage to murder her royal guest with her own hand, but was persuasive: morality yields to the pressure of evil desire. Macbeth completes the task, and they feign their lament at the king’s death which they themselves brought about.

Power did not bring in peace, but inner turmoil: “In the affliction of these terrible dreams/ That shake us nightly; better be with the dead/ Whom we, to gain our peace, have sent to peace/ Than on the torture of the mind to lie/ In restless ecstasy”. Fear, guilt and repentance grip the usurper but pride would not allow their expression.

Fear and insecurity bred paranoia in Macbeth. The usurpers became preoccupied with protecting the throne and handing over sovereignty to their progeny which they were yet to produce. With the advice of the witches he arranges the murder of all they suspect would take over rule after him. First they get Banquo, his colleague, ambushed and killed; Fleance, who accompanied his father, escapes. He then learns that Macduff, the feudal lord of Fife, has fled to England to join Malcolm, the son of the slain King Duncan, and, together they are mobilising an army to attack Scotland with the intent of displacing him from the throne. An outraged Macbeth orders the slaughter of Macduff’s wife and children who remained in Scotland, and anyone related to the defector.

Malcolm and Macduff invade Scotland with a powerful army. Lady Macbeth, afflicted with intense guilt, took her own life. Macbeth was slain after a fierce battle and his severed head was presented to the newly crowned king, Malcolm, who proclaimed …”I should/ Pour the sweet milk of concord, into hell? Uproar the universal peace, confound/ All unity on earth”.

In Macbeth, Shakespeare places on stage a disturbing portrayal of humanity with all its base characteristics that compels us to see ourselves in.

Julius Caesar: Political Power, Hypocrisy and Betrayal

The theme of humans competing with each other for power, exercised inappropriately, provides a fertile ground for Shakespeare to explore the complexities of the human condition. Drawing from history, he gives dramatic expression to such a scenario in his popular play, ‘The Tragedy of Julius Caesar’, displaying the patterns of behaviour of the main characters, the focus for interpretation. The propensity to manipulate the truth in political machinations takes centre stage in the play. “Men may examine things after their fashion/ Clean from the purpose of things themselves” [Cicero: Act 1]

Julius Caesar, the Roman military expansionist, emerged as a formidable leader of the territories, following his successful campaigns in Europe. The play begins with Caesar’s triumphant return to Rome after one of his military expeditions, accompanied by generals and political figures – Cassius, Brutus and Antony. They were welcomed by scores of cheering Romans for bringing ‘‘many captives home… whose ransoms, did the general coffers fill’’. The contention for leadership of the territories, in its entirety, between Caesar and Pompey resulted in a bitter civil war with Caesar emerging victorious.

Cassius and Brutus who too had leadership ambitions fought with Pompey against Caesar. Caesar in his magnanimity, while being merciful towards his defeated opponents, remained cautious about Cassius. There was growing concern amongst the common folk [plebeians] regarding their newly emerged leader “soar[ing] above the view of men”, and using his supreme power to establish a new monarchy. They were averse to the extravagant lifestyle and corrupt practices of their former monarchical rulers and feared that Caesar may override their desire to form a republican form of governance with greater representation by commoners.

Cassius, envious of Caesar’s might, instigates a plot to remove him from power. He hatches a plot to draw Brutus into the conspiracy to lend respectability to the project as Brutus is held in high regard by the populace. Brutus is faced with having to balance his personal friendship with Caesar against the “general good of the Republic”. He finally overcomes his ambivalence and joins the conspirators in a plot to assassinate Caesar. “Let not our looks put on our purposes/ But bear it as our Roman actors do/ With untir’d spirits and formal constancy”…. “Let’s kill him boldly, but not wrathfully/Let’s carve him as a dish for the Gods”. [Brutus: Act 2. Scene1]. Caesar is stabbed to death by the conspirators, one after the other, on the ‘ides of March’ – the first full moon of the New Year for festivities and sacrifice. Turning to his friend Brutus, Caesar uttered his last words: “et tu Brute?” [Even you Brutus?”].

In a funeral oration that followed, Brutus pacified an agitated crowd by stating that despite his love for Caesar, he loved Rome more, and that Caesar posed a danger to the liberty of the nation. The masses perceived his act of murdering Caesar as a deed of heroism! But, Mark Antony, a loyalist of Caesar, after skilfully negotiating with Brutus, delivers a stirring oration with the starting captivating lines, which lives on: “Friends, Romans, Countrymen” [Act 3, Scene 2]. In his speech replete with irony, while referring to Brutus as “an honourable man”, refuted the claim by Brutus that Caesar acted in ambition and self-interest. An enraged crowd drove away Cassius and Brutus.

The two exiled assassins, Cassius and Brutus, raise an army to combat a newly formed alliance of Antony, Lepidus and Octavius [adopted son of Caesar]. Undeterred by the suicide of his wife, in his absence, Brutus marched on to combat the enemy at Philippi. “There is a tide in the affairs of men/ Which take at the flood, leads on to fortune;/ Omitted on the voyage of their life,/ Is bound in shallows, and I miseries……[Act 4, Scene 2].

Following the poor performance at the Battle of Philippi, and facing defeat, Cassius gets one of his men to kill him with his own sword. Brutus learning about the death of Cassius, commits suicide by running through a sword held by a colleague. The power sharing alliance between Octavius, Antony and Lepidus ended following a struggle for supremacy.

Shakespeare and the Modern World

Shakespeare presents man’s quest for power as a lens through which the complexities of the human condition are revealed. Portraying such a pursuit as a powerful but destructive force, he reveals the tension between honour and ambition, rhetoric and reality, leadership and moral conflict and glory and human suffering – characteristics that are universal and timeless.

Shakespeare, like other great literary artists, does not lecture to us, nor does he offer solutions, but helps us broaden our sense in recognising the humanity we share with the good and the bad, and our desires that lead us into animosity.

We live in a volatile and unpredictable world marked by geopolitical tensions, economic competition, social discontent and armed conflict resulting in global instability. Contemporary societies are currently experiencing a sense of uncertainty, desperate to find answers to establishing world order and peace.

Alongside technological advancement, humankind has developed increasingly lethal weapons with which to wage war to gain power over one another. Warfare has transformed the battlefield from land to the skies, most recently through airborne long-range missiles targeted with the use of AI; and across the oceans both on the surface and beneath it through submarines, transforming the nature of combat at immense cost to human life and property. The loss of innocent civilians, including children, caught in these conflicts has given rise to the troubling yet widely invoked phrase ‘collateral damage’, a term that seeks to justify what remains profoundly deplorable. Powerful nations frequently evade meaningful accountability, despite widespread international condemnation. And, spirituality appears to have done little to awaken human conscience and humans continue to wage conflict over religious ideology.

Although art and literature do not intend to maintain order in the way the military, the laws and institutions do, their influence is subtle yet foundational in shaping how individuals and societies, and especially their leaders envisage justice, empathy and coexistence, and in lifting us out of the moral darkness we are in. Art, including dramatic art, has a transformative influence on humanity.

Conclusion

Human beings possess an enduring duality: they are capable of reason and irrationality, compassion and cruelty, cooperation and conflict, creation and destruction. These fundamental characteristics have remained remarkably constant across history, even as cultures and technologies have changed. Great literature – particularly Shakespeare’s plays – explores this universal human condition, revealing how love, ambition, fear, grief, honour, jealousy, and the desire for power continue to shape individual actions and the course of history.

by DR. Siri Galhenage, Psychiatrist [Retd.]
[sirigalhenage@gmail.com]

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Midweek Review

Stubbornly Staying Posers

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Forty three years and counting,

Big posers remain unanswered –

For instance, couldn’t the state,

See the bloodletting coming,

When restive young hands of the North,

Opted for the gun and not the ballot?

Couldn’t it be seen that counter-violence,

Would only lead to a wasting conflict,

Wherein ordinary folk of both halves,

Would be cruelly cut down in the cross fire,

And dumped in graves still being opened?

That hands of good will and friendship,

Extended warmly in statesman like fashion,

Over the divide that was seen as enduring,

Would have laid the basis for reconciliation?

Will only ‘the peace of the graveyard’,

Be made to reign in the pauperized Isle?

By Lynn Ockersz

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