Midweek Review
‘Don’t throw the baby out with the bathwater’ Quack doctors in Sri Lanka
By Prof. M.W. Amarasiri de Silva
The surge in unregistered medical practitioners practising allopathic medicine and Ayurvedic, homeopathy, and indigenous medicines has become a growing concern in Sri Lanka, particularly in rural areas and low-income urban sectors as claimed by the GMOA. Estimates from various sources indicate a significant number, ranging from 50,000 to 80,000 such practitioners (Sunday Times, Feb 12, 2012; Daily News, Feb 7, 2012; Newswire 23, 02, 2024) are available in Sri Lanka, particularly in rural areas.
Alarming reports have prompted the Government Medical Officers Association (GMOA) to express apprehension over individuals impersonating doctors and providing treatments for severe conditions like cancer, kidney, and heart ailments. These unauthorised practitioners not only prescribe medicines but also pose a life-threatening risk to patients, according to the GMOA, which has brought this matter to the attention of the Ministry of Health, providing recommendations to address the issue. However, the GMOA regrets that the Health Ministry has been slow to resolve this critical and potentially dangerous situation. The need for swift and effective measures to curb the activities of these unregistered practitioners is imperative to safeguard the health and well-being of the public, as stated by the GMOA.
The prevalence of unregistered syncretic practitioners in Sri Lanka surpasses the number of registered biomedical practitioners (20,000) and registered Ayurvedic doctors (17,000), as reported by the Sunday Times on Feb 12, 2012.
This article aims to shed light on the reasons behind the rise in their numbers and the social acceptance of such treatments, particularly in rural areas.
Sri Lanka’s medical system, recognised as a plural medical system, incorporates diverse treatment modalities, including Ayurvedic, Western allopathic, and indigenous treatments. This dynamic landscape provides an intriguing context to explore various healthcare providers and treatment types in different cultural settings, encompassing rural, urban, and estate communities. The country also hosts distinct communities such as the Veddas, Purana villages, fishing communities, and settlement communities in the northern districts, each with unique socio-cultural and economic systems.
The new settlements in the Mahaweli area face challenges in healthcare facilities, lagging behind the more developed districts like those in the Western Province. Health priorities in rural villages of the NCP differ significantly, with many health issues being environmentally induced and linked to factors intrinsic to the dry zone climate and socio-cultural settings. During the formation of settlements, particularly in the Mahaweli Development area, health challenges arose due to the transient status of settlers living in temporary houses with poor hygienic conditions, a lack of potable water, dietary changes, and the absence of familiar foods. The ecological shift from rainy, green vegetation areas to the dry zone brought additional problems, with wild elephants often destroying houses, paddy fields, and vegetable gardens. Separation from original villages, living with unknown individuals, and the lack of social support due to family dispersion contributed to health challenges, including a high incidence of suicides in the early phases of settlement.
Although families are now considered settled in their new homes, remnants of the transient culture persist. People maintain connections with their original villages while adapting to the culture of the settlement villages in the NCP. Local rituals, such as the worship of the god Pulleyar and reliance on traditional treatment systems for various health issues, including snake bites, kidney disease, dysuria, skin problems, and somatic disorders, are prevalent in these villages. Diseases categorised as wind diseases (vata roga), phlegm diseases (sem roga), and skin diseases (kusta roga or charma roga) are often not addressed in urban hospitals, as they do not align with the expectations of residents who were raised in remote villages where traditional healing systems, including Ayurveda, were practiced. The healthcare landscape in these settlements reflects the intricate interplay between environmental, socio-cultural, and historical factors.
Traditional Ayurvedic physicians or village-based Ayurvedic doctors (vedaralas) were notably scarce in the agricultural settlements, as they did not choose to establish residency in these areas. Similarly, assistant medical officers, nurses, hospital attendants, and dispensers, who play vital roles in village medical systems, were seldom found in the new agricultural settlements in the North Central Province (NCP).
The allopathic, hospital-based medical system introduced to the settlements approached health problems from a biomedical perspective. However, for settlers, the hospital represented a bureaucratic system. The process involved commuting to the urban area where the hospital is located, waiting in queues, obtaining a numbered ticket, completing forms at the outpatient desk, and then waiting for their turn (identified by number, not name) to see the doctor. The doctor’s brief diagnosis often resulted in a prescription that the settlers found challenging to decipher. This prescription was then taken to the hospital dispensary, where another queue awaited them to collect the prescribed medicine—typically categorized as peti (tablets), karal (capsules), or watura (liquids). The entire process consumed the whole day, from leaving home to returning.
While hospital medicine offered temporary relief for issues like diarrhoea and fever, settlers observed that these problems often recurred. Loneliness from being away from their original villages and kinsfolk compounded the settlers’ health challenges. Other complaints, including an inability to work and concentrate, physical weakness, vertigo, dizziness, sleeping difficulties, skin diseases, and bone fractures, remained unaddressed, counselled, or discussed at the hospital.
This context created a demand for healers akin to the traditional village vedarala or Ayurvedic doctors, leading to the popularity of quacks or unregistered doctors (UDs) in the settlements and in remote rural villages. These UDs, known to the settlers, and rural villagers engaged in more extensive discussions about their problems, offered informal counselling, shared similar sentiments, came from comparable social and cultural backgrounds, and spoke the same vernacular vocabulary. While providing Western medicine like that from hospitals, UDs explained it in terms more understandable to the settlers, often incorporating elements of Ayurvedic or homeopathic treatments to enhance perceived effectiveness for the specific illnesses the settlers sought treatment for.
It is a factual observation that the quacks or Unregistered Doctors in Sri Lanka do not originate from the upper-middle class, setting them apart from qualified allopathic doctors, who predominantly hail from upper-middle-class urban backgrounds. The UDs typically have roots in rural villages, and their land ownership is limited, often not exceeding a quarter of an acre. The parental occupation of most UDs revolves around traditional agriculture or trades like carpentry or masonry, occupations that carry minimal prestige within their village communities. In contrast to the small nuclear families characteristic of urban middle-class backgrounds, UDs often belong to large extended families. This socio-economic disparity underscores the diverse backgrounds and origins of UDs in comparison to their allopathic counterparts.
There is a prevailing belief among the people that Western medicine provides quick relief but fails to address the root cause of illnesses, offering only temporary (thavakalika) solutions. Many believe that it is essential to complement or replace Western medicine with Ayurvedic treatments for a lasting cure. Sole reliance on Western medicine (dostara / ingirisi behet) is often associated with a higher likelihood of disease recurrence or the emergence of undesirable “side effects.” It’s common to hear people express concerns about becoming thin (kettu) or experiencing a sensation of having “dried up” (diravala giya) after using Western medications. This perspective reflects a broader sentiment that Ayurvedic medicine is perceived as providing more holistic and sustainable solutions compared to the perceived limitations of Western medical approaches.
There is a widespread belief that the use of Western medicine to treat upper respiratory infections can lead to the “drying up” (karavenava) of phlegm (sema) in some individuals. While Western medicine may offer quick relief and cure, this effect is often considered temporary. The accumulation of excessive or “bad” phlegm disrupts bodily elements’ natural harmony or homeostasis, emphasizing the perceived need for Ayurvedic treatment in patients with phlegm-related diseases.
Patients seeking rapid relief from Western doctors for phlegm-related conditions may concurrently or subsequently opt for Ayurvedic treatments. Some doctors employ secret formulae, including mixtures and ointments, comprising allopathic, Ayurvedic, and sometimes homeopathic medicines. According to these UDs, the preparation of these medicines involves using Ayurvedic medicinal herbs to control or neutralize the ‘bad’ or ‘poisonous’ (visa) effects of allopathic and homeopathic medicines.
The UDs argue that using these combined mixtures is preferable to relying solely on pure allopathic medicines, primarily for wounds, cough, constipation, and stomach problems in infants. The formulation of these secret medicines may be passed down through family traditions, originate from a secretive book in the doctor’s possession, or even be revealed in a dream by an ingenious person. The patient histories provide insights into the prevalent practice of combined therapy in rural Sri Lanka.
The recent institutionalisation of the Ayurvedic system in Sri Lanka, facilitated by trained doctors from the educated elite critical of the local treatment system (Sinhala vedakama), has resulted in the establishment of government-supported institutions, training colleges, research facilities, and hospitals. This system operates independently alongside the allopathic biomedical medical system in Sri Lanka. The creation of the Ministry of Indigenous Medicine reflects a nationalist approach to medical systems, serving as an identifier of Sri Lanka’s independent identity in medicine and disease management. However, there is no such institutionalisation of quacks or UDs, which I think is essential to properly organise the unregistered doctors and obtain their services in remote villages and settlements. These quacks or UDs can be considered ‘community doctors’ providing care in the absence of trained biomedical doctors in remote rural communities.
The concentration of the Ayurvedic system in rural areas has been attributed to the perceived poor availability of trained biomedical doctors in these regions. However, this spatial shift may also be a deliberate strategy to avoid direct competition between the Ayurvedic and allopathic systems for clientele. Like their Western counterparts, the newly trained, college-educated Ayurvedic doctors may hesitate to establish practices in impoverished rural areas, particularly in the scattered purana villages of the dry zone or newly irrigated agricultural colonies.
Traditional vedaralas in purana villages often conducted essential treatments in these areas, but the scarcity of such practitioners in newly established settlements and remote villages created an opening for UDs. These UDs, with their unique blend of traditional and contemporary medical knowledge, stepped in to fill the gap left by the absence of a formalised traditional medicine system and an inadequate allopathic medical infrastructure in these rural settlements. The role of UDs in these underserved areas becomes crucial for addressing healthcare needs where other systems might not have gained traction.
The UDs in the settlements served the diverse medical needs of the settlers, adopting roles akin to allopathic doctors, ayurvedic doctors, vedaralas, and homeopathy doctors. This multifaceted approach, which I refer to as the system of ‘combined treatment and therapy’, represents a unique and adaptive form of healthcare delivery.
The concept of combined therapy is not entirely novel within the Sinhalese treatment culture. In the traditional village setup of Sri Lanka, Ayurveda, astrology, and exorcism were distinct yet interconnected subsystems within the broader Sinhalese-Buddhist treatment culture. Despite their separate identities, they coexisted and often complemented each other. Practitioners, such as vedaralas, sometimes fulfilled roles as both exorcists and astrologers. This integrated approach was a part of the larger cultural milieu.
In the context of the settlements, the UDs faced minimal competition from allopathic practitioners, who were largely absent in these areas. The biomedical system struggled to connect with the existing treatment culture of the settlers, lacking both philosophical alignment and practical integration. The traditional therapeutic systems, rooted in thridosha vaadaya (doctrine of the three doshas) and the panchabhuta system (five-element theory), offered diverse explanations for the causes of diseases. These systems encouraged utilising various treatment methods, including those rooted in astrology and exorcism.
The prevalence of the belief that diseases could have multiple causes likely contributed to the establishment and acceptance of the combined therapy system as practiced by the UDs in the settlements and remote communities. This adaptive and inclusive approach aligns with the pluralistic nature of traditional Sinhalese medicine, where multiple streams of knowledge converge to address the community’s complex and varied health needs.
The hallmark of these doctors lies in their remarkable adaptability to various treatment methods and medicines. Their guiding philosophy is grounded in the belief that different medicines or treatment regimens exert distinct effects on individual patients. Consequently, they advocate for effectively combining different medicines and treatment approaches to address each patient’s unique needs. The amalgamation of these diverse interventions is intricately tailored based on the patient’s individual characteristics and the practitioner’s wealth of experience. This personalised and flexible approach underscores the dynamic nature of their medical practice, reflecting a commitment to optimizing patient outcomes through a holistic and individualized treatment strategy.
In conclusion, the complex healthcare landscape in Sri Lanka, particularly in rural areas, reveals a multifaceted reality where unregistered doctors (UDs) or quacks play a significant role in addressing the diverse medical needs of the population. While concerns raised by the Government Medical Officers Association (GMOA) about unauthorised practitioners impersonating doctors are valid, it is essential to approach the issue with nuance.
The prevalence of UDs stems from a variety of factors, including the inadequacies of the formal healthcare system to meet the specific needs of rural settlers. The settlers’ reluctance to engage with the bureaucratic hospital-based system, coupled with a belief in the holistic approach of traditional medicine, has contributed to the popularity of UDs in these underserved areas.
The socio-economic background of UDs, often originating from rural villages and engaged in traditional occupations, highlights the diverse origins of healthcare providers in Sri Lanka. The gap between registered biomedical practitioners and the healthcare needs of the population underscores the necessity for a more organised and institutionalized approach to integrating UDs into the healthcare system.
Recognising the unique role of UDs as ‘community doctors’ providing valuable care without trained biomedical professionals, there is an urgent need to institutionalise these practitioners. Establishing guidelines, training programmes, and support systems for UDs can help bridge the gap between traditional and formal medicine, ensuring their services are safely and effectively integrated into the broader healthcare framework.
In addressing the concerns raised by the GMOA, it is crucial not to dismiss the entire practice of UDs outright but rather to work towards a comprehensive and collaborative approach that leverages the strengths of traditional and modern healthcare systems. The challenge lies in finding a balance that ensures public safety while acknowledging the valuable contributions that UDs make in catering to the unique healthcare needs of rural communities.
Midweek Review
Aragalaya: GR blames CIA in Asanga Abeyagoonasekera’s explosive narrative
Did CIA chief William Burns visit Colombo in Feb 2023? Sri Lanka and the US refrained from formally confirming the visit. The Opposition sought confirmation of the then CIA Chief’s visit to Colombo in terms of the Right to Information Act but the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government sidestepped the query. A former Republican congressman from Texas and Director of National Intelligence (2020–2021) John Ratcliffe succeeded Burns in late January 2025.
On the sheer weight of new evidence presented by Asanga Abeyagoonasekera’s ‘Winds of Change’, readers can get a clear picture of the forces that overthrew President Gotabaya Rajapaksa in 2022.
Even five years after the political upheaval, widely dubbed ‘Aragalaya,’ controversy surrounds the high-profile operation that forced wartime Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa to literally run for his dear life.
Gotabaya Rajapaksa, formerly of the Army but a novice to party politics, comfortably won the 2019 November presidential election against the backdrop of the Easter Sunday carnage that caused uncertainty and suspicions among communities. The economic crisis, also clandestinely engineered from abroad, firstly by crippling vital worker remittances from abroad, almost from the onset of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s presidency, overwhelmed the government and created the environment conducive for external intervention. Could it have been avoided if the government, that enjoyed a near two-thirds majority in Parliament, sought the help of the International Monetary Fund (IMF)?
The costly and well-funded book project, undertaken at the time Abeyagoonasekera was working on a governance diagnostic report for the IMF, in the wake of the change of government in Sri Lanka, meticulously examined the former Lieutenant Colonel’s ouster, taking into consideration regional as well as global developments. Abeyagoonasekera dealt efficiently and furiously with rapidly changing situations and developments before the unprecedented 03 January, 2026, US raid on Venezuela.
Lt. Col. (retd) Gotabaya Rajapaksa, for some unexplainable reason and a considerable time after the events, has chosen to blame his ouster on the United States. We cannot blame him either, by the way we have seen how other regime changes had been engineered, in our region, by Washington, since and before Gotabaya’s ouster. The accusation is extraordinary as Gotabaya Rajapaksa in his memoirs ‘The conspiracy to oust me from presidency’ refrained from naming the primary conspirator, though he clearly alluded to an international conspiracy.
April 8, 2019 meeting
Launched in March 2024, in the run-up to the presidential election that brought Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) to power, almost in a dream ride, if not for the intervening outside evil actors, ‘The conspiracy to oust me from presidency’ discussed the international conspiracy, but conveniently failed to name the primary conspirator. What made the former President speak so candidly with Abeyagoonasekera, the founding Director-General of the national security think tank, the Institute of National Security Studies Sri Lanka (INSS), under the Ministry of Defence, from 2016 to 2020?
Abeyagoonasekera also served as Executive Director at the Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute (LKI), under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2011–2015), during Mahinda Rajapaksa’s second term as the President. The author, both precisely and furiously, dealt with issues. Readers may find very interesting quotes and they do give a feeling of the author’s general hostility towards the US, India, as well as to the US-India marriage of convenience. Those who sense so may end up thinking ‘Change of Winds’ being supportive of the Chinese strategy. Among the highly sensitive quotes that underlined the Indian approach were attributed to Indian Defence Secretary Sanjay Mitra. The author quoted Mitra as having declared: “We need the MRCC centre [Maritime Rescue Coordination Centre], and you cannot give it to another nation.” As pointed out by the author, it was not a request but an order given to Sri Lanka on 8 April, 2019, meant to prevent Sri Lanka from even considering a competing proposal from China. Against that background, the author, who had been present at that meeting at which the Sri Lanka delegation was led by then Defence Secretary Hemasiri Fernando, questioned the failure on the part of the delegations to take up the Easter Sunday attacks. Terrorists struck two weeks later. Implications were telling.
That particular quote reveals the circumstances India and the US operated here. No wonder the incumbent government does not want to discuss the secret defence MoUs it has entered into with India and the US as they would clearly reveal the sellout of our interests.
The following line says a lot about the circumstances under which Gotabaya Rajapaksa was removed: “In Singapore, a senior journalist recounted how Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s resignation was scripted, under duress, at a hotel, facilitated by a foreign motorcade.”
In the first Chapter that incisively dealt with the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the author was so lucky to secure an explosive quote from the ousted leader in an exclusive, hitherto unreported, interview in June 2024, a few months after the launch of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s memoirs. The ex-President hadn’t minced his words when he alleged that the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) orchestrated his removal. He also claimed that he had been under US surveillance throughout his presidency.
The ousted leader has confidently cleared India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) of complicity in the operation. What made him call Indian National Security Advisor (NSA) Ajit Doval ‘a good man,’ in response to Abeyagoonasekera’s pointed query. Abeyagoonasekera quoted Gotabaya Rajapaksa as having said: “… he would never do such things.” The ex-President must have some reason to call Doval a good friend, regardless of intense pressure exerted on him and the Mahinda Rajapaksa government by the Indians to do away with large scale Chinese-funded projects. (Doval in late October last year declared “poor governance” was the reason behind uprisings that led to change of governments in Bangladesh, Nepal, and Sri Lanka over the period of past three-and-a-half years. The media quoted Doval as having said, during a function in New Delhi, that democracy and non-institutional methods of regime change in countries, such as Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Nepal, created their own set of problems. That was the first time a senior Indian government official made remarks on Nepal’s government change, followed by the Gen Z uprising in early September, 2025.)
Gotabaya Rajapaksa also cleared the Chinese of seeking to oust him. It would be pertinent to mention that China reacted sternly when at the onset of the Gotabaya presidency, the President suggested the need to re-negotiate the Hambantota Port deal.
During the treacherous ‘Yahapalana’ administration (2015 to 2019) Gotabaya Rajapaksa told me how Doval had pressed him to halt not only the Colombo Port City project but to take back Hambantota Port as well. By then, the Chinese had twisted the arms of the Yahapalana leaders Mairthpala Sirisena and Ranil Wickremesinghe and secured the Hambantota Port on a 99-year lease in a one-sided USD 1.2 bn deal. The Colombo Port City project, that had been halted by the Yahapalana government, too, was resumed possibly under Chinese threat or for some money incentive.
Once Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe, PC, declared, at a hastily arranged media briefing at Sri Lanka Foundation (SLF), that Sri Lanka would be relentlessly targeted as long as the Chinese held the Hambantota Port. The writer was present at that media briefing.
Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe said so in the aftermath of the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage, while disclosing his abortive bid to convince the Yahapalana government to abrogate the Hambantota Port deal. Did the parliamentarian know something we were not aware of? The author’s assessment, regarding the Easter Sunday attacks, based on interviews with Chinese officials and scholars, is frightening and an acknowledgement of a possible Western role in Sri Lanka’s destabilisation plot.
The ousted leader, in his lengthy interview with Abeyagoonasekera, made some attention-grabbing comments on the then US Ambassador here, Julie Chung. The ex-President questioned a particular aspect of Chung’s conduct during the protest campaign but his decision not to reveal it all in his memoirs is a mystery. Perhaps, one of the most thought-provoking queries raised by Abeyagoonasekera is the rationale in Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s claim that he didn’t want to suppress the protest campaign by using force against the backdrop of his own declaration that the CIA orchestrated the project.
Author’s foray into parliamentary politics

Gotabaya
For those genuinely interested in post-Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga developments, pertaining to international relations and geopolitics, may peruse ‘Winds of Change’ as the third of a trilogy. ‘Sri Lanka at Crossroads’ (2019) dealt with the Mahinda Rajapaksa period and ‘Conundrum of an Island’ (2021) discussed the treacherous Sirisena–Wickremesinghe alliance. The third in the series examined the end of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna’s (SLPP) President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s rule and the rise of Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) whom the author described as a Marxist, though this writer is of the view the JVP and NPP leader AKD is not so. AKD has clearly aligned his administration with US-India while trying to sustain existing relationship with China.
Among Asanga Abeyagoonasekera’s other books were ‘Towards a Better World Order’ (2015) and ‘Teardrop Diplomacy: China’s Sri Lanka Foray’ (2023, Bloomsbury).
Had Abeyagoonasekera succeeded in his bid to launch a political career in 2015, the trilogy on Sri Lanka may not have materialised. Abeyagoonasekera contested the Gampaha district at the August 2015 parliamentary election on the UNP ticket but failed to garner sufficient preferences to secure a place in Parliament. That dealt a devastating setback to Abeyagoonasekera’s political ambitions, but the Wickremesinghe-Sirisena administration created the Institute of National Security Studies Sri Lanka (INSS), under the Ministry of Defence, for him. Abeyagoonasekera received the appointment as the founding Director-General of the national security think tank, from 2016 to 2020.
Several persons dealt with ‘Aragalaya’ (the late Prof. Nalin de Silva used to call it (Paragalaya) before Abeyagoonasekera though none of them examined the regional and global contexts so deeply, taking into consideration the relevant developments. Having read Wimal Weerawansa’s (Nine: The hidden story), Sena Thoradeniya’s (Galle Face Protest; Systems Change or Anarchy?). Mahinda Siriwardena’s (Sri Lanka’s Economic Revival – Reflection on the Journey from Crisis to Recovery) and Prof. Sunanda Maddumabandara’s (Aragalaye Balaya), the writer is of the opinion Abeyagoonasekera dealt with the period in question as an incisive insider.
Abeyagoonasekera, as a person who left the country, under duress, in 2021, painted a frightening picture of a country with a small and vulnerable economy trapped in major global rivalries. The former government servant attributed his self–imposed exile to two issues.
The first was the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage. Why did the Wickremesinghe-Sirisena government ignore the warning issued by Abeyagoonasekera, in his capacity as DG INSS, in respect of the Easter Sunday bombing campaign? There is absolutely no ambiguity at all in his claim. Abeyagoonasekera insists that he alerted the government four months before the National Thowheed Jamath (NTJ) bombers struck. The bottom line is that Abeyagoonasekera had issued the warning several weeks before India did but those at the helm of that inept administration chose to turn a blind eye.
The second was the impending economic crisis that engulfed the country in 2022. Abeyagoonasekera is deeply bitter about his arrest on 21 July, 2024, at the Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA) over an alleged IRD –related offence as reported at that time, especially because he was returning home to visit his sick mother.
Asanga’s father Ossie, a member of Parliament and controversial figure, was killed in an LTTE suicide attack at Thotalanga in late Oct. 1994. The Chairman and leader of Sri Lanka Mahajana Pakshaya had been on stage with then UNP presidential election candidate Gamini Dissanayake when the woman suicide cadre blasted herself. The assassination was meant to ensure Kumaratunga’s victory. The LTTE probably felt that it could manipulate Kumaratunga than the experienced Dissanayake who may have had reached some sort of consensus with New Delhi on how to deal with the LTTE.
Let me reproduce a question posed to Asanga Abeyagoonasekera and his response in ‘Winds of Change’ as some may believe that the author is holding something back. “Didn’t they listen?” a US intelligence officer had asked me incredulously after the bombings. Years later, during my role as a technical advisor for the International Monetary Fund (IMF) amid Sri Lanka’s collapse, the question resurfaced: “How did you foresee the collapse of a powerful regime with a majority in parliament?” My answer remained the same—patterns. Rigorously gathered data and relentless analysis reveal the arcs of history before they unfold.
Perhaps, readers may find what former cashiered Flying Officer Keerthi Ratnayake had to say about ‘Aragalaya’ and related developments (https://island.lk/ex-slaf-officer-sheds-light-on-developments-leading-to-aragalaya/)
Bombshell claim
Essentially, Abeyagoonasekera, on the basis of his exclusive and lengthy interview with former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, confirmed what Wimal Weerawansa and Sena Thoradeniya alleged that the US spearheaded the operation.
But Prof. Maddumabandara, a confidant of first post-Aragalaya President Ranil Wickremesinghe has bared the direct Indian involvement in the regime change operation. In spite of Gotabaya Rajapaksa confidently clearing Indian NSA Doval of complicity in his ouster, Prof. Maddumabandara is on record as having said that the then Indian High Commissioner here Gopal Baglay put pressure on Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena to take over the government for an interim period. (https://island.lk/dovals-questionable-regional-stock-taking/)
Obviously, the US and India worked together on the Sri Lanka regime change operation. That is the undeniable truth. India wanted to thwart Wickremesinghe receiving the presidency by bringing in Speaker Abeywardena. That move went awry in spite of some sections of both Buddhist and Catholic clergy throwing their weight behind New Delhi.
The 2022 violent regime change operation cannot be discussed without taking into consideration the US-led project that also involved the UNP, JVP and TNA to engineer retired General Sarath Fonseka’s victory at the 2010 presidential election and their backing for turncoat Maithripala Sirisena at the 2015 presidential election.
The section, titled ‘Echoes of Crisis from Sri Lanka to Bangladesh: South Asia’s Struggle in a Polycrisis’, is riveting and underscores the complexity of the situation and fragility of governments. Executive power and undisputable majorities in Parliament seems irrelevant as external powers intervene thereby making the electoral system redundant.
Having meticulously compared the overthrowing of Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Bangladesh’s Premier Sheikh Hasina, the author condemned them for their alleged failures and brutality. Abeyagoonasekera stated: “When the military sides with the protesters, as it did in Sri Lanka and now in Bangladesh, it reveals the rulers’ vulnerabilities.” The author unmercifully chided the former President for seeking refuge in the West while alleging direct CIA role in his ouster. But that may have spared his life. Had he sought a lifeline from the Chinese so late the situation could have taken a turn for worse.
The comment that had been attributed to Gotabaya Rajapaksa seemed to belittle Ranil Wickremesinghe who accepted the challenge of becoming the Premier in May 2022 and then chosen by the ruling SLPP to complete the remainder of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s five-year term. Ranil was definitely seen as an opportunistic vulture who backed ‘Aragalaya’ without any qualms till he saw an opening for himself out of the chaos.
On Wickremesinghe’s path
Abeyagoonasekera discussed the joint US-Indian strategy pertaining to Sri Lanka. Whatever the National People’s Power (NPP) and its President say, the current dispensation is continuing Wickremesinghe’s policy as pointed out by the author. In fact, this government appears to be ready even to go beyond Wickremesinghe’s understanding with New Delhi. The Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on defence and the selling of the controlling interests of the Colombo Dockyard Limited (CDL) to India, mid last year, must have surprised even those who always pushed for enhanced relations at all levels.
The economic collapse that resulted in political upheaval has given New Delhi the perfect opportunity to consolidate its position here. Uncomplimentary comments on current Indian High Commissioner Santosh Jha in ‘Winds of Change’ have to be discussed, paying attention to Sri Lanka’s growing dependence and alleged clandestine activities of India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW). Abeyagoonasekera seemed to have no qualms in referring to RAW’s hand in 2019 Easter Sunday carnage.
Overall ‘Winds of Change’ encourages, inspires and confirms suspicions about US and Indian intelligence services and underscores the responsibility of those in power to be extra cautious. But, in the case of smaller and weaker economies, such as Sri Lanka still struggling to overcome the economic crisis, there seems to be no solution. Not only India and the US, the Chinese, too, pursue their agenda here unimpeded. Utilisation of political parties, represented in Parliament, selected individuals, and media, in the Chinese efforts, are obvious. Once parliamentarian Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe raised the Chinese interventions in Sri Lanka. He questioned the Parliament receiving about 240 personal laptops for all parliamentarians and top officials. The then UNPer told the writer his decision not to accept the laptop paid for by China. Perhaps, he is the only Sri Lankan politician to have written a strongly worded letter to Chinese leader Xi warning against high profile Chinese strategy.
Winds of Change
is available at
Vijitha Yapa and Sarasavi
By Shamindra Ferdinando
Midweek Review
Beginning of another ‘White Supremacist’ World Order?
Donald Trump’s complete lack of intelligence, empathy and common sense have become more apparent during the current term of his presidency. Ordinarily, a country’s wish to self-destruct as the United States seemingly does at present, and as the violence against US citizens and immigrants alike at the hands of federal authorities have shown in Minnesota, can be callously considered the business of that country. If the Trumpian imbecility was unfolding in Sri Lanka, anywhere else in South Asia or some other country of the purported Third World, the so-called World Order, led by the United States, would be preaching to us the values of democracy and human rights. But what happens when the actions of a powerful country, such as the United States, engulfs in the ensuing flames the rest of us? Trump and his madness then necessarily become our business, too, because combined with the military and economic power of the United States and its government’s proven lack of empathy for its own people, and the rest of the world, is quite literally a matter of global survival. Besides, one of the ‘positive’ outcomes of the Trumpian madness, as a friend observed recently, is that “he has single-handedly exposed and destroyed the fiction of ‘Western Civilisation’, including the pretenses of Europe.”
It is in this context that the speech delivered by the Canadian Prime Minister, Mark Carney, at the World Economic Forum, in Davos, on 20 January, 2026, deserves attention. It was an elegant speech, a slap in the face of Trump and his policies, the articulation of the need for global directional change, all in one. But, pertinently, it was also a speech that did not clearly accept responsibility for the current world (dis)order which Carney says needs to change. The reality of that need, however, was overly reemphasised by Trump himself during his meandering, arrogant and incohesive speech delivered a day later, spanning over one hour.
My interest is in what Carney did not specifically say in his speech: who would constitute the new world order, who would be its leaders and why should we believe it would be any different from the present one?
Speaking in French, Carney observed that he was talking about “a rupture in the world order, the end of a pleasant fiction and the beginning of a harsh reality, where geopolitics, where the large, main power, geopolitics, is submitted to no limits, no constraints.” He was, of course, responding to the vulgar script for global domination put in place by the Trumpian United States, given Trump’s declared interest in seeing Canada as part of the United States, his avarice for Greenland, not to mention his already concluded grab for Venezuelan oil. But within this scenario, bound by ‘no limits’ and ‘no constraints’ he was also talking of Russia and China albeit in a coded language.
He reiterated, “that the other countries, especially intermediate powers like Canada, are not powerless. They have the capacity to build a new order that encompasses our values, such as respect for human rights, sustainable development, solidarity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the various states. The power of the less power starts with honesty.”
Who could disagree with Carney? His words are a refreshing whiff of fresh air in the intellectual wasteland that is the Trumpian Oval Office and the current world order it prevails over. But where has been the ‘honesty’ of the less powerful in the specific situation where he equates Canada itself within this spectrum? He tells us that “the rules-based order is fading, that the strong can do what they can, and the weak must suffer what they must.”
That is stating the obvious. We have known this for decades by experience. Long before Canada’s relative silence with regard to Trump’s and US’ facilitation of the assault on Palestine and the massacre of its people, and the US President’s economic grab in Venezuela and the kidnapping of that country’s President and his wife, Canada’s own chorus in the world order that Carney now critiques has been embellished by silence or – even worse – by chords written by the global dominance orchestra of the United States.
He says the fading of the rules-based order has occurred because of the “strong tendency for countries to go along, to get along, to accommodate, to avoid trouble, to hope that compliance will buy safety.” Canada fits this description better than most other nations I can think of. But would Canada, along with other nations among the silent majority within the ‘intermediate powers’ take the responsibility for the mess in the world precisely that silence has directly led to creating? Who will pay for the pain many nations have endured in the prevailing world order? Will Canada lead the way in the new world order in doing this?
Carney further articulates that “for decades, countries like Canada prospered under what we called the rules-based international order. We joined its institutions, we praised its principles, we benefited from its predictability. And because of that, we could pursue values-based foreign policies under its protection.”
But this is not true, is it? Countries like Canada prospered not merely because of the stability of rules of the world order, but because they opted for silence when they should not have. The rupture and the chaos in the world order Carney now critiques and is insanely led by Trump today is not merely the latter’s creation. It has been co-authored for decades by countries such as Canada, France, the United Kingdom to mention just a few who also regularly chant the twin-mantras of human rights and democracy. Trump is merely the latest and the most vocal proponent of the nastiness of that World Order.
It is not that Carney is unaware of this unpleasant reality. He accepts that “the story of the international rules-based order was partially false, that the strongest would exempt themselves when convenient, that trade rules were enforced asymmetrically. And we knew that international law applied with varying rigour depending on the identity of the accused or the victim.”
While Canada seems to be coming to terms with this reality only now, countries like Sri Lanka and others in similarly disempowered positions in this world order have experienced this for decades, because, as I have outlined earlier, Canada et al have been complicit sustainers of the now demonised and demonic world order.
It is not that I disagree with the basic description Carney has painted of the status of the world. But from personal experience and from the perspective of a citizen from a powerless country, I simply do not trust those who preach ‘the gospel of the good’ not as a matter of principle, but only when the going gets tough for them.
At this rather late stage, Carney says, Canada is “amongst the first to hear the wake-up call, leading us to fundamentally shift our strategic posture.” Unfortunately, we, the people of countries who had to dance to the tunes of the world order led by the First World, have heard it for years, with no one listening to us when our discomforts were articulated. Now, Carney wants ‘middle powers’ or ‘intermediate powers’ within which he also locates Canada, “to live the truth?” For him, the truth means “naming reality” as it exists; “acting consistently” towards all in the world; “applying the same standards to allies and rivals” and “building what we claim to believe in, rather than waiting for the old order to be restored.” This appears to be the operational mantra for the new world order he is envisioning in which he sees Canada as a legitimate leader merely due to its late wakeup call.
He goes on to give a list of things Canada has done locally and globally and concludes by saying, “we have a recognition of what’s happening and a determination to act accordingly. We understand that this rupture calls for more than adaptation. It calls for honesty about the world as it is.” He goes on to say Canada also has “the capacity to stop pretending, to name reality, to build our strength at home and to act together.” He notes this is “Canada’s path. We choose it openly and confidently, and it is a path wide open to any country willing to take it with us.” Quite simply, this a leadership pitch for a new world order with Canada at its helm.
Without being overly cynical, this sounds very familiar, not too dissimilar to what USAID and Voice of America preached to the world; not too dissimilar to what the propaganda arms of the Soviet Union and the Chinese Communist Party used to preach in our own languages when we were growing up. It is difficult to buy this argument and accept Canadian and middle country leadership for the new world order when they have been consistently part of the problem of the old one and its excuses for institutionalised double standards practiced by international organisations such as the likes of the United Nations, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and other hegemonic entities that have catered to the whims of that world order.
As far as Canada is concerned, it is evident that it has suddenly woken up only due to an existential threat at home projected from across its southern border and Trump’s threats against the Danish territory of Greenland. When Gaza was battered, and Venezuela was raped, there was no audible clarion call. Therefore, there is no real desire for democracy or human rights in its true form, but a convenient and strategic interest in creating a new ‘white supremacist’ world order in the same persona as before, but this time led by a new white warrior instead. The rest of us would be mere followers, nodding our heads as expected as was the case before.
As the 20th century American standup comedian Lenny Bruce once said, “never trust a preacher with more than two suits.” Mr. Carney, Canada along with the so-called middle powers and the lapsed colonialists have way more than two suits, and we have seen them all.
Midweek Review
The MAD Spectre
Lo and behold the dangerous doings,
Of our most rational of animals,
Said to be the pride of the natural order,
Who stands on its head Perennial Wisdom,
Preached by the likes of Plato and Confucius,
Now vexing the earth and international waters,
With nuke-armed subs and other lethal weapons,
But giving fresh life to the Balance of Terror,
And the spectre of Mutually Assured Destruction.
By Lynn Ockersz
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