Features
Do we deserve uninterrupted electricity?
By Sanjeewa Jayaweera
The day starts with friends calling and asking, “Machan, any power cuts today?” The main item of news on television is also of possible power cuts. Even overseas television stations carry news about possible power cuts in Sri Lanka. In Sri Lanka, a potential power cut of even one hour is viewed with trepidation.
Despite the issue of power cuts being of great importance to the public and being constantly in the news, none of us knows what the future holds. No one seems to know what needs to be done, and it seems a case of postponing the inevitable by a few days.
The energy minister Udaya Gammanpila has pronounced that the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) should pay US dollars to purchase fuel from the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC). The Power Minister Gamini Lokuge replied that the CEB does not recover their dues from customers in USD. For once, both are correct! The shortage of foreign exchange in the country is why the CPC cannot source diesel and furnace oil in the quantities required by the CEB while ensuring adequate supply for transportation and the use of industries. The CEB is also correct in saying that they don’t collect their dues in USD. Let alone dollars; they can not even collect all their dues in rupees as approximately Rs. 45 billion are in arrears from the customers.
As is the norm, the opposition parties and various trade union leaders come out with their vituperative comments, none of which are helpful to resolve the current problem. The Ceylon Electricity Board Engineers, who are game for industrial action at the drop of a hat, have gone to the extent of announcing the power cut schedule, which I would think is the prerogative of the senior management of the CEB.
Recently, on the “Mawatha” programme broadcasted by Sirasa TV, an insightful discussion ensued about the current power crises. Dr Tilak Siyamabalapitya (TS), an electrical power expert, raised some pertinent issues. He commented that the electricity tariff has not been changed since 2014 and that the customers are charged an average of Rs. 16 per unit when the cost of generating a unit was as much as Rs. 24. The net result is that the CEB has accumulated losses of over Rs. 400 billion. He posed a question to the Chairman of Public Utilities Commission (PUC), Janaka Ratnayake (JR), a fellow panelist, as to why the tariff had not been increased despite the PUC being legally empowered to do so. Unfortunately, JR, an entrepreneur who understands income statements, balance sheets, cash flows and return on investments, did not provide an adequate response other than to say that they have now proposed an increase in the tariff. A case of closing the stable door after the horse had bolted.
I am sure the PUC has refrained from increasing the tariff only because successive governments would have instructed them not to do so. Unfortunately, governments that we have elected since independence have inculcated in the people a culture of okkoma nikang – everything free. Due to this, governments shy away from taking decisions on pricing utilities and commodities based on the concept of “cost plus profit.” There is no other explanation for why the electricity tariff has remained unchanged for seven years and why the CEB has accumulated losses over Rs. 400 billion with the CPC not far behind. There is no commercial sense in selling an item below cost. The irony of the strategy is that even the poor are subsidizing the well-off, who are the biggest consumers. The losses are funded by money printed debt and palmed off to the next generation.
TS also lamented how in 2015, the GOSL decided to cancel the Coal Power Plant to be built in Sampur, for which incidentally the MOU for the first 500 MW phase was signed on December 26, 2006. So, after procrastinating for 10 long years, the project was canceled. He stated that no government should change the first four years of the long-term power generation plan of 20 years submitted by the CEB and approved by the PUC. It seems the current long term power generation plan is also in limbo as the target for renewable energy by 2030 is still under discussion despite two years having elapsed.
About a decade ago, I used to visit India regularly and particularly in the summer months, when power cuts extending to over six hours was the norm. This has been the case even in Pakistan and Bangladesh. I came across a news report dated June 24 2015, filed by Rajiv Biswas about the power crisis in Pakistan. “Pakistan has been in an energy crisis for some years. The current shortfall in power generated is estimated at 5,500 Megawatts, with electricity production of 15,500 MW compared with demand of around 21,000 MW. As a result, there is significant electricity load shedding being implemented across Pakistan in both urban and rural areas. Pakistan has been facing a power crisis for some years already due to a combination of factors, including low electricity tariffs due to subsidies, which resulted in accumulated losses for the electricity generators, as well as inadequate investment in new power generation capacity and high transmission losses due to poor infrastructure as well as theft of electricity. The long periods of load shedding each day have resulted in a lack of electricity supply, sometimes for over 12 hours per day. Years of neglect and lack of reform of the power industry have contributed significantly to its deteriorating financial position. A key constraint was the slow progress in undertaking pricing reforms for energy tariffs, which have contributed to the financial problems of the electricity-generating companies. The ongoing power crisis has severely impacted upon the industry and transport sectors in recent years, as power shortages have had a crippling effect on industrial production.”
If one is to insert the word Sri Lanka to replace Pakistan, the above paragraph would be a carbon copy of what an analyst would write about the power crisis in our country. The only difference is that in Sri Lanka, the government instructed the CEB to run generators operating on diesel and furnace oil to bridge the shortfall. The decision was made even though it was the most expensive power generation method. There was no attempt even to impose a surcharge to recover the additional cost. The logic behind the proverb “Cut your coat according to your cloth” has escaped both our politicians and the voters.
In The Island of January 27, 2022, a report filed by S. Venkatnarayan is captioned, “Indian Supreme Court issues notice on political parties’ promises of ‘irrational freebies’ before elections. It is not my intention to delve into the reasons for the Supreme Court to have sought responses from the Union Government and the Election Commission of India. We, too in our country, have been seduced and fallen for various “freebies” promised by political parties leading up to elections. Many of them have remained only as promises. I still remember as a 10-year-old being fascinated by the election promise of Mrs Bandaranaike in 1970 of an extra measure of free rice, which she promised to even bring from the moon!
Given that in July 1969, I had listened over the radio of Neil Armstrong landing on the moon, it was not too difficult for a 10-year-old boy to believe that promise! Unfortunately, many decades later, despite many lessons, many of us still believe what politicians promise. Based on news reports, the inducement is now primarily a bottle of arrack or a few roofing sheets! I was a bit taken aback recently when viewing a short video interview of Sir John Kotelawela in 1959 when he said, “our people want money for jam”.
In my view, the comment made by Minister Gammanpila that it is best to suffer a 90-minute power cut now than four hours in April is the most sensible of the options. When there is a limitation of resources, there needs to be a list of priorities and winners and losers in that context. The opposition parties must also educate the public that these measures are required. I know I am “whistling in the dark”, but we need to live in hope.
If Indians, Pakistanis and Bangladeshis have had to endure daily power cuts over six hours, Sri Lankans need to grit their teeth and stomach the inconvenience. A panellist on the “Mawatha” programme mentioned how in 1974, even in Great Britain, the government had to introduce a three-day working week, closure of all television stations by 10.30 p.m. and children had to study by candlelight due to power cuts. For a country that had been a colonial power for centuries, it would have been difficult to stomach such living conditions. However, to their credit, they gritted their teeth, accepted the new norm, and worked through in search of better times. We, too in Sri Lanka, need to do the same and be pragmatic of our conundrum.
Features
Rethinking post-disaster urban planning: Lessons from Peradeniya
A recent discussion by former Environment Minister, Eng. Patali Champika Ranawaka on the Derana 360 programme has reignited an important national conversation on how Sri Lanka plans, builds and rebuilds in the face of recurring disasters.
His observations, delivered with characteristic clarity and logic, went beyond the immediate causes of recent calamities and focused sharply on long-term solutions—particularly the urgent need for smarter land use and vertical housing development.
Ranawaka’s proposal to introduce multistoried housing schemes in the Gannoruwa area, as a way of reducing pressure on environmentally sensitive and disaster-prone zones, resonated strongly with urban planners and environmentalists alike.
It also echoed ideas that have been quietly discussed within academic and conservation circles for years but rarely translated into policy.
One such voice is that of Professor Siril Wijesundara, Research Professor at the National Institute of Fundamental Studies (NIFS) and former Director General of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Peradeniya, who believes that disasters are often “less acts of nature and more outcomes of poor planning.”
“What we repeatedly see in Sri Lanka is not merely natural disasters, but planning failures,” Professor Wijesundara told The Island.
“Floods, landslides and environmental degradation are intensified because we continue to build horizontally, encroaching on wetlands, forest margins and river reservations, instead of thinking vertically and strategically.”
The former Director General notes that the University of Peradeniya itself offers a compelling case study of both the problem and the solution. The main campus, already densely built and ecologically sensitive, continues to absorb new faculties, hostels and administrative buildings, placing immense pressure on green spaces and drainage systems.
“The Peradeniya campus was designed with landscape harmony in mind,” he said. “But over time, ad-hoc construction has compromised that vision. If development continues in the same manner, the campus will lose not only its aesthetic value but also its ecological resilience.”
Professor Wijesundara supports the idea of reorganising the Rajawatte area—located away from the congested core of the university—as a future development zone. Rather than expanding inward and fragmenting remaining open spaces, he argues that Rajawatte can be planned as a well-designed extension, integrating academic, residential and service infrastructure in a controlled manner.
Crucially, he stresses that such reorganisation must go hand in hand with social responsibility, particularly towards minor staff currently living in the Rajawatte area.
“These workers are the backbone of the university. Any development plan must ensure their dignity and wellbeing,” he said. “Providing them with modern, safe and affordable multistoried housing—especially near the railway line close to the old USO premises—would be both humane and practical.”
According to Professor Wijesundara, housing complexes built near existing transport corridors would reduce daily commuting stress, minimise traffic within the campus, and free up valuable land for planned academic use.
More importantly, vertical housing would significantly reduce the university’s physical footprint.
Drawing parallels with Ranawaka’s Gannoruwa proposal, he emphasised that vertical development is no longer optional for Sri Lanka.
“We are a small island with a growing population and shrinking safe land,” he warned.
“If we continue to spread out instead of building up, disasters will become more frequent and more deadly. Vertical housing, when done properly, is environmentally sound, economically efficient and socially just.”
The veteran botanist also highlighted the often-ignored link between disaster vulnerability and the destruction of green buffers.
“Every time we clear a lowland, a wetland or a forest patch for construction, we remove nature’s shock absorbers,” he said.
“The Royal Botanic Gardens has survived floods for over a century precisely because surrounding landscapes once absorbed excess water. Urban planning must learn from such ecological wisdom.”
Professor Wijesundara believes that universities, as centres of knowledge, should lead by example.
“If an institution like Peradeniya cannot demonstrate sustainable planning, how can we expect cities to do so?” he asked. “This is an opportunity to show that development and conservation are not enemies, but partners.”
As climate-induced disasters intensify across the country, voices like his—and proposals such as those articulated by Patali Champika Ranawaka—underscore a simple but urgent truth: Sri Lanka’s future safety depends not only on disaster response, but on how and where we build today.
The challenge now lies with policymakers and planners to move beyond television studio discussions and academic warnings, and translate these ideas into concrete, people-centred action.
By Ifham Nizam ✍️
Features
Superstition – Major barrier to learning and social advancement
At the initial stage of my six-year involvement in uplifting society through skill-based initiatives, particularly by promoting handicraft work and teaching students to think creatively and independently, my efforts were partially jeopardized by deep-rooted superstition and resistance to rational learning.
Superstitions exerted a deeply adverse impact by encouraging unquestioned belief, fear, and blind conformity instead of reasoning and evidence-based understanding. In society, superstition often sustains harmful practices, social discrimination, exploitation by self-styled godmen, and resistance to scientific or social reforms, thereby weakening rational decision-making and slowing progress. When such beliefs penetrate the educational environment, students gradually lose the habit of asking “why” and “how,” accepting explanations based on fate, omens, or divine intervention rather than observation and logic.
Initially, learners became hesitant to challenge me despite my wrong interpretation of any law, less capable of evaluating information critically, and more vulnerable to misinformation and pseudoscience. As a result, genuine efforts towards social upliftment were obstructed, and the transformative power of education, which could empower individuals economically and intellectually, was weakened by fear-driven beliefs that stood in direct opposition to progress and rational thought. In many communities, illnesses are still attributed to evil spirits or curses rather than treated as medical conditions. I have witnessed educated people postponing important decisions, marriages, journeys, even hospital admissions, because an astrologer predicted an “inauspicious” time, showing how fear governs rational minds.
While teaching students science and mathematics, I have clearly observed how superstition acts as a hidden barrier to learning, critical thinking, and intellectual confidence. Many students come to the classroom already conditioned to believe that success or failure depends on luck, planetary positions, or divine favour rather than effort, practice, and understanding, which directly contradicts the scientific spirit. I have seen students hesitate to perform experiments or solve numerical problems on certain “inauspicious” days.
In mathematics, some students label themselves as “weak by birth”, which creates fear and anxiety even before attempting a problem, turning a subject of logic into a source of emotional stress. In science classes, explanations based on natural laws sometimes clash with supernatural beliefs, and students struggle to accept evidence because it challenges what they were taught at home or in society. This conflict confuses young minds and prevents them from fully trusting experimentation, data, and proof.
Worse still, superstition nurtures dependency; students wait for miracles instead of practising problem-solving, revision, and conceptual clarity. Over time, this mindset damages curiosity, reduces confidence, and limits innovation, making science and mathematics appear difficult, frightening, or irrelevant. Many science teachers themselves do not sufficiently emphasise the need to question or ignore such irrational beliefs and often remain limited to textbook facts and exam-oriented learning, leaving little space to challenge superstition directly. When teachers avoid discussing superstition, they unintentionally reinforce the idea that scientific reasoning and superstitious beliefs can coexist.
To overcome superstition and effectively impose critical thinking among students, I have inculcated the process to create a classroom culture where questioning was encouraged and fear of being “wrong” was removed. Students were taught how to think, not what to think, by consistently using the scientific method—observation, hypothesis, experimentation, evidence, and conclusion—in both science and mathematics lessons. I have deliberately challenged superstitious beliefs through simple demonstrations and hands-on experiments that allow students to see cause-and-effect relationships for themselves, helping them replace belief with proof.
Many so-called “tantrik shows” that appear supernatural can be clearly explained and exposed through basic scientific principles, making them powerful tools to fight superstition among students. For example, acts where a tantrik places a hand or tongue briefly in fire without injury rely on short contact time, moisture on the skin, or low heat transfer from alcohol-based flames rather than divine power.
“Miracles” like ash or oil repeatedly appearing from hands or idols involve concealment or simple physical and chemical tricks. When these tricks are demonstrated openly in classrooms or science programmes and followed by clear scientific explanations, students quickly realise how easily perception can be deceived and why evidence, experimentation, and critical questioning are far more reliable than blind belief.
Linking concepts to daily life, such as explaining probability to counter ideas of luck, or biology to explain illness instead of supernatural causes, makes rational explanations relatable and convincing.
Another unique example that I faced in my life is presented here. About 10 years ago, when I entered my new house but did not organise traditional rituals that many consider essential for peace and prosperity as my relatives believed that without them prosperity would be blocked. Later on, I could not utilise the entire space of my newly purchased house for earning money, largely because I chose not to perform certain rituals.
While this decision may have limited my financial gains to some extent, I do not consider it a failure in the true sense. I feel deeply satisfied that my son and daughter have received proper education and are now well settled in their employment, which, to me, is a far greater achievement than any ritual-driven expectation of wealth. My belief has always been that a house should not merely be a source of income or superstition-bound anxiety, but a space with social purpose.
Instead of rituals, I strongly feel that the unused portion of my house should be devoted to running tutorials for poor and underprivileged students, where knowledge, critical thinking, and self-reliance can be nurtured. This conviction gives me inner peace and reinforces my faith that education and service to society are more meaningful measures of success than material profit alone.
Though I have succeeded to some extent, this success has not been complete due to the persistent influence of superstition.
by Dr Debapriya Mukherjee
Former Senior Scientist
Central Pollution Control Board, India ✍️
Features
Race hate and the need to re-visit the ‘Clash of Civilizations’
Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has done very well to speak-up against and outlaw race hate in the immediate aftermath of the recent cold-blooded gunning down of several civilians on Australia’s Bondi Beach. The perpetrators of the violence are believed to be ardent practitioners of religious and race hate and it is commendable that the Australian authorities have lost no time in clearly and unambiguously stating their opposition to the dastardly crimes in question.
The Australian Prime Minister is on record as stating in this connection: ‘ New laws will target those who spread hate, division and radicalization. The Home Affairs Minister will also be given new powers to cancel or refuse visas for those who spread hate and a new taskforce will be set up to ensure the education system prevents, tackles and properly responds to antisemitism.’
It is this promptness and single-mindedness to defeat race hate and other forms of identity-based animosities that are expected of democratic governments in particular world wide. For example, is Sri Lanka’s NPP government willing to follow the Australian example? To put the record straight, no past governments of Sri Lanka initiated concrete measures to stamp out the evil of race hate as well but the present Sri Lankan government which has pledged to end ethnic animosities needs to think and act vastly differently. Democratic and progressive opinion in Sri Lanka is waiting expectantly for the NPP government’ s positive response; ideally based on the Australian precedent to end race hate.
Meanwhile, it is apt to remember that inasmuch as those forces of terrorism that target white communities world wide need to be put down their counterpart forces among extremist whites need to be defeated as well. There could be no double standards on this divisive question of quashing race and religious hate, among democratic governments.
The question is invariably bound up with the matter of expeditiously and swiftly advancing democratic development in divided societies. To the extent to which a body politic is genuinely democratized, to the same degree would identity based animosities be effectively managed and even resolved once and for all. To the extent to which a society is deprived of democratic governance, correctly understood, to the same extent would it experience unmanageable identity-bred violence.
This has been Sri Lanka’s situation and generally it could be stated that it is to the degree to which Sri Lankan citizens are genuinely constitutionally empowered that the issue of race hate in their midst would prove manageable. Accordingly, democratic development is the pressing need.
While the dramatic blood-letting on Bondi Beach ought to have driven home to observers and commentators of world politics that the international community is yet to make any concrete progress in the direction of laying the basis for an end to identity-based extremism, the event should also impress on all concerned quarters that continued failure to address the matters at hand could prove fatal. The fact of the matter is that identity-based extremism is very much alive and well and that it could strike devastatingly at a time and place of its choosing.
It is yet premature for the commentator to agree with US political scientist Samuel P. Huntingdon that a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ is upon the world but events such as the Bondi Beach terror and the continuing abduction of scores of school girls by IS-related outfits, for instance, in Northern Africa are concrete evidence of the continuing pervasive presence of identity-based extremism in the global South.
As a matter of great interest it needs mentioning that the crumbling of the Cold War in the West in the early nineties of the last century and the explosive emergence of identity-based violence world wide around that time essentially impelled Huntingdon to propound the hypothesis that the world was seeing the emergence of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Basically, the latter phrase implied that the Cold War was replaced by a West versus militant religious fundamentalism division or polarity world wide. Instead of the USSR and its satellites, the West, led by the US, had to now do battle with religion and race-based militant extremism, particularly ‘Islamic fundamentalist violence’ .
Things, of course, came to a head in this regard when the 9/11 calamity centred in New York occurred. The event seemed to be startling proof that the world was indeed faced with a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ that was not easily resolvable. It was a case of ‘Islamic militant fundamentalism’ facing the great bulwark, so to speak, of ‘ Western Civilization’ epitomized by the US and leaving it almost helpless.
However, it was too early to write off the US’ capability to respond, although it did not do so by the best means. Instead, it replied with military interventions, for example, in Iraq and Afghanistan, which moves have only earned for the religious fundamentalists more and more recruits.
Yet, it is too early to speak in terms of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Such a phenomenon could be spoken of if only the entirety of the Islamic world took up arms against the West. Clearly, this is not so because the majority of the adherents of Islam are peaceably inclined and want to coexist harmoniously with the rest of the world.
However, it is not too late for the US to stop religious fundamentalism in its tracks. It, for instance, could implement concrete measures to end the blood-letting in the Middle East. Of the first importance is to end the suffering of the Palestinians by keeping a tight leash on the Israeli Right and by making good its boast of rebuilding the Gaza swiftly.
Besides, the US needs to make it a priority aim to foster democratic development worldwide in collaboration with the rest of the West. Military expenditure and the arms race should be considered of secondary importance and the process of distributing development assistance in the South brought to the forefront of its global development agenda, if there is one.
If the fire-breathing religious demagogue’s influence is to be blunted worldwide, then, it is development, understood to mean equitable growth, that needs to be fostered and consolidated by the democratic world. In other words, the priority ought to be the empowerment of individuals and communities. Nothing short of the latter measures would help in ushering a more peaceful world.
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