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Midweek Review

Dilith pins hopes on nationalistic vote in spite of Namal’s move

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Dilith

Continuing political unrest and economic crisis will encourage foreign powers to seek to consolidate their position here. Instead of blaming external interventions, Sri Lanka should take meaningful measures to thwart such interferences. However, bankruptcy status has placed the country in an extremely vulnerable situation. Mawbima Janatha Pakshaya (MJP) leader and presidential contestant Dilith Jayaweera said so commenting on altogether seven US, Indian and Chinese warships, including five destroyers, visiting Colombo harbor since the closing of nominations on Aug. 15. The Indian destroyer was followed by their National Security Advisor Doval whose interventions during previous administrations are too well known. Many eyebrows were raised over his visit to Colombo last week where he met three contestants, presidential Wickremesinghe, Premadasa and Dissanayake, followed by denial of him attempting to make a last ditch effort to bring about a reconciliation between the above-mentioned first two.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Having served President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s despicable political agenda since May 2022, till August this year, parliamentarian Namal Rajapaksa entered the fray in a last-ditch attempt to save the SLPP’s nationalistic vote, Mawbima Janatha Pakshaya (MJP) leader Dilith Jayaweera declared.

The highest taxpaying presidential contestant Jayaweera tore into SLPP candidate Namal Rajapaksa as he questioned the motives of the eldest son of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa to seek the Office of the President.

Business magnate and Attorney-at-Law Jayaweera said so in response to The Island query during an interview with him last week at Triad Advertising (Pvt.) Ltd., where he acknowledged that the SLPP candidate was eyeing the nationalistic block vote at the expense of his (Jayaweera’s) campaign.

In a no holds barred interview, we sought an explanation from Jayaweera who. in spite of being a close friend and associate of the then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. accepted US Ambassador Julie Chung’s invitation for a lunch three weeks after the ‘Aragalaya’ movement launched a public protest campaign outside the then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s private residence at Pangiriwatte, Mirihana, on March 31, 2022, the first definite inkling of Aragalaya materialized outside the private residence of the then popularly elected Head of State. Ambassador Chung, widely accused of playing a significant role in a high profile project that overthrew Gotabaya Rajapaksa, will remain in Colombo till early next year though we erroneously believed she would leave before the Sept. 21 Presidential Election. Even as widespread violence erupted across the country almost simultaneously against the elected representatives of the then government on May 09, 2022 Ambassador Julie Chung steadfastly maintained that it was a peaceful protest movement and urged the police and the armed forces not to take any action against them. How did an Ambassador get such sweeping powers to order about the armed forces of the country she was serving in?

Asked whether the entry of Namal Rajapaksa troubled his campaign, Jayaweera, without hesitation, acknowledged that he felt so. “Namal Rajapaksa entered the fray to cause a problem, to undermine my campaign. Obviously, the Rajapaksa camp believes Namal will be sort of isolated among the nationalistic electorate hence the bid to challenge our move. The electorate will not accept their strategy,” Jayaweera said.

Sipping a hot cup of coffee, at one of his spacious rooms at the Triad office, Jayaweera alleged that the SLPP founder Basil Rajapaksa and Namal Rajapaksa fully cooperated with President Wickremesinghe’s strategy to bring about the downfall of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, both in and outside Parliament. They pursued a common strategy at the expense of national interests, Jayaweera pointed out, adding that their original plan was to go along with UNP leader Wickremesinghe.

“The bottom line is that Namal Rajapaksa, in his capacity as an SLPP parliamentarian, threw his weight behind Wickremesinghe,” Jayaweera alleged, pointing out that the SLPPer, under any circumstances, couldn’t absolve himself of the responsibility for ensuring enactment of laws inimical to the country during the UNP leader’s presidency.

Jayaweera again held the Basil-Namal duo directly responsible for Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s predicament. Jayaweera alleged that they promoted businessman Dhammika Perera, MP, as an alternative presidential candidate as their original plan to reach consensus with Wickremesinghe went awry. Perera, who had been brought into Parliament in late June 2022, amidst a public protest campaign, wasn’t involved, at any level, with nationalistic politics. “Actually, Perera never understood the concept of nationalistic politics and was never interested in it at all,” Jayaweera alleged, asserting that the businessman lacked even the basic knowledge of politics.

Jayaweera questioned the rationale in even considering MP Perera as a tool to disrupt or undermine the nationalistic camp. The controversial, yet patriotic, businessman who played a significant role in the government efforts to attract fresh recruits to the armed forces as unlike previous presidents, the Mahinda Rajapaksa government embarked on a fight-to-a-finish with the LTTE terrorist, with Sarath Fonseka as the Army Commander, a type of General that a country gets maybe once in about a thousand years. He was backd by the then Defence Secretary, retired Lieutenant Colonel Gotabaya Rajapaksa, and a band of tested frontline commanders.

Jayaweera, who then wholeheartedly backed Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s successful presidential polls campaign, said that MP Perera’s sudden pullout and Namal Rajapaksa’s entry into the presidential race should be examined against the backdrop of post-‘Aragalaya’ politics.

Responding to the query whether Jayaweera felt that MP Perera quit the contest in line with the strategy pursued by the Basil-Namal duo, the MJP leader said that wasn’t the case. “I believe MP Perera realized that he is going to suffer a devastating defeat. His friends and relatives, too, appeared to have advised him against going ahead with risky political adventures. MP Perera got lost in politics and suffered the consequences.”

Jayaweera alleged that the Rajapaksas must have sought to use MP Perera’s wealth to achieve their own immediate agenda.

Over 17.1 mn people are eligible to vote at the Sept. 21 Presidential Election. Of them, over one million are voters who are qualified to exercise their franchise for the first time, in a national election called the after removal of a President through unconstitutional means.

Jayaweera said that Sarvajana Balaya he is contesting from would definitely contest the next parliamentary polls.

CP candidate

We sought an explanation as to why Jayaweera submitted his nominations through the Communist Party (CP) in spite of having his own registered party and a coalition called Sarvajana Balaya as some questioned the move that they felt confused the electorate, particularly the nationalistic vote base.

“There is absolutely no basis for that assertion. There cannot be any ambiguity over our selection of CP, one of the constituents of Sarvajana Balaya. We picked CP as its symbol ‘star’ to attract the electorate, regardless of political differences.”

Jayaweera dismissed the assertion that he contesting the election, under the CP symbol, somewhat undermined his campaign. Dr. Geeganage Weerasinghe, in his capacity as the General Secretary of CP, paid the deposit for Jayaweera on August 13, the day before the final day for the acceptance of nominations. The Mawbiba Janatha Pakshaya leader is one of the 38 candidates in the fray after ex-parliamentarian Sarath Kumara Gunaratna failed to submit nominations after paying the deposit and independent candidate Muhammad Ilyas, 78, (ex-parliamentarian) died of a heart attack.

Jayaweera said that they agreed on a common agenda and was pursuing it vigorously. As a constituent of Sarvajana Balaya, CP, played an important role in the coalition, Jayaweera said, adding as the leader of MJP he led the strategic planning.

Weerasumana Weerasinghe (Matara District) represents the CP in the current Parliament. The first time entrant and the only CP MP, Weerasinghe entered Parliament on the SLPP ticket. The SLPP won 145 seats, including 17 National List slots, at the last parliamentary election. However, of them, as many as 130 switched allegiance to major candidates – President Wickremesinghe, SJB leader Sajith Premadasa and MJP leader Jayaweera with the UNP leader being the main beneficiary. As many as about 100 elected on the SLPP ticket and appointed on its National List back Wickremesinghe, whereas Premadasa received the support of about a dozen and several pledged their allegiance to Jayaweera.

Jayaweera said that those parliamentarians, who had been closely identified with the nationalistic camp, joined Sarvajana Balaya. The group included parliamentarians Wimal Weerawansa (National Freedom Front/NFF), Udaya Gammanpila (Pivithuru Hela Urumaya), Gevindu Cumaratunga (Yuthukama civil society group), Weerasumana Weerasinghe (CP), Gamini Waleboda (NFF) and Jayantha Samaraweera (NFF).

However, Mohammed Muzammil (National List), Jagath Priyankara (Puttalam district) and Nimal Piyatissa switched their allegiance to President Wickremesinghe at the expense of the NFF. Weerawansa’s party, that had seven MPs in Parliament at one time, lost another when their actor-turned-politician Uddhika Premaratne resigned his seat a few months ago. The SLPP filled Premaratne’s vacancy as the next highest preference vote taker happened to be S.C. Muthumumarana who contested the Anuradhapura district at the last election.

A meet during Aragalaya

Asked whether him meeting US Ambassador Chung, three weeks after violent demonstration at Pangiriwatte where ‘Aragalaya’ tested President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s defences, in some way suggested that he, too, cooperated with the conspirators, Jayaweera emphasized that it was a totally wrong interpretation of what he was trying to do.

Jayaweera explained how he sought to set the record straight as various interested parties quite comfortably, at the expense of the war-winning country, pursued an anti-national line in their conversations with foreign envoys and other senior representatives of international organizations. Alleging that Colombo-based coffee drinking, wine sipping cocktail going groups with NGO mentality propagated a false narrative with the international community, Jayaweera stressed that he honestly tried to clarify what was happening.

Some Western envoys, too, for obvious reasons, found the company of their local ardent admirers trying to curry favour with them quite endearing, Jayaweera declared, asserting that such conversations never helped them to understand the ground situation and the genuine grievances of the people, regardless of their ethnicity.

Referring to several cases of high profile external interventions over the past several years, both before and after the 2022 Aragalaya, Jayaweera said Western powers adopted a hostile strategy here as advised by those who immensely benefited from foreign funded projects.

In the absence of a cohesive State policy to counter false narratives propagated by various interested parties hell-bent on doing away with our unitary status, especially in the wake of the eradication of separatist terrorist power in May 2009, external powers could advance their strategy without hindrance. Jayaweera cited the ongoing Geneva project as a glaring example of Sri Lanka’s failure to address false accountability charges that led to the co-sponsorship of 30/1 resolution in October 2015, with Wickremesinghe as the Prime Minister.

Jayaweera emphasized the responsibility on the part of the powers that be whoever was in power to counter false narratives at different levels.

Key challenges

Commenting on challenges faced by the post-Aragalaya situation against the backdrop of the government accepting bankruptcy status, the country couldn’t progress as the vast majority of people live without hope. The economic-political-social crisis perpetrated by those who wielded power over a period of time not only the two years under President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the country was in a bind. “That is the ugly truth those exercising political power do not want to admit for obvious reasons.”

The hapless people have to be inspired, Jayaweera said, adding that restoration of public confidence would be the key to overcoming economic ruin, political uncertainty and social issues.

Jayaweera declared that Sarvajana Balaya manifesto addressed the daunting challenges experienced by the country with specific recommendations/proposals to gradually overcome the issues. “Different segments of the populations, ranging from the student community to professions ,should be ready to bear difficulties for a year, perhaps a little more than a year until Sarvajana Balaya proposals can be implemented.”

The outspoken political party leader said that political and economic objectives have to be achieved in an environment where all communities could live together and not in any way divide them on ethnic lines and be forced to take up extremist stands. “In such an atmosphere, regardless of diverse political opinions, people will invest, gradually as they face the challenges with confidence,” Jayaweera said, adding that he proposed UNIQUE identity numbers at birth to improve social security. That would deliver a knockout blow to corruption, Jayaweera said, adding that the banking system would be part of the whole operation to monitor transactions at all levels.

During a recent interview with the writer, active citizen L. J. Udukumburage discussed how the existing banking system could be utilized to curb corruption through an effective control on cash transfers (Prez polls 2024: Passage of Economic Transformation Bill strengthens Ranil strategy (The Island, July 31, 2024).

Responding to another query, Jayaweera pointed out that the much publicized agreement with the IMF that had been repeated like a mantra should be examined taking into consideration the failure on the part of the government to take remedial measures over two years after Wickremesinghe received premiership and the finance portfolio in May 2022.

Those who talk proudly of moratorium on the payment of foreign debt till 2028 should explain why at least revenue collection hadn’t been streamlined yet, over two years after ‘Aragalaya’ and the same corrupt lot allowed to continue gleefully as repeatedly revealed by revelations made in Parliament.

Sri Lanka announced suspension of debt payment in April 2022, a few weeks after the Pangiriwatte protest.

Jayaweera alleged that in spite of the economy still being in intensive care, the executive and legislature continued on the same path. Recent disclosure regarding the failure on the part of a key revenue collector to fulfil his obligation underscored the requirement for total overhauling of the revenue collection system. The present day leaders would happily continue with this corrupt system as they were only interested in spending the rest of their lives in luxury, at the expense of the public.

A proper investigation would reveal that many political party leaders, ministers and ordinary MPs are living way beyond their means, Jayaweera alleged. He named two political party leaders as utterly corrupt though they pretend to be paragons of virtue.

Too many candidates

Jayaweera expressed the urgent need to amend existing laws to prevent major political parties fielding proxy candidates. According to him, of the 39 candidates in the fray, there were at least 20 proxies fielded by independent candidate Wickremesinghe and SJB leader Premadasa. Referring to the last Presidential Election conducted in November 2029, Jayaweera said that the situation was equally bad that time, too, with so many proxies.

Six contested the 1982 presidential poll followed by three in 1988, six in 1994, 13 in 1999, 13 in 2005, 22 in 2010, 19 in 2015, 35 in 2019 and 39 in 2024.

Jayaweera said that having special provision to grant special status to ex-MPs and serving MPs couldn’t be justified under any circumstances. In terms of the Presidential Election Act, any elector and even unregistered political parties could nominate only ex or serving MPs. “This ridiculous law should be done away with. In fact, the government should have addressed this issue in 1999 after 13 contested the presidential election won by PA leader Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga in that year.”

Jayaweera said that as far as he knew JJB hadn’t fielded at least one proxy candidate. Wickremesinghe and Premadasa should be held accountable for criminal waste of public funds caused by proxy candidates. The Election Department has said that election expenditure could have been drastically reduced if only ‘serious’ candidates contested.

A smiling Jayaweera said that they clearly identified whom the proxies served but couldn’t still correctly get at the allegiance of two independents, both former parliamentarians. Declaring the JJB, too, followed the policies of the Wickremesinghes and Premadasas, Jayaweera alleged that Rathusahodarayas, too, benefited from the black economy and the conduct of that party over the past couple of years proved that essentially all three operated on the same lines.

Warning over post-poll violence

Commenting on MP Weerawansa’s recent high profile accusation that the JJB would resort to violence to disrupt counting of votes on Sept. 21, thereby create a situation that may allow Wickremesinghe to continue, pending a decision on the election, Jayaweera said that particular allegation echoed Sarvajana Balaya thinking, as well as the former Minister’s personal opinion.

Pointing out that the JVP polled 273,428 votes (4.19%) at the 1982 presidential poll and 418,553 votes (3.16%) at the 2019 poll, Jayaweera said that over the past several years the JVP has expanded and it was now a far bigger setup. The JVP leadership could find it difficult to keep those ‘newcomers’ under control. Therefore, the JVP/JJB was in flux. There could be trouble, serious trouble at short notice unless the powers that be maintain a close watch on the situation.

Declaring that unprecedented divisions in Parliament didn’t really reflect the mood of the electorate on the eve of the Presidential Poll, Jayaweera said that approximately 40% of the votes of those who exercised their franchise in support of Gotabaya Rajapaksa at the 2019 Presidential election remained undecided yet. Jayaweera is convinced that block vote, regardless of Namal Rajapaksa’s intervention, would stand by the nationalistic camp, hence he could be the beneficiary.

Jayaweera is of the opinion that the contest is so fierce no candidate could secure 30% of the vote. Jayaweera also discussed the transformation of the Marxist JVP leadership to a rightwing political force serving the interests of the West.

He dismissed assertions that those who lacked political experience at lower level (Local Government, Provincial Councils and Parliament) shouldn’t aspire for the President’s Office. Those with administrative experience should receive the preference over politicians who ruined the country, the leading businessman with a definite patriotic background asserted.

Jayaweera accused President Wickremesinghe of causing further destabilization by refusing to adhere to Supreme Court directives or trying to circumvent SC orders. A continuing dispute between the President and the judiciary could cause quite an explosive situation, Jayaweera alleged, asserting that the President’s response to recent SC directives and rulings that he may have considered disadvantageous to him didn’t do him any good.



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Midweek Review

How USAID influenced Sri Lanka

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Director of the USAID Sri Lanka Office, Reed J. Aeschliman, with then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa in June 2021 (pic courtesy PMD)

While the country was rapidly heading for an unprecedented political, economic and social crisis, then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, in the first week of June 2021, received Director of the USAID Sri Lanka Office, Reed J. Aeschliman, at the Presidential Secretariat. Among those present were Deputy Chief of Mission at the US Embassy Martin Kelly, USAID Programme Director Chistopher Foley, Secretary to the President P.B. Jayasundera, Finance Secretary S.R. Attygalle and Director General of External Resources Department at the Finance Ministry Ajith Abeysekera. Following the meeting, the President’s Office announced that steps would be taken to accelerate development programmers funded by the USAID. Perhaps, the former President should inquire whether the USAID actually provided any assistance to the public sector during his presidency.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) never hesitated to provide funding for any project at any level as long as they aligned primarily with the overall US political and even sinister objectives. The beneficiaries ranged from Parliament to media organizations and even individuals.

In August 2024 the USAID partnered with Neon and Echelon Media to host the Shine 50 Awards at the Oak Room Ballroom, Cinnamon Grand. According to the organizers the event was meant to celebrate 50 young women making remarkable contributions across Sri Lanka.

Ambassador Julie J. Chung was there to recognize women aged 18 to 35 who were described as driving change in diverse fields, such as entrepreneurship, environmental advocacy, the arts, science, and technology. That was a minor thing by their standards or level of operations.

It would be pertinent to mention that USAID operations here should be examined taking into consideration developments in the wake of Maithripala Sirisena’s triumph at the 2015 January presidential election.

President Donald Trump has taken steps to neutralize USAID in line with an overall strategy meant to cut down on external spending. Those who had been receiving US funding on various pretexts are aghast over the unexpected development. However, Trump has suffered an initial setback due to the US District Judge Carl Nichols temporarily blocking the new administration from putting over 2,000 USAID employees on paid leave. Nichols agreed with two federal employee associations seeking a pause in the administration’s plans to put USAID employees on paid leave.

The Yahapalana government of Sirisena and Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe had a treacherous understanding with the US. Their operation began with the Yahapalana duo betraying the war-winning armed forces at the Geneva based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), in early Oct. 2015, where they helped move a war crimes resolution against one’s own country, possibly a world first.

While USAID spent as much as USD 7.9 mn (what a gravy train?) to teach Sri Lankan journalists how to avoid “binary-gendered language”, attracted public attention recently, far bigger issues have been conveniently ignored. In other words, the US promoted and encouraged the LGBTGQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer) project here. Do not forget that SLPP National List MP and Attorney-at-Law Premanath Dolawatta perhaps realising which way the wind was blowing, jumped on that band wagon and presented a Bill in support of LGBTQ people in Parliament in April 2023.

USAID intensified its operations here during Sirisena’s presidency. Having secured the executive presidency, with the backing of the UNP-TNA-JVP combine, Sirisena had no option but to go with Wickremesinghe’s agenda. The US orchestrated the Geneva betrayal with the support of the Yahapalana government and the TNA. Those who now represented the main Opposition SJB had been with the UNP and should be also held accountable for the great betrayal of our armed forces.

The UNP and Maithripala Sirisena’s SLFP fully cooperated on the high profile USAID project. Karu Jayasuriya, the incumbent head of the so-called National Movement for Social Justice (NMSJ), as the then Speaker, should be able to explain the circumstances in which Parliament finalized an agreement with the USAID worth USD 13.7 mn (Rs 1.92 bn).

Perhaps the current Parliament can examine the outcome of the high-profile USAID project launched in late November 2016. Interestingly, USD 3 mn had been released in September 2016 before the official launch of the project.

Parliament announced the USAID project in the wake of Sri Lanka becoming the newest member of the United States’ House Democracy Partnership programme which purports to support peer-to-peer exchanges for partner legislatures around the world.

The signing of the agreement took place in Washington DC on Sept. 14, 2016. Speaker Jayasuriya and US Congressman Peter J. Roskam, Chairman of the House Democracy Partnership, signed on behalf of the Sri Lanka Parliament and the House Democracy Partnership, respectively.

Jayasuriya was accompanied by Deputy Minister of Power and Renewable Energy Ajith P. Perera, Deputy Minister of Parliament Reform and Mass Media Karu Paranavithane, State Minister for City Planning and Water Supply Dr. Sudarshini Fernandopulle, Secretary General of Parliament Dhammika Dasanayake and Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to the United States of America Prasad Kariyawasam.

The Parliament certainly owes an explanation as to the improvement made in terms of the three-year Strengthening Democratic Governance and Accountability Project (SDGAP) geared to improve strategic planning and communication within the government and Parliament, enhance public outreach, develop more effective policy reform and implementation processes, and increase political participation of women and underrepresented groups in Parliament and at a local level.

All know that Parliament deteriorated further during the operation of that particular USAID project. The launch of the SDGAP project took place after the UNP, led by Ranil Wickremesinghe, who also served as the Prime Minister, engineered the massive Treasury bond scams in Feb. 2015 and March 2016.

The people have a right to know how the USAID funds were spent and whether stated objectives were achieved, especially in light of former US Secretary of State John Kerry having crowed publicly about how they brought about undemocratic secret regime changes here and elsewhere after spending hundreds of millions of dollars. Having disclosed that the US spent USD 585 mn during that period for such operations Kerry perhaps unintentionally declared that Myanmar, Nigeria and Sri Lanka were the recipients of State Department funding for those clandestine projects.

Maryland-headquartered Development Alternatives, Inc. (DAI) implemented the project intended to reform the public sector in accordance with an agreement between Sri Lanka and the House Democracy Partnership of the US House of Representatives.

During the implementation of that USAID project, Speaker Jayasuriya retained retired controversial career diplomat Prasad Kariyawasam as his advisor. Kariyawasam, who had served as the Foreign Secretary after being Sri Lanka’s Ambassador in Washington, was on the USAID payroll. Kariyawasam earned the wrath of the JO/SLPP and various other parties. They accused him of promoting US interests, both in and outside Parliament. Even as Sri Lanka’s Ambassador in Washington, he figured in a rather embarrassing press conference with TNA Parliamentarian M.A. Sumanthiran, where the latter asserted that there was a tripartite agreement on the setting up of a hybrid court to investigate accountability issues in Sri Lanka, meaning war crimes.

People have forgotten how the US backed retired General Sarath Fonseka’s candidature (Sirisena promoted him Field Marshal in 2015) at the 2010 presidential election. How the US and the UNP ensnared the Sinha Regiment war hero is still a mystery and the 2009/2010 US project that also involved the JVP didn’t do Fonseka any good.

Target political parties

Sri Lankans love freebees. Our politicians and officials are no exception. They are never satisfied. Karu Jayasuriya created history when he requested China to arrange MPs in Yahapalana Parliament to visit China. Of the 225 MPs, nearly 200 received free trip. Sri Lankan lawmakers also received nearly 240 laptops from China in August 2017. China gifted the laptops worth $ 293,000 on a request made by Speaker Jayasuriya. What our lawmakers did with those laptops to enhance their efficiency is nothing but a mystery.

By the time our MPs concluded group visits to China and Parliament installed laptops, the Yahapalana government finalized an agreement on Hambantota port with China. It gave a 99-year lease on the Hambantota port in 2017 for USD 1.2 bn which is an utterly controversial but irreversible agreement that jeopardized Indo-Lanka relations. As to what the Yahapalana government, which practiced anything but good governance, did with that money and more than USD 12 billion it borrowed at high interest from the international bond market for no apparent reason, is anybody’s guess; perhaps only thing it achieved was causing an unprecedented foreign exchange crisis that led to the unceremonious downfall of the succeeding SLPP government of Gatabaya Rajapaksa.

Our political parties never refused anything. Fully paid foreign trips are something our lawmakers cannot decline under any circumstances. That is the ugly truth.

In the midst of political, economic and social turmoil against the backdrop of the country being declared bankrupt, the Women Parliamentarians’ Caucus’ visit to New Zealand in July/August 2023 grabbed public attention.

So much so, Secretary General of Parliament Kushani Rohanadeera issued a brief statement to explain the position of the Parliament. Rohanadeera insisted that public funds weren’t utilized. The funding was provided by Sri Lanka’s development partners. The initiative launched two and half years ago, never received public funding and the visit was meant to gain experience from developed countries in the Commonwealth.

The group consisted of Dr. Sudarshini Fernandopulle (SLPP), Dr. Sitha Arambepola (SLPP), Rohini Kumari Wijeratne (SJB), Pavithradevi Vanniarachchi (SLPP), Geetha Samanmalee Kumarasinghe (SLPP), Thalatha Atukorale (SJB), Kokila Gunawardena (SLPP), Mudita Prishanthi (SLPP), Rajika Wickramasinghe (SLPP), Manjula Dissanayake (SLPP) and (Dr.) Harini Amarasuriya (JJB). Secretary General of Parliament Kushani Rohanadeera, Assistant Director (Administration) Indira Dissanayake and Media Manager of Parliament Nimmi Hathiyaldeniya accompanied the delegation. Having left the country on 24th July, the group concluded the visit on 3rd August.

The US provided the funding. The National Democratic Institute (NDI), with funding provided by the USAID, organized the tour undertaken by the Women Parliamentarians’ Caucus.

In addition to the USAID, the NDI works closely with the National Endowment for Democracy, the US Department of State and the Consortium for Elections and Political Process Strengthening (CEPPS). The above-mentioned organisations are well known around the world for sponsoring such initiatives, in line with furthering US interests.

The US fully sponsored another parliamentary delegation in Oct. 2023. Chairpersons of all Oversight Committees were invited, while denying patriotic Chairman of Oversight Committee on National Security Rear Admiral (retd.) Sarath Weerasekera, MP, the opportunity to join the delegation. That visit, too, had been organized by the NDI with the funding provided by USAID.

According to the US Embassy here they have provided more than US $2 billion (Rs. 598 billion) in assistance to Sri Lanka since 1956 (over a period of 68 years) to support Sri Lanka’s agriculture, education, health, environment, water, sanitation, infrastructure, governance, and business development and provide humanitarian assistance. Over the last seven decades, US support has helped modernize Sri Lanka’s diesel coaches, supported its thriposha supplemental nutrition programme, supported the development of electric vehicle charging stations., and empowered women entrepreneurs to drive economic growth, the Embassy has stressed.

Funding for BASL

The Bar Association of Sri Lanka is another major recipient of USAID funding. Over the years, USAID has become an indispensable partner for the BASL as the former generously provided the required funding.

The USAID is believed to be the main external sponsor of the BASL while from time to time BASL asked for sponsorship from the Colombo Port City as well as Perpetual Treasuries Limited (PTL), still suspended for perpetrating Treasury bond scams.

USAID financial backing had been so vital for the BASL, Ambassador Julie Chung attended the two-day National Law Conference (NLC) in March 2023 as the Guest of Honour. BASL invited Ambassador Chung in spite of continuing controversy over her direct alleged role in the overthrowing of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. The BASL defended the decision on the basis of continuous USAID financial backing for several legal education programmes, conducted by the BASL, under the Effective & Efficient Justice (EEJ) Programme, and several other programmes.

Ambassador Chung addressed the final session of the National Law Conference held at the Grand Hotel Nuwara Eliya over a period of three days in the first week of June 2023. Less than a year later the shocking disclosure of BASL-JICA controversy over disbursement of funds received from the latter and the unceremonious resignation of BASL President Kaushalya Nawaratna, PC, in mid-September 2024 underscored the gravity of the situation. JICA handled the developments carefully as the bankrupt country learnt about corruption in a JICA-funded anti-corruption project.

The Bar Council, the apex body of the BASL unanimously asked Nawaratna to step down after it was proved that he failed to act with transparency in respect of the contract entered into by the BASL with JICA, dated Dec 11, 2023, and thereby violated the trust reposed in him as its President.

Although various NGOs receiving foreign funds had been an issue, the agreements the Parliament, BASL and the Justice Ministry had entered into with external sponsors never earned the public attention. Let me stress that in addition to USAID funding, various other parties such as China, India, EU and UNDP spent quiet lavishly for projects here. At one-time, Norway had been the leading foreign funds provider to various groups and organizations here. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) had been among the recipients of Norwegian funding. The Tamil Rehabilitation Organization, an LTTE front, too, had received foreign funding while they caused death and destruction.

In Nov. 2023 the then dissident SLPP MP Gevindu Cumaratunga raised concerns in Parliament about external interventions in the judiciary. When the writer inquired about his move, the leader of the Yuthukama civil society organization said he did so without any malicious intent. Cumaratunga urged Parliament to provide required funds for judges of the Supreme Court and other courts to receive overseas training.

The MP warned against the judges receiving foreign training, courtesy USAID, against the backdrop of the US development assistance arm being accused of influencing the powers that be. Such criticism should be re-examined in the aftermath of the new US administration’s fierce attacks on USAID.

The first time National List MP also questioned the influence the USAID was having on the BASL. Cumaratunga also questioned the amount of money received by the BASL from the USAID annually.

The outspoken MP said that if the government felt the necessity to provide foreign expertise to judges at any level it should be at the expense of Sri Lankan taxpayers. This was raised in the wake of a group of Supreme Court judges receiving US training.

Referring to the happenings during the Yahapalana administration (2015-2019), MP Cumaratunga recalled the role played by former Lankan Ambassador to Washington and then Foreign Secretary Prasad Kariyawasam, who then served as the USAID paid advisor to the then Speaker Karu Jayasuriya. Referring to the role played by Kariyawasam in the finalization of ACSA (Access and Cross Servicing Agreement) in August 2017, MP Cumaratunga pointed out the then President Maithripala Sirisena is on record as having said that he was not really informed of what was going on.

However, Sri Lanka first entered into ACSA during Mahinda Rajapaksa’s first tenure as President over a decade before Cumaratunga entered Parliament, with the former’s blessings. Sri Lanka, however, should be eternally thankful to the US for providing critical intelligence support that enabled the Navy to hunt down floating LTTE arsenals on the high seas during the final phase of the conflict, Eelam War IV (2006-2009). That was the turning point in the war against the LTTE many considered invincible. (The writer was a beneficiary of US Defence Department programme in the 90s that enabled visits to countries where US maintained powerful forces, including Hawaii, home to all branches of US military). It could well have been a case of changing horses on seeing the writing on the wall, especially with New Delhi after being a perennial thorn on its back finally cosying up to Washington with dreams of joining the rich man’s club.

Sri Lanka needs to tighten controls. The Central Bank must take tangible measures to ensure stricter control of fund transfers even in the guise of being meant for religious work. Comprehensive examination of funds transfers would reveal that what has been achieved on the ground doesn’t correspond with massive sums of money received by organizations here.

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Midweek Review

Reflections on the functions of language

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The political economy of language teaching:

by Gamini Keerawella

(Based on a speech delivered at the BCIS Language Awards Ceremony 2023)

The Bandaranaike Center for International Studies (BCIS) has been offering language-teaching programmes alongside its International Relations courses for many years. Currently, BCIS offers over 10 languages, including Chinese, French, German, Hindi, Japanese, Korean, Spanish, Thai, as well as Sinhala and Tamil, making BCIS a truly international language hub. The Language Awards Ceremony is a key event in the BCIS annual calendar. We are honoured to have His Excellency Jean-François Pactet, the French Ambassador to Sri Lanka and the Maldives, as the Chief Guest. The BCIS extends its sincere gratitude to you for your unwavering support and invaluable assistance. Ms. Tharanga Jayaweera, who has been heading the Language and Cultural Affairs division at the BCIS for several years, organised this event to highlight the importance of language learning.

Language as a Means of Communication and Social Interaction

Language is fundamentally a tool for communication, serving as the primary medium through which individuals express thoughts, ideas, emotions, and information. It enables humans to interact, convey meaning, and build social connections across diverse contexts. This communicative function of language manifests in several ways. Language allows individuals to articulate their thoughts, share knowledge, and disseminate information. Whether through spoken or written form, it serves as the foundation for education, governance, and cultural transmission. In essence, communication remains the core function of language, shaping human experiences and interactions across time and space.

Beyond merely conveying facts, language enables interpersonal relationships by allowing individuals to express emotions, negotiate meanings, and engage in social bonding. Greetings, conversations, and storytelling all rely on language for effective interaction.

Language as the Medium of Knowledge Construction

Language is the primary medium through which knowledge is constructed. Human thought is fundamentally shaped by language, as it provides the structure for formulating and communicating ideas. While visual narratives and organised sounds also play significant roles in transmitting meaning, language remains central to the cognitive process of constructing knowledge. People think through concepts, and these concepts are formed, refined, and expressed through words and sentences. Without language, the formulation of complex ideas and the development of knowledge would be impossible. Knowledge itself is an ongoing process of understanding, interpreting, and engaging with the world. It is through language that individuals analyse their surroundings, articulate their experiences, and seek to influence and transform their reality. Every field of human inquiry—from science to philosophy, from history to politics—relies on language to develop, debate, and disseminate knowledge. Whether in spoken or written form, language provides the essential framework for reasoning, argumentation, and intellectual progress. Without it, the vast and intricate systems of knowledge that define human civilisation could not exist.

Language is depositary of knowledge

Knowledge formation is a dialectical process. We inherit it from the past, enrich it through our experiences, and transmit it to future generations. In this continuous cycle, language serves as the primary repository of knowledge, encapsulating the collective wisdom, history, and cultural identity of societies across generations. It functions not merely as a tool for communication but as a dynamic archive that preserves traditions, scientific advancements, philosophies, and worldviews. Through written and spoken forms, language encodes and transmits knowledge, ensuring continuity and evolution in human thought. Moreover, language shapes cognition and influences how individuals perceive and interpret reality. The terminology, idioms, and conceptual frameworks embedded within a language reflect the intellectual heritage and epistemological foundations of a civilisation. Indigenous languages, for instance, often contain intricate ecological and medicinal knowledge passed down orally over centuries, offering insights that may be lost if the language itself declines. In an era of globalisation and rapid technological advancement, the preservation and study of languages remain crucial for safeguarding diverse knowledge systems. Multilingualism enhances access to a broader spectrum of ideas, fostering cross-cultural dialogue and innovation. Thus, recognising language as a depositary of knowledge underscores the necessity of linguistic preservation, education, and research to sustain intellectual and cultural diversity.

Language is a main component of culture reproduction of society

Language is a fundamental pillar of cultural reproduction in society. It serves as the primary medium through which traditions, values, and collective knowledge are transmitted across generations. Through language, societies preserve their historical narratives, reinforce social norms, and sustain unique cultural identities. Oral traditions, literature, religious texts, and educational systems all rely on language to pass down beliefs and customs. Additionally, language shapes the way individuals perceive and interpret the world, influencing social interactions and group cohesion. As societies evolve, language adapts to reflect changing cultural landscapes while maintaining continuity with the past. Furthermore, language is deeply intertwined with national identity and political structures, often serving as a unifying force within communities. It also plays a crucial role in globalisation, where dominant languages can facilitate cross-cultural exchange but may also contribute to the erosion of linguistic diversity. Language is not merely a tool for communication; it is a living repository of cultural heritage that ensures the continuity and evolution of societal traditions.

Language as a Tool of Power: Domination and Subordination

I wish to pay another function of language – tool of power. Language is not merely a means of communication; it is a powerful instrument of control, influence, and hierarchy. Throughout history, language has been used to assert dominance, shape narratives, and reinforce structures of power. It serves as a vehicle for authority, legitimising the perspectives of those in control while marginalising or silencing others.

The strategic use of language enables individuals, institutions, and states to establish and maintain dominance. Political rhetoric, legal discourse, and media framing shape public perception and reinforce power dynamics. Those who master language can dictate terms of engagement, define legitimacy, and control the discourse surrounding critical issues. Colonial powers, for instance, imposed their languages on indigenous populations, erasing native tongues and asserting cultural supremacy. Conversely, language can be a tool of subjugation. Exclusionary language policies, linguistic discrimination, and the suppression of minority languages or vernaculars serve to disempower certain groups. Those who lack proficiency in dominant languages often find themselves excluded from political participation, economic opportunities, and social mobility. The imposition of standardised languages in education and governance can marginalise ‘other’ languages, reinforcing structural inequalities.

Language is a key trait of identity

Language is a fundamental trait of identity, shaping both individual and collective self-perception. It serves as a primary means of communication, preserving cultural heritage, transmitting values, and fostering a sense of belonging. The way people speak often reflects their history, geography, and social affiliations. On a personal level, language influences thought patterns, emotional expression, and cognitive development. At the societal level, language can unite/divide communities. In an era of globalisation, language continues to evolve, blending influences from different cultures while also facing challenges such as linguistic homogenisation and the decline of indigenous languages. Despite these shifts, language remains a powerful marker of identity, shaping how individuals and groups define themselves and interact with the world.

Language is an attribute of National identity in Nation state framework

Language is a fundamental attribute of national identity within the nation-state framework, serving as a key marker of cultural unity, historical continuity, and political sovereignty. It acts as a binding force that fosters a shared sense of belonging among citizens, distinguishing one national community from another. In the nation-state model, language often plays a central role in shaping national consciousness by enabling communication, preserving cultural heritage, and reinforcing collective memory. It is frequently institutionalised through state policies, including education, legal systems, and governance, to promote cohesion and maintain the integrity of the national identity. Moreover, language policies in nation-states reflect broader political and ideological objectives. Some states adopt a single national language to unify diverse populations, while others recognize multiple languages to accommodate linguistic pluralism. However, language can also become a site of contestation, particularly in multilingual societies where linguistic minorities seek recognition and inclusion. Thus, within the nation-state framework, language is not merely a tool for communication but a powerful symbol of national identity and political legitimacy shaping both domestic cohesion and international representation.

Window to other Civilizations

Learning a language is like opening a window to other civilizations, allowing us to explore their histories, traditions, and worldviews. It provides a deeper understanding of diverse cultures, fosters meaningful connections with people from different backgrounds, and enhances our appreciation of global perspectives. Through language, we gain access to literature, art, and philosophical ideas that shape societies, ultimately broadening our intellectual and emotional horizons.

Language is a Tool for Building Peace

Language plays a crucial role in shaping relationships, conveying ideas, and fostering understanding across cultures and societies. It is also a powerful tool for building peace. At the grassroots level, language is fundamental to fostering interpersonal communication and resolving conflicts. In multilingual societies, language plays a pivotal role in bridging divides, offering a platform for different language groups to express their concerns while encouraging inclusivity. By promoting linguistic diversity and multilingualism, communities can create spaces for mutual respect and understanding, reducing tensions that may arise from cultural differences. Language policies that promote inclusivity, such as recognising multiple official languages or encouraging bilingualism, contribute to social cohesion by reducing the marginalisation of linguistic minorities and promoting equality. Educational institutions can serve as vital spaces for teaching language skills and cultivating a culture of peace. By incorporating peace education into curricula, schools can help future generations develop the language skills needed to engage in constructive dialogue, resolve conflicts peacefully, and collaborate with others across cultures. Moreover, language education often emphasises the importance of empathy, respect, and understanding, laying the foundation for a peaceful society.

Language is not just a means of communication; it is a transformative tool for building peace at all levels of society. By promoting dialogue, fostering understanding, and bridging cultural divides, language has the power to prevent conflict and create harmonious relations in communities, nations, and the world. I sincerely hope you will embrace the role of Peace Ambassadors—an urgent need of our time.

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Midweek Review

Heart Cleansing Versus Beach Cleaning

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By Lynn Ockersz

From the top tables of the Isle,

Come drifting cooing language,

Coupling as two sides of the coin,

The in-thing of beach cleaning,

And the cleansing of the human heart,

Of all things criminal and debasing,

But these are basically different planes,

And couldn’t be spoken of in one breath,

For, sin and vice have been around,

Since the time of ‘Adam and Eve’,

And their murderous offspring,

And could not be easily shaken off,

Given the perversions of the heart,

While dirt and debris on the earth’s crust,

Are among life’s passing eye-sores,

Well within the realms of containment.

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