Midweek Review
Dilith pins hopes on nationalistic vote in spite of Namal’s move
Continuing political unrest and economic crisis will encourage foreign powers to seek to consolidate their position here. Instead of blaming external interventions, Sri Lanka should take meaningful measures to thwart such interferences. However, bankruptcy status has placed the country in an extremely vulnerable situation. Mawbima Janatha Pakshaya (MJP) leader and presidential contestant Dilith Jayaweera said so commenting on altogether seven US, Indian and Chinese warships, including five destroyers, visiting Colombo harbor since the closing of nominations on Aug. 15. The Indian destroyer was followed by their National Security Advisor Doval whose interventions during previous administrations are too well known. Many eyebrows were raised over his visit to Colombo last week where he met three contestants, presidential Wickremesinghe, Premadasa and Dissanayake, followed by denial of him attempting to make a last ditch effort to bring about a reconciliation between the above-mentioned first two.
By Shamindra Ferdinando
Having served President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s despicable political agenda since May 2022, till August this year, parliamentarian Namal Rajapaksa entered the fray in a last-ditch attempt to save the SLPP’s nationalistic vote, Mawbima Janatha Pakshaya (MJP) leader Dilith Jayaweera declared.
The highest taxpaying presidential contestant Jayaweera tore into SLPP candidate Namal Rajapaksa as he questioned the motives of the eldest son of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa to seek the Office of the President.
Business magnate and Attorney-at-Law Jayaweera said so in response to The Island query during an interview with him last week at Triad Advertising (Pvt.) Ltd., where he acknowledged that the SLPP candidate was eyeing the nationalistic block vote at the expense of his (Jayaweera’s) campaign.
In a no holds barred interview, we sought an explanation from Jayaweera who. in spite of being a close friend and associate of the then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. accepted US Ambassador Julie Chung’s invitation for a lunch three weeks after the ‘Aragalaya’ movement launched a public protest campaign outside the then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s private residence at Pangiriwatte, Mirihana, on March 31, 2022, the first definite inkling of Aragalaya materialized outside the private residence of the then popularly elected Head of State. Ambassador Chung, widely accused of playing a significant role in a high profile project that overthrew Gotabaya Rajapaksa, will remain in Colombo till early next year though we erroneously believed she would leave before the Sept. 21 Presidential Election. Even as widespread violence erupted across the country almost simultaneously against the elected representatives of the then government on May 09, 2022 Ambassador Julie Chung steadfastly maintained that it was a peaceful protest movement and urged the police and the armed forces not to take any action against them. How did an Ambassador get such sweeping powers to order about the armed forces of the country she was serving in?
Asked whether the entry of Namal Rajapaksa troubled his campaign, Jayaweera, without hesitation, acknowledged that he felt so. “Namal Rajapaksa entered the fray to cause a problem, to undermine my campaign. Obviously, the Rajapaksa camp believes Namal will be sort of isolated among the nationalistic electorate hence the bid to challenge our move. The electorate will not accept their strategy,” Jayaweera said.
Sipping a hot cup of coffee, at one of his spacious rooms at the Triad office, Jayaweera alleged that the SLPP founder Basil Rajapaksa and Namal Rajapaksa fully cooperated with President Wickremesinghe’s strategy to bring about the downfall of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, both in and outside Parliament. They pursued a common strategy at the expense of national interests, Jayaweera pointed out, adding that their original plan was to go along with UNP leader Wickremesinghe.
“The bottom line is that Namal Rajapaksa, in his capacity as an SLPP parliamentarian, threw his weight behind Wickremesinghe,” Jayaweera alleged, pointing out that the SLPPer, under any circumstances, couldn’t absolve himself of the responsibility for ensuring enactment of laws inimical to the country during the UNP leader’s presidency.
Jayaweera again held the Basil-Namal duo directly responsible for Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s predicament. Jayaweera alleged that they promoted businessman Dhammika Perera, MP, as an alternative presidential candidate as their original plan to reach consensus with Wickremesinghe went awry. Perera, who had been brought into Parliament in late June 2022, amidst a public protest campaign, wasn’t involved, at any level, with nationalistic politics. “Actually, Perera never understood the concept of nationalistic politics and was never interested in it at all,” Jayaweera alleged, asserting that the businessman lacked even the basic knowledge of politics.
Jayaweera questioned the rationale in even considering MP Perera as a tool to disrupt or undermine the nationalistic camp. The controversial, yet patriotic, businessman who played a significant role in the government efforts to attract fresh recruits to the armed forces as unlike previous presidents, the Mahinda Rajapaksa government embarked on a fight-to-a-finish with the LTTE terrorist, with Sarath Fonseka as the Army Commander, a type of General that a country gets maybe once in about a thousand years. He was backd by the then Defence Secretary, retired Lieutenant Colonel Gotabaya Rajapaksa, and a band of tested frontline commanders.
Jayaweera, who then wholeheartedly backed Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s successful presidential polls campaign, said that MP Perera’s sudden pullout and Namal Rajapaksa’s entry into the presidential race should be examined against the backdrop of post-‘Aragalaya’ politics.
Responding to the query whether Jayaweera felt that MP Perera quit the contest in line with the strategy pursued by the Basil-Namal duo, the MJP leader said that wasn’t the case. “I believe MP Perera realized that he is going to suffer a devastating defeat. His friends and relatives, too, appeared to have advised him against going ahead with risky political adventures. MP Perera got lost in politics and suffered the consequences.”
Jayaweera alleged that the Rajapaksas must have sought to use MP Perera’s wealth to achieve their own immediate agenda.
Over 17.1 mn people are eligible to vote at the Sept. 21 Presidential Election. Of them, over one million are voters who are qualified to exercise their franchise for the first time, in a national election called the after removal of a President through unconstitutional means.
Jayaweera said that Sarvajana Balaya he is contesting from would definitely contest the next parliamentary polls.
CP candidate
We sought an explanation as to why Jayaweera submitted his nominations through the Communist Party (CP) in spite of having his own registered party and a coalition called Sarvajana Balaya as some questioned the move that they felt confused the electorate, particularly the nationalistic vote base.
“There is absolutely no basis for that assertion. There cannot be any ambiguity over our selection of CP, one of the constituents of Sarvajana Balaya. We picked CP as its symbol ‘star’ to attract the electorate, regardless of political differences.”
Jayaweera dismissed the assertion that he contesting the election, under the CP symbol, somewhat undermined his campaign. Dr. Geeganage Weerasinghe, in his capacity as the General Secretary of CP, paid the deposit for Jayaweera on August 13, the day before the final day for the acceptance of nominations. The Mawbiba Janatha Pakshaya leader is one of the 38 candidates in the fray after ex-parliamentarian Sarath Kumara Gunaratna failed to submit nominations after paying the deposit and independent candidate Muhammad Ilyas, 78, (ex-parliamentarian) died of a heart attack.
Jayaweera said that they agreed on a common agenda and was pursuing it vigorously. As a constituent of Sarvajana Balaya, CP, played an important role in the coalition, Jayaweera said, adding as the leader of MJP he led the strategic planning.
Weerasumana Weerasinghe (Matara District) represents the CP in the current Parliament. The first time entrant and the only CP MP, Weerasinghe entered Parliament on the SLPP ticket. The SLPP won 145 seats, including 17 National List slots, at the last parliamentary election. However, of them, as many as 130 switched allegiance to major candidates – President Wickremesinghe, SJB leader Sajith Premadasa and MJP leader Jayaweera with the UNP leader being the main beneficiary. As many as about 100 elected on the SLPP ticket and appointed on its National List back Wickremesinghe, whereas Premadasa received the support of about a dozen and several pledged their allegiance to Jayaweera.
Jayaweera said that those parliamentarians, who had been closely identified with the nationalistic camp, joined Sarvajana Balaya. The group included parliamentarians Wimal Weerawansa (National Freedom Front/NFF), Udaya Gammanpila (Pivithuru Hela Urumaya), Gevindu Cumaratunga (Yuthukama civil society group), Weerasumana Weerasinghe (CP), Gamini Waleboda (NFF) and Jayantha Samaraweera (NFF).
However, Mohammed Muzammil (National List), Jagath Priyankara (Puttalam district) and Nimal Piyatissa switched their allegiance to President Wickremesinghe at the expense of the NFF. Weerawansa’s party, that had seven MPs in Parliament at one time, lost another when their actor-turned-politician Uddhika Premaratne resigned his seat a few months ago. The SLPP filled Premaratne’s vacancy as the next highest preference vote taker happened to be S.C. Muthumumarana who contested the Anuradhapura district at the last election.
A meet during Aragalaya
Asked whether him meeting US Ambassador Chung, three weeks after violent demonstration at Pangiriwatte where ‘Aragalaya’ tested President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s defences, in some way suggested that he, too, cooperated with the conspirators, Jayaweera emphasized that it was a totally wrong interpretation of what he was trying to do.
Jayaweera explained how he sought to set the record straight as various interested parties quite comfortably, at the expense of the war-winning country, pursued an anti-national line in their conversations with foreign envoys and other senior representatives of international organizations. Alleging that Colombo-based coffee drinking, wine sipping cocktail going groups with NGO mentality propagated a false narrative with the international community, Jayaweera stressed that he honestly tried to clarify what was happening.
Some Western envoys, too, for obvious reasons, found the company of their local ardent admirers trying to curry favour with them quite endearing, Jayaweera declared, asserting that such conversations never helped them to understand the ground situation and the genuine grievances of the people, regardless of their ethnicity.
Referring to several cases of high profile external interventions over the past several years, both before and after the 2022 Aragalaya, Jayaweera said Western powers adopted a hostile strategy here as advised by those who immensely benefited from foreign funded projects.
In the absence of a cohesive State policy to counter false narratives propagated by various interested parties hell-bent on doing away with our unitary status, especially in the wake of the eradication of separatist terrorist power in May 2009, external powers could advance their strategy without hindrance. Jayaweera cited the ongoing Geneva project as a glaring example of Sri Lanka’s failure to address false accountability charges that led to the co-sponsorship of 30/1 resolution in October 2015, with Wickremesinghe as the Prime Minister.
Jayaweera emphasized the responsibility on the part of the powers that be whoever was in power to counter false narratives at different levels.
Key challenges
Commenting on challenges faced by the post-Aragalaya situation against the backdrop of the government accepting bankruptcy status, the country couldn’t progress as the vast majority of people live without hope. The economic-political-social crisis perpetrated by those who wielded power over a period of time not only the two years under President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the country was in a bind. “That is the ugly truth those exercising political power do not want to admit for obvious reasons.”
The hapless people have to be inspired, Jayaweera said, adding that restoration of public confidence would be the key to overcoming economic ruin, political uncertainty and social issues.
Jayaweera declared that Sarvajana Balaya manifesto addressed the daunting challenges experienced by the country with specific recommendations/proposals to gradually overcome the issues. “Different segments of the populations, ranging from the student community to professions ,should be ready to bear difficulties for a year, perhaps a little more than a year until Sarvajana Balaya proposals can be implemented.”
The outspoken political party leader said that political and economic objectives have to be achieved in an environment where all communities could live together and not in any way divide them on ethnic lines and be forced to take up extremist stands. “In such an atmosphere, regardless of diverse political opinions, people will invest, gradually as they face the challenges with confidence,” Jayaweera said, adding that he proposed UNIQUE identity numbers at birth to improve social security. That would deliver a knockout blow to corruption, Jayaweera said, adding that the banking system would be part of the whole operation to monitor transactions at all levels.
During a recent interview with the writer, active citizen L. J. Udukumburage discussed how the existing banking system could be utilized to curb corruption through an effective control on cash transfers (Prez polls 2024: Passage of Economic Transformation Bill strengthens Ranil strategy (The Island, July 31, 2024).
Responding to another query, Jayaweera pointed out that the much publicized agreement with the IMF that had been repeated like a mantra should be examined taking into consideration the failure on the part of the government to take remedial measures over two years after Wickremesinghe received premiership and the finance portfolio in May 2022.
Those who talk proudly of moratorium on the payment of foreign debt till 2028 should explain why at least revenue collection hadn’t been streamlined yet, over two years after ‘Aragalaya’ and the same corrupt lot allowed to continue gleefully as repeatedly revealed by revelations made in Parliament.
Sri Lanka announced suspension of debt payment in April 2022, a few weeks after the Pangiriwatte protest.
Jayaweera alleged that in spite of the economy still being in intensive care, the executive and legislature continued on the same path. Recent disclosure regarding the failure on the part of a key revenue collector to fulfil his obligation underscored the requirement for total overhauling of the revenue collection system. The present day leaders would happily continue with this corrupt system as they were only interested in spending the rest of their lives in luxury, at the expense of the public.
A proper investigation would reveal that many political party leaders, ministers and ordinary MPs are living way beyond their means, Jayaweera alleged. He named two political party leaders as utterly corrupt though they pretend to be paragons of virtue.
Too many candidates
Jayaweera expressed the urgent need to amend existing laws to prevent major political parties fielding proxy candidates. According to him, of the 39 candidates in the fray, there were at least 20 proxies fielded by independent candidate Wickremesinghe and SJB leader Premadasa. Referring to the last Presidential Election conducted in November 2029, Jayaweera said that the situation was equally bad that time, too, with so many proxies.
Six contested the 1982 presidential poll followed by three in 1988, six in 1994, 13 in 1999, 13 in 2005, 22 in 2010, 19 in 2015, 35 in 2019 and 39 in 2024.
Jayaweera said that having special provision to grant special status to ex-MPs and serving MPs couldn’t be justified under any circumstances. In terms of the Presidential Election Act, any elector and even unregistered political parties could nominate only ex or serving MPs. “This ridiculous law should be done away with. In fact, the government should have addressed this issue in 1999 after 13 contested the presidential election won by PA leader Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga in that year.”
Jayaweera said that as far as he knew JJB hadn’t fielded at least one proxy candidate. Wickremesinghe and Premadasa should be held accountable for criminal waste of public funds caused by proxy candidates. The Election Department has said that election expenditure could have been drastically reduced if only ‘serious’ candidates contested.
A smiling Jayaweera said that they clearly identified whom the proxies served but couldn’t still correctly get at the allegiance of two independents, both former parliamentarians. Declaring the JJB, too, followed the policies of the Wickremesinghes and Premadasas, Jayaweera alleged that Rathusahodarayas, too, benefited from the black economy and the conduct of that party over the past couple of years proved that essentially all three operated on the same lines.
Warning over post-poll violence
Commenting on MP Weerawansa’s recent high profile accusation that the JJB would resort to violence to disrupt counting of votes on Sept. 21, thereby create a situation that may allow Wickremesinghe to continue, pending a decision on the election, Jayaweera said that particular allegation echoed Sarvajana Balaya thinking, as well as the former Minister’s personal opinion.
Pointing out that the JVP polled 273,428 votes (4.19%) at the 1982 presidential poll and 418,553 votes (3.16%) at the 2019 poll, Jayaweera said that over the past several years the JVP has expanded and it was now a far bigger setup. The JVP leadership could find it difficult to keep those ‘newcomers’ under control. Therefore, the JVP/JJB was in flux. There could be trouble, serious trouble at short notice unless the powers that be maintain a close watch on the situation.
Declaring that unprecedented divisions in Parliament didn’t really reflect the mood of the electorate on the eve of the Presidential Poll, Jayaweera said that approximately 40% of the votes of those who exercised their franchise in support of Gotabaya Rajapaksa at the 2019 Presidential election remained undecided yet. Jayaweera is convinced that block vote, regardless of Namal Rajapaksa’s intervention, would stand by the nationalistic camp, hence he could be the beneficiary.
Jayaweera is of the opinion that the contest is so fierce no candidate could secure 30% of the vote. Jayaweera also discussed the transformation of the Marxist JVP leadership to a rightwing political force serving the interests of the West.
He dismissed assertions that those who lacked political experience at lower level (Local Government, Provincial Councils and Parliament) shouldn’t aspire for the President’s Office. Those with administrative experience should receive the preference over politicians who ruined the country, the leading businessman with a definite patriotic background asserted.
Jayaweera accused President Wickremesinghe of causing further destabilization by refusing to adhere to Supreme Court directives or trying to circumvent SC orders. A continuing dispute between the President and the judiciary could cause quite an explosive situation, Jayaweera alleged, asserting that the President’s response to recent SC directives and rulings that he may have considered disadvantageous to him didn’t do him any good.
Midweek Review
Aragalaya: GR blames CIA in Asanga Abeyagoonasekera’s explosive narrative
Did CIA chief William Burns visit Colombo in Feb 2023? Sri Lanka and the US refrained from formally confirming the visit. The Opposition sought confirmation of the then CIA Chief’s visit to Colombo in terms of the Right to Information Act but the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government sidestepped the query. A former Republican congressman from Texas and Director of National Intelligence (2020–2021) John Ratcliffe succeeded Burns in late January 2025.
On the sheer weight of new evidence presented by Asanga Abeyagoonasekera’s ‘Winds of Change’, readers can get a clear picture of the forces that overthrew President Gotabaya Rajapaksa in 2022.
Even five years after the political upheaval, widely dubbed ‘Aragalaya,’ controversy surrounds the high-profile operation that forced wartime Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa to literally run for his dear life.
Gotabaya Rajapaksa, formerly of the Army but a novice to party politics, comfortably won the 2019 November presidential election against the backdrop of the Easter Sunday carnage that caused uncertainty and suspicions among communities. The economic crisis, also clandestinely engineered from abroad, firstly by crippling vital worker remittances from abroad, almost from the onset of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s presidency, overwhelmed the government and created the environment conducive for external intervention. Could it have been avoided if the government, that enjoyed a near two-thirds majority in Parliament, sought the help of the International Monetary Fund (IMF)?
The costly and well-funded book project, undertaken at the time Abeyagoonasekera was working on a governance diagnostic report for the IMF, in the wake of the change of government in Sri Lanka, meticulously examined the former Lieutenant Colonel’s ouster, taking into consideration regional as well as global developments. Abeyagoonasekera dealt efficiently and furiously with rapidly changing situations and developments before the unprecedented 03 January, 2026, US raid on Venezuela.
Lt. Col. (retd) Gotabaya Rajapaksa, for some unexplainable reason and a considerable time after the events, has chosen to blame his ouster on the United States. We cannot blame him either, by the way we have seen how other regime changes had been engineered, in our region, by Washington, since and before Gotabaya’s ouster. The accusation is extraordinary as Gotabaya Rajapaksa in his memoirs ‘The conspiracy to oust me from presidency’ refrained from naming the primary conspirator, though he clearly alluded to an international conspiracy.
April 8, 2019 meeting
Launched in March 2024, in the run-up to the presidential election that brought Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) to power, almost in a dream ride, if not for the intervening outside evil actors, ‘The conspiracy to oust me from presidency’ discussed the international conspiracy, but conveniently failed to name the primary conspirator. What made the former President speak so candidly with Abeyagoonasekera, the founding Director-General of the national security think tank, the Institute of National Security Studies Sri Lanka (INSS), under the Ministry of Defence, from 2016 to 2020?
Abeyagoonasekera also served as Executive Director at the Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute (LKI), under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2011–2015), during Mahinda Rajapaksa’s second term as the President. The author, both precisely and furiously, dealt with issues. Readers may find very interesting quotes and they do give a feeling of the author’s general hostility towards the US, India, as well as to the US-India marriage of convenience. Those who sense so may end up thinking ‘Change of Winds’ being supportive of the Chinese strategy. Among the highly sensitive quotes that underlined the Indian approach were attributed to Indian Defence Secretary Sanjay Mitra. The author quoted Mitra as having declared: “We need the MRCC centre [Maritime Rescue Coordination Centre], and you cannot give it to another nation.” As pointed out by the author, it was not a request but an order given to Sri Lanka on 8 April, 2019, meant to prevent Sri Lanka from even considering a competing proposal from China. Against that background, the author, who had been present at that meeting at which the Sri Lanka delegation was led by then Defence Secretary Hemasiri Fernando, questioned the failure on the part of the delegations to take up the Easter Sunday attacks. Terrorists struck two weeks later. Implications were telling.
That particular quote reveals the circumstances India and the US operated here. No wonder the incumbent government does not want to discuss the secret defence MoUs it has entered into with India and the US as they would clearly reveal the sellout of our interests.
The following line says a lot about the circumstances under which Gotabaya Rajapaksa was removed: “In Singapore, a senior journalist recounted how Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s resignation was scripted, under duress, at a hotel, facilitated by a foreign motorcade.”
In the first Chapter that incisively dealt with the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the author was so lucky to secure an explosive quote from the ousted leader in an exclusive, hitherto unreported, interview in June 2024, a few months after the launch of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s memoirs. The ex-President hadn’t minced his words when he alleged that the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) orchestrated his removal. He also claimed that he had been under US surveillance throughout his presidency.
The ousted leader has confidently cleared India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) of complicity in the operation. What made him call Indian National Security Advisor (NSA) Ajit Doval ‘a good man,’ in response to Abeyagoonasekera’s pointed query. Abeyagoonasekera quoted Gotabaya Rajapaksa as having said: “… he would never do such things.” The ex-President must have some reason to call Doval a good friend, regardless of intense pressure exerted on him and the Mahinda Rajapaksa government by the Indians to do away with large scale Chinese-funded projects. (Doval in late October last year declared “poor governance” was the reason behind uprisings that led to change of governments in Bangladesh, Nepal, and Sri Lanka over the period of past three-and-a-half years. The media quoted Doval as having said, during a function in New Delhi, that democracy and non-institutional methods of regime change in countries, such as Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Nepal, created their own set of problems. That was the first time a senior Indian government official made remarks on Nepal’s government change, followed by the Gen Z uprising in early September, 2025.)
Gotabaya Rajapaksa also cleared the Chinese of seeking to oust him. It would be pertinent to mention that China reacted sternly when at the onset of the Gotabaya presidency, the President suggested the need to re-negotiate the Hambantota Port deal.
During the treacherous ‘Yahapalana’ administration (2015 to 2019) Gotabaya Rajapaksa told me how Doval had pressed him to halt not only the Colombo Port City project but to take back Hambantota Port as well. By then, the Chinese had twisted the arms of the Yahapalana leaders Mairthpala Sirisena and Ranil Wickremesinghe and secured the Hambantota Port on a 99-year lease in a one-sided USD 1.2 bn deal. The Colombo Port City project, that had been halted by the Yahapalana government, too, was resumed possibly under Chinese threat or for some money incentive.
Once Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe, PC, declared, at a hastily arranged media briefing at Sri Lanka Foundation (SLF), that Sri Lanka would be relentlessly targeted as long as the Chinese held the Hambantota Port. The writer was present at that media briefing.
Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe said so in the aftermath of the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage, while disclosing his abortive bid to convince the Yahapalana government to abrogate the Hambantota Port deal. Did the parliamentarian know something we were not aware of? The author’s assessment, regarding the Easter Sunday attacks, based on interviews with Chinese officials and scholars, is frightening and an acknowledgement of a possible Western role in Sri Lanka’s destabilisation plot.
The ousted leader, in his lengthy interview with Abeyagoonasekera, made some attention-grabbing comments on the then US Ambassador here, Julie Chung. The ex-President questioned a particular aspect of Chung’s conduct during the protest campaign but his decision not to reveal it all in his memoirs is a mystery. Perhaps, one of the most thought-provoking queries raised by Abeyagoonasekera is the rationale in Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s claim that he didn’t want to suppress the protest campaign by using force against the backdrop of his own declaration that the CIA orchestrated the project.
Author’s foray into parliamentary politics

Gotabaya
For those genuinely interested in post-Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga developments, pertaining to international relations and geopolitics, may peruse ‘Winds of Change’ as the third of a trilogy. ‘Sri Lanka at Crossroads’ (2019) dealt with the Mahinda Rajapaksa period and ‘Conundrum of an Island’ (2021) discussed the treacherous Sirisena–Wickremesinghe alliance. The third in the series examined the end of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna’s (SLPP) President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s rule and the rise of Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) whom the author described as a Marxist, though this writer is of the view the JVP and NPP leader AKD is not so. AKD has clearly aligned his administration with US-India while trying to sustain existing relationship with China.
Among Asanga Abeyagoonasekera’s other books were ‘Towards a Better World Order’ (2015) and ‘Teardrop Diplomacy: China’s Sri Lanka Foray’ (2023, Bloomsbury).
Had Abeyagoonasekera succeeded in his bid to launch a political career in 2015, the trilogy on Sri Lanka may not have materialised. Abeyagoonasekera contested the Gampaha district at the August 2015 parliamentary election on the UNP ticket but failed to garner sufficient preferences to secure a place in Parliament. That dealt a devastating setback to Abeyagoonasekera’s political ambitions, but the Wickremesinghe-Sirisena administration created the Institute of National Security Studies Sri Lanka (INSS), under the Ministry of Defence, for him. Abeyagoonasekera received the appointment as the founding Director-General of the national security think tank, from 2016 to 2020.
Several persons dealt with ‘Aragalaya’ (the late Prof. Nalin de Silva used to call it (Paragalaya) before Abeyagoonasekera though none of them examined the regional and global contexts so deeply, taking into consideration the relevant developments. Having read Wimal Weerawansa’s (Nine: The hidden story), Sena Thoradeniya’s (Galle Face Protest; Systems Change or Anarchy?). Mahinda Siriwardena’s (Sri Lanka’s Economic Revival – Reflection on the Journey from Crisis to Recovery) and Prof. Sunanda Maddumabandara’s (Aragalaye Balaya), the writer is of the opinion Abeyagoonasekera dealt with the period in question as an incisive insider.
Abeyagoonasekera, as a person who left the country, under duress, in 2021, painted a frightening picture of a country with a small and vulnerable economy trapped in major global rivalries. The former government servant attributed his self–imposed exile to two issues.
The first was the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage. Why did the Wickremesinghe-Sirisena government ignore the warning issued by Abeyagoonasekera, in his capacity as DG INSS, in respect of the Easter Sunday bombing campaign? There is absolutely no ambiguity at all in his claim. Abeyagoonasekera insists that he alerted the government four months before the National Thowheed Jamath (NTJ) bombers struck. The bottom line is that Abeyagoonasekera had issued the warning several weeks before India did but those at the helm of that inept administration chose to turn a blind eye.
The second was the impending economic crisis that engulfed the country in 2022. Abeyagoonasekera is deeply bitter about his arrest on 21 July, 2024, at the Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA) over an alleged IRD –related offence as reported at that time, especially because he was returning home to visit his sick mother.
Asanga’s father Ossie, a member of Parliament and controversial figure, was killed in an LTTE suicide attack at Thotalanga in late Oct. 1994. The Chairman and leader of Sri Lanka Mahajana Pakshaya had been on stage with then UNP presidential election candidate Gamini Dissanayake when the woman suicide cadre blasted herself. The assassination was meant to ensure Kumaratunga’s victory. The LTTE probably felt that it could manipulate Kumaratunga than the experienced Dissanayake who may have had reached some sort of consensus with New Delhi on how to deal with the LTTE.
Let me reproduce a question posed to Asanga Abeyagoonasekera and his response in ‘Winds of Change’ as some may believe that the author is holding something back. “Didn’t they listen?” a US intelligence officer had asked me incredulously after the bombings. Years later, during my role as a technical advisor for the International Monetary Fund (IMF) amid Sri Lanka’s collapse, the question resurfaced: “How did you foresee the collapse of a powerful regime with a majority in parliament?” My answer remained the same—patterns. Rigorously gathered data and relentless analysis reveal the arcs of history before they unfold.
Perhaps, readers may find what former cashiered Flying Officer Keerthi Ratnayake had to say about ‘Aragalaya’ and related developments (https://island.lk/ex-slaf-officer-sheds-light-on-developments-leading-to-aragalaya/)
Bombshell claim
Essentially, Abeyagoonasekera, on the basis of his exclusive and lengthy interview with former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, confirmed what Wimal Weerawansa and Sena Thoradeniya alleged that the US spearheaded the operation.
But Prof. Maddumabandara, a confidant of first post-Aragalaya President Ranil Wickremesinghe has bared the direct Indian involvement in the regime change operation. In spite of Gotabaya Rajapaksa confidently clearing Indian NSA Doval of complicity in his ouster, Prof. Maddumabandara is on record as having said that the then Indian High Commissioner here Gopal Baglay put pressure on Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena to take over the government for an interim period. (https://island.lk/dovals-questionable-regional-stock-taking/)
Obviously, the US and India worked together on the Sri Lanka regime change operation. That is the undeniable truth. India wanted to thwart Wickremesinghe receiving the presidency by bringing in Speaker Abeywardena. That move went awry in spite of some sections of both Buddhist and Catholic clergy throwing their weight behind New Delhi.
The 2022 violent regime change operation cannot be discussed without taking into consideration the US-led project that also involved the UNP, JVP and TNA to engineer retired General Sarath Fonseka’s victory at the 2010 presidential election and their backing for turncoat Maithripala Sirisena at the 2015 presidential election.
The section, titled ‘Echoes of Crisis from Sri Lanka to Bangladesh: South Asia’s Struggle in a Polycrisis’, is riveting and underscores the complexity of the situation and fragility of governments. Executive power and undisputable majorities in Parliament seems irrelevant as external powers intervene thereby making the electoral system redundant.
Having meticulously compared the overthrowing of Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Bangladesh’s Premier Sheikh Hasina, the author condemned them for their alleged failures and brutality. Abeyagoonasekera stated: “When the military sides with the protesters, as it did in Sri Lanka and now in Bangladesh, it reveals the rulers’ vulnerabilities.” The author unmercifully chided the former President for seeking refuge in the West while alleging direct CIA role in his ouster. But that may have spared his life. Had he sought a lifeline from the Chinese so late the situation could have taken a turn for worse.
The comment that had been attributed to Gotabaya Rajapaksa seemed to belittle Ranil Wickremesinghe who accepted the challenge of becoming the Premier in May 2022 and then chosen by the ruling SLPP to complete the remainder of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s five-year term. Ranil was definitely seen as an opportunistic vulture who backed ‘Aragalaya’ without any qualms till he saw an opening for himself out of the chaos.
On Wickremesinghe’s path
Abeyagoonasekera discussed the joint US-Indian strategy pertaining to Sri Lanka. Whatever the National People’s Power (NPP) and its President say, the current dispensation is continuing Wickremesinghe’s policy as pointed out by the author. In fact, this government appears to be ready even to go beyond Wickremesinghe’s understanding with New Delhi. The Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on defence and the selling of the controlling interests of the Colombo Dockyard Limited (CDL) to India, mid last year, must have surprised even those who always pushed for enhanced relations at all levels.
The economic collapse that resulted in political upheaval has given New Delhi the perfect opportunity to consolidate its position here. Uncomplimentary comments on current Indian High Commissioner Santosh Jha in ‘Winds of Change’ have to be discussed, paying attention to Sri Lanka’s growing dependence and alleged clandestine activities of India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW). Abeyagoonasekera seemed to have no qualms in referring to RAW’s hand in 2019 Easter Sunday carnage.
Overall ‘Winds of Change’ encourages, inspires and confirms suspicions about US and Indian intelligence services and underscores the responsibility of those in power to be extra cautious. But, in the case of smaller and weaker economies, such as Sri Lanka still struggling to overcome the economic crisis, there seems to be no solution. Not only India and the US, the Chinese, too, pursue their agenda here unimpeded. Utilisation of political parties, represented in Parliament, selected individuals, and media, in the Chinese efforts, are obvious. Once parliamentarian Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe raised the Chinese interventions in Sri Lanka. He questioned the Parliament receiving about 240 personal laptops for all parliamentarians and top officials. The then UNPer told the writer his decision not to accept the laptop paid for by China. Perhaps, he is the only Sri Lankan politician to have written a strongly worded letter to Chinese leader Xi warning against high profile Chinese strategy.
Winds of Change
is available at
Vijitha Yapa and Sarasavi
By Shamindra Ferdinando
Midweek Review
Beginning of another ‘White Supremacist’ World Order?
Donald Trump’s complete lack of intelligence, empathy and common sense have become more apparent during the current term of his presidency. Ordinarily, a country’s wish to self-destruct as the United States seemingly does at present, and as the violence against US citizens and immigrants alike at the hands of federal authorities have shown in Minnesota, can be callously considered the business of that country. If the Trumpian imbecility was unfolding in Sri Lanka, anywhere else in South Asia or some other country of the purported Third World, the so-called World Order, led by the United States, would be preaching to us the values of democracy and human rights. But what happens when the actions of a powerful country, such as the United States, engulfs in the ensuing flames the rest of us? Trump and his madness then necessarily become our business, too, because combined with the military and economic power of the United States and its government’s proven lack of empathy for its own people, and the rest of the world, is quite literally a matter of global survival. Besides, one of the ‘positive’ outcomes of the Trumpian madness, as a friend observed recently, is that “he has single-handedly exposed and destroyed the fiction of ‘Western Civilisation’, including the pretenses of Europe.”
It is in this context that the speech delivered by the Canadian Prime Minister, Mark Carney, at the World Economic Forum, in Davos, on 20 January, 2026, deserves attention. It was an elegant speech, a slap in the face of Trump and his policies, the articulation of the need for global directional change, all in one. But, pertinently, it was also a speech that did not clearly accept responsibility for the current world (dis)order which Carney says needs to change. The reality of that need, however, was overly reemphasised by Trump himself during his meandering, arrogant and incohesive speech delivered a day later, spanning over one hour.
My interest is in what Carney did not specifically say in his speech: who would constitute the new world order, who would be its leaders and why should we believe it would be any different from the present one?
Speaking in French, Carney observed that he was talking about “a rupture in the world order, the end of a pleasant fiction and the beginning of a harsh reality, where geopolitics, where the large, main power, geopolitics, is submitted to no limits, no constraints.” He was, of course, responding to the vulgar script for global domination put in place by the Trumpian United States, given Trump’s declared interest in seeing Canada as part of the United States, his avarice for Greenland, not to mention his already concluded grab for Venezuelan oil. But within this scenario, bound by ‘no limits’ and ‘no constraints’ he was also talking of Russia and China albeit in a coded language.
He reiterated, “that the other countries, especially intermediate powers like Canada, are not powerless. They have the capacity to build a new order that encompasses our values, such as respect for human rights, sustainable development, solidarity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the various states. The power of the less power starts with honesty.”
Who could disagree with Carney? His words are a refreshing whiff of fresh air in the intellectual wasteland that is the Trumpian Oval Office and the current world order it prevails over. But where has been the ‘honesty’ of the less powerful in the specific situation where he equates Canada itself within this spectrum? He tells us that “the rules-based order is fading, that the strong can do what they can, and the weak must suffer what they must.”
That is stating the obvious. We have known this for decades by experience. Long before Canada’s relative silence with regard to Trump’s and US’ facilitation of the assault on Palestine and the massacre of its people, and the US President’s economic grab in Venezuela and the kidnapping of that country’s President and his wife, Canada’s own chorus in the world order that Carney now critiques has been embellished by silence or – even worse – by chords written by the global dominance orchestra of the United States.
He says the fading of the rules-based order has occurred because of the “strong tendency for countries to go along, to get along, to accommodate, to avoid trouble, to hope that compliance will buy safety.” Canada fits this description better than most other nations I can think of. But would Canada, along with other nations among the silent majority within the ‘intermediate powers’ take the responsibility for the mess in the world precisely that silence has directly led to creating? Who will pay for the pain many nations have endured in the prevailing world order? Will Canada lead the way in the new world order in doing this?
Carney further articulates that “for decades, countries like Canada prospered under what we called the rules-based international order. We joined its institutions, we praised its principles, we benefited from its predictability. And because of that, we could pursue values-based foreign policies under its protection.”
But this is not true, is it? Countries like Canada prospered not merely because of the stability of rules of the world order, but because they opted for silence when they should not have. The rupture and the chaos in the world order Carney now critiques and is insanely led by Trump today is not merely the latter’s creation. It has been co-authored for decades by countries such as Canada, France, the United Kingdom to mention just a few who also regularly chant the twin-mantras of human rights and democracy. Trump is merely the latest and the most vocal proponent of the nastiness of that World Order.
It is not that Carney is unaware of this unpleasant reality. He accepts that “the story of the international rules-based order was partially false, that the strongest would exempt themselves when convenient, that trade rules were enforced asymmetrically. And we knew that international law applied with varying rigour depending on the identity of the accused or the victim.”
While Canada seems to be coming to terms with this reality only now, countries like Sri Lanka and others in similarly disempowered positions in this world order have experienced this for decades, because, as I have outlined earlier, Canada et al have been complicit sustainers of the now demonised and demonic world order.
It is not that I disagree with the basic description Carney has painted of the status of the world. But from personal experience and from the perspective of a citizen from a powerless country, I simply do not trust those who preach ‘the gospel of the good’ not as a matter of principle, but only when the going gets tough for them.
At this rather late stage, Carney says, Canada is “amongst the first to hear the wake-up call, leading us to fundamentally shift our strategic posture.” Unfortunately, we, the people of countries who had to dance to the tunes of the world order led by the First World, have heard it for years, with no one listening to us when our discomforts were articulated. Now, Carney wants ‘middle powers’ or ‘intermediate powers’ within which he also locates Canada, “to live the truth?” For him, the truth means “naming reality” as it exists; “acting consistently” towards all in the world; “applying the same standards to allies and rivals” and “building what we claim to believe in, rather than waiting for the old order to be restored.” This appears to be the operational mantra for the new world order he is envisioning in which he sees Canada as a legitimate leader merely due to its late wakeup call.
He goes on to give a list of things Canada has done locally and globally and concludes by saying, “we have a recognition of what’s happening and a determination to act accordingly. We understand that this rupture calls for more than adaptation. It calls for honesty about the world as it is.” He goes on to say Canada also has “the capacity to stop pretending, to name reality, to build our strength at home and to act together.” He notes this is “Canada’s path. We choose it openly and confidently, and it is a path wide open to any country willing to take it with us.” Quite simply, this a leadership pitch for a new world order with Canada at its helm.
Without being overly cynical, this sounds very familiar, not too dissimilar to what USAID and Voice of America preached to the world; not too dissimilar to what the propaganda arms of the Soviet Union and the Chinese Communist Party used to preach in our own languages when we were growing up. It is difficult to buy this argument and accept Canadian and middle country leadership for the new world order when they have been consistently part of the problem of the old one and its excuses for institutionalised double standards practiced by international organisations such as the likes of the United Nations, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and other hegemonic entities that have catered to the whims of that world order.
As far as Canada is concerned, it is evident that it has suddenly woken up only due to an existential threat at home projected from across its southern border and Trump’s threats against the Danish territory of Greenland. When Gaza was battered, and Venezuela was raped, there was no audible clarion call. Therefore, there is no real desire for democracy or human rights in its true form, but a convenient and strategic interest in creating a new ‘white supremacist’ world order in the same persona as before, but this time led by a new white warrior instead. The rest of us would be mere followers, nodding our heads as expected as was the case before.
As the 20th century American standup comedian Lenny Bruce once said, “never trust a preacher with more than two suits.” Mr. Carney, Canada along with the so-called middle powers and the lapsed colonialists have way more than two suits, and we have seen them all.
Midweek Review
The MAD Spectre
Lo and behold the dangerous doings,
Of our most rational of animals,
Said to be the pride of the natural order,
Who stands on its head Perennial Wisdom,
Preached by the likes of Plato and Confucius,
Now vexing the earth and international waters,
With nuke-armed subs and other lethal weapons,
But giving fresh life to the Balance of Terror,
And the spectre of Mutually Assured Destruction.
By Lynn Ockersz
-
Business4 days agoSLIM-Kantar People’s Awards 2026 to recognise Sri Lanka’s most trusted brands and personalities
-
Business6 days agoAltair issues over 100+ title deeds post ownership change
-
Business6 days agoSri Lanka opens first country pavilion at London exhibition
-
Business5 days agoAll set for Global Synergy Awards 2026 at Waters Edge
-
Business4 days agoAPI-first card issuing and processing platform for Pan Asia Bank
-
Business6 days agoESOFT UNI Kandy leads the charge in promoting rugby among private universities
-
Editorial2 days agoAll’s not well that ends well?
-
Features2 days agoPhew! The heat …

