Midweek Review

Dilith pins hopes on nationalistic vote in spite of Namal’s move

Published

2 years ago

2024/09/4

Dilith

Continuing political unrest and economic crisis will encourage foreign powers to seek to consolidate their position here. Instead of blaming external interventions, Sri Lanka should take meaningful measures to thwart such interferences. However, bankruptcy status has placed the country in an extremely vulnerable situation. Mawbima Janatha Pakshaya (MJP) leader and presidential contestant Dilith Jayaweera said so commenting on altogether seven US, Indian and Chinese warships, including five destroyers, visiting Colombo harbor since the closing of nominations on Aug. 15. The Indian destroyer was followed by their National Security Advisor Doval whose interventions during previous administrations are too well known. Many eyebrows were raised over his visit to Colombo last week where he met three contestants, presidential Wickremesinghe, Premadasa and Dissanayake, followed by denial of him attempting to make a last ditch effort to bring about a reconciliation between the above-mentioned first two.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Having served President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s despicable political agenda since May 2022, till August this year, parliamentarian Namal Rajapaksa entered the fray in a last-ditch attempt to save the SLPP’s nationalistic vote, Mawbima Janatha Pakshaya (MJP) leader Dilith Jayaweera declared.

The highest taxpaying presidential contestant Jayaweera tore into SLPP candidate Namal Rajapaksa as he questioned the motives of the eldest son of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa to seek the Office of the President.

Business magnate and Attorney-at-Law Jayaweera said so in response to The Island query during an interview with him last week at Triad Advertising (Pvt.) Ltd., where he acknowledged that the SLPP candidate was eyeing the nationalistic block vote at the expense of his (Jayaweera’s) campaign.

In a no holds barred interview, we sought an explanation from Jayaweera who. in spite of being a close friend and associate of the then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. accepted US Ambassador Julie Chung’s invitation for a lunch three weeks after the ‘Aragalaya’ movement launched a public protest campaign outside the then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s private residence at Pangiriwatte, Mirihana, on March 31, 2022, the first definite inkling of Aragalaya materialized outside the private residence of the then popularly elected Head of State. Ambassador Chung, widely accused of playing a significant role in a high profile project that overthrew Gotabaya Rajapaksa, will remain in Colombo till early next year though we erroneously believed she would leave before the Sept. 21 Presidential Election. Even as widespread violence erupted across the country almost simultaneously against the elected representatives of the then government on May 09, 2022 Ambassador Julie Chung steadfastly maintained that it was a peaceful protest movement and urged the police and the armed forces not to take any action against them. How did an Ambassador get such sweeping powers to order about the armed forces of the country she was serving in?

Asked whether the entry of Namal Rajapaksa troubled his campaign, Jayaweera, without hesitation, acknowledged that he felt so. “Namal Rajapaksa entered the fray to cause a problem, to undermine my campaign. Obviously, the Rajapaksa camp believes Namal will be sort of isolated among the nationalistic electorate hence the bid to challenge our move. The electorate will not accept their strategy,” Jayaweera said.

Sipping a hot cup of coffee, at one of his spacious rooms at the Triad office, Jayaweera alleged that the SLPP founder Basil Rajapaksa and Namal Rajapaksa fully cooperated with President Wickremesinghe’s strategy to bring about the downfall of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, both in and outside Parliament. They pursued a common strategy at the expense of national interests, Jayaweera pointed out, adding that their original plan was to go along with UNP leader Wickremesinghe.

“The bottom line is that Namal Rajapaksa, in his capacity as an SLPP parliamentarian, threw his weight behind Wickremesinghe,” Jayaweera alleged, pointing out that the SLPPer, under any circumstances, couldn’t absolve himself of the responsibility for ensuring enactment of laws inimical to the country during the UNP leader’s presidency.

Jayaweera again held the Basil-Namal duo directly responsible for Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s predicament. Jayaweera alleged that they promoted businessman Dhammika Perera, MP, as an alternative presidential candidate as their original plan to reach consensus with Wickremesinghe went awry. Perera, who had been brought into Parliament in late June 2022, amidst a public protest campaign, wasn’t involved, at any level, with nationalistic politics. “Actually, Perera never understood the concept of nationalistic politics and was never interested in it at all,” Jayaweera alleged, asserting that the businessman lacked even the basic knowledge of politics.

Jayaweera questioned the rationale in even considering MP Perera as a tool to disrupt or undermine the nationalistic camp. The controversial, yet patriotic, businessman who played a significant role in the government efforts to attract fresh recruits to the armed forces as unlike previous presidents, the Mahinda Rajapaksa government embarked on a fight-to-a-finish with the LTTE terrorist, with Sarath Fonseka as the Army Commander, a type of General that a country gets maybe once in about a thousand years. He was backd by the then Defence Secretary, retired Lieutenant Colonel Gotabaya Rajapaksa, and a band of tested frontline commanders.

Jayaweera, who then wholeheartedly backed Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s successful presidential polls campaign, said that MP Perera’s sudden pullout and Namal Rajapaksa’s entry into the presidential race should be examined against the backdrop of post-‘Aragalaya’ politics.

Responding to the query whether Jayaweera felt that MP Perera quit the contest in line with the strategy pursued by the Basil-Namal duo, the MJP leader said that wasn’t the case. “I believe MP Perera realized that he is going to suffer a devastating defeat. His friends and relatives, too, appeared to have advised him against going ahead with risky political adventures. MP Perera got lost in politics and suffered the consequences.”

Jayaweera alleged that the Rajapaksas must have sought to use MP Perera’s wealth to achieve their own immediate agenda.

Over 17.1 mn people are eligible to vote at the Sept. 21 Presidential Election. Of them, over one million are voters who are qualified to exercise their franchise for the first time, in a national election called the after removal of a President through unconstitutional means.

Jayaweera said that Sarvajana Balaya he is contesting from would definitely contest the next parliamentary polls.

CP candidate

We sought an explanation as to why Jayaweera submitted his nominations through the Communist Party (CP) in spite of having his own registered party and a coalition called Sarvajana Balaya as some questioned the move that they felt confused the electorate, particularly the nationalistic vote base.

“There is absolutely no basis for that assertion. There cannot be any ambiguity over our selection of CP, one of the constituents of Sarvajana Balaya. We picked CP as its symbol ‘star’ to attract the electorate, regardless of political differences.”

Jayaweera dismissed the assertion that he contesting the election, under the CP symbol, somewhat undermined his campaign. Dr. Geeganage Weerasinghe, in his capacity as the General Secretary of CP, paid the deposit for Jayaweera on August 13, the day before the final day for the acceptance of nominations. The Mawbiba Janatha Pakshaya leader is one of the 38 candidates in the fray after ex-parliamentarian Sarath Kumara Gunaratna failed to submit nominations after paying the deposit and independent candidate Muhammad Ilyas, 78, (ex-parliamentarian) died of a heart attack.

Jayaweera said that they agreed on a common agenda and was pursuing it vigorously. As a constituent of Sarvajana Balaya, CP, played an important role in the coalition, Jayaweera said, adding as the leader of MJP he led the strategic planning.

Weerasumana Weerasinghe (Matara District) represents the CP in the current Parliament. The first time entrant and the only CP MP, Weerasinghe entered Parliament on the SLPP ticket. The SLPP won 145 seats, including 17 National List slots, at the last parliamentary election. However, of them, as many as 130 switched allegiance to major candidates – President Wickremesinghe, SJB leader Sajith Premadasa and MJP leader Jayaweera with the UNP leader being the main beneficiary. As many as about 100 elected on the SLPP ticket and appointed on its National List back Wickremesinghe, whereas Premadasa received the support of about a dozen and several pledged their allegiance to Jayaweera.

Jayaweera said that those parliamentarians, who had been closely identified with the nationalistic camp, joined Sarvajana Balaya. The group included parliamentarians Wimal Weerawansa (National Freedom Front/NFF), Udaya Gammanpila (Pivithuru Hela Urumaya), Gevindu Cumaratunga (Yuthukama civil society group), Weerasumana Weerasinghe (CP), Gamini Waleboda (NFF) and Jayantha Samaraweera (NFF).

However, Mohammed Muzammil (National List), Jagath Priyankara (Puttalam district) and Nimal Piyatissa switched their allegiance to President Wickremesinghe at the expense of the NFF. Weerawansa’s party, that had seven MPs in Parliament at one time, lost another when their actor-turned-politician Uddhika Premaratne resigned his seat a few months ago. The SLPP filled Premaratne’s vacancy as the next highest preference vote taker happened to be S.C. Muthumumarana who contested the Anuradhapura district at the last election.

A meet during Aragalaya

Asked whether him meeting US Ambassador Chung, three weeks after violent demonstration at Pangiriwatte where ‘Aragalaya’ tested President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s defences, in some way suggested that he, too, cooperated with the conspirators, Jayaweera emphasized that it was a totally wrong interpretation of what he was trying to do.

Jayaweera explained how he sought to set the record straight as various interested parties quite comfortably, at the expense of the war-winning country, pursued an anti-national line in their conversations with foreign envoys and other senior representatives of international organizations. Alleging that Colombo-based coffee drinking, wine sipping cocktail going groups with NGO mentality propagated a false narrative with the international community, Jayaweera stressed that he honestly tried to clarify what was happening.

Some Western envoys, too, for obvious reasons, found the company of their local ardent admirers trying to curry favour with them quite endearing, Jayaweera declared, asserting that such conversations never helped them to understand the ground situation and the genuine grievances of the people, regardless of their ethnicity.

Referring to several cases of high profile external interventions over the past several years, both before and after the 2022 Aragalaya, Jayaweera said Western powers adopted a hostile strategy here as advised by those who immensely benefited from foreign funded projects.

In the absence of a cohesive State policy to counter false narratives propagated by various interested parties hell-bent on doing away with our unitary status, especially in the wake of the eradication of separatist terrorist power in May 2009, external powers could advance their strategy without hindrance. Jayaweera cited the ongoing Geneva project as a glaring example of Sri Lanka’s failure to address false accountability charges that led to the co-sponsorship of 30/1 resolution in October 2015, with Wickremesinghe as the Prime Minister.

Jayaweera emphasized the responsibility on the part of the powers that be whoever was in power to counter false narratives at different levels.

Key challenges

Commenting on challenges faced by the post-Aragalaya situation against the backdrop of the government accepting bankruptcy status, the country couldn’t progress as the vast majority of people live without hope. The economic-political-social crisis perpetrated by those who wielded power over a period of time not only the two years under President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the country was in a bind. “That is the ugly truth those exercising political power do not want to admit for obvious reasons.”

The hapless people have to be inspired, Jayaweera said, adding that restoration of public confidence would be the key to overcoming economic ruin, political uncertainty and social issues.

Jayaweera declared that Sarvajana Balaya manifesto addressed the daunting challenges experienced by the country with specific recommendations/proposals to gradually overcome the issues. “Different segments of the populations, ranging from the student community to professions ,should be ready to bear difficulties for a year, perhaps a little more than a year until Sarvajana Balaya proposals can be implemented.”

The outspoken political party leader said that political and economic objectives have to be achieved in an environment where all communities could live together and not in any way divide them on ethnic lines and be forced to take up extremist stands. “In such an atmosphere, regardless of diverse political opinions, people will invest, gradually as they face the challenges with confidence,” Jayaweera said, adding that he proposed UNIQUE identity numbers at birth to improve social security. That would deliver a knockout blow to corruption, Jayaweera said, adding that the banking system would be part of the whole operation to monitor transactions at all levels.

During a recent interview with the writer, active citizen L. J. Udukumburage discussed how the existing banking system could be utilized to curb corruption through an effective control on cash transfers (Prez polls 2024: Passage of Economic Transformation Bill strengthens Ranil strategy (The Island, July 31, 2024).

Responding to another query, Jayaweera pointed out that the much publicized agreement with the IMF that had been repeated like a mantra should be examined taking into consideration the failure on the part of the government to take remedial measures over two years after Wickremesinghe received premiership and the finance portfolio in May 2022.

Those who talk proudly of moratorium on the payment of foreign debt till 2028 should explain why at least revenue collection hadn’t been streamlined yet, over two years after ‘Aragalaya’ and the same corrupt lot allowed to continue gleefully as repeatedly revealed by revelations made in Parliament.

Sri Lanka announced suspension of debt payment in April 2022, a few weeks after the Pangiriwatte protest.

Jayaweera alleged that in spite of the economy still being in intensive care, the executive and legislature continued on the same path. Recent disclosure regarding the failure on the part of a key revenue collector to fulfil his obligation underscored the requirement for total overhauling of the revenue collection system. The present day leaders would happily continue with this corrupt system as they were only interested in spending the rest of their lives in luxury, at the expense of the public.

A proper investigation would reveal that many political party leaders, ministers and ordinary MPs are living way beyond their means, Jayaweera alleged. He named two political party leaders as utterly corrupt though they pretend to be paragons of virtue.

Too many candidates

Jayaweera expressed the urgent need to amend existing laws to prevent major political parties fielding proxy candidates. According to him, of the 39 candidates in the fray, there were at least 20 proxies fielded by independent candidate Wickremesinghe and SJB leader Premadasa. Referring to the last Presidential Election conducted in November 2029, Jayaweera said that the situation was equally bad that time, too, with so many proxies.

Six contested the 1982 presidential poll followed by three in 1988, six in 1994, 13 in 1999, 13 in 2005, 22 in 2010, 19 in 2015, 35 in 2019 and 39 in 2024.

Jayaweera said that having special provision to grant special status to ex-MPs and serving MPs couldn’t be justified under any circumstances. In terms of the Presidential Election Act, any elector and even unregistered political parties could nominate only ex or serving MPs. “This ridiculous law should be done away with. In fact, the government should have addressed this issue in 1999 after 13 contested the presidential election won by PA leader Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga in that year.”

Jayaweera said that as far as he knew JJB hadn’t fielded at least one proxy candidate. Wickremesinghe and Premadasa should be held accountable for criminal waste of public funds caused by proxy candidates. The Election Department has said that election expenditure could have been drastically reduced if only ‘serious’ candidates contested.

A smiling Jayaweera said that they clearly identified whom the proxies served but couldn’t still correctly get at the allegiance of two independents, both former parliamentarians. Declaring the JJB, too, followed the policies of the Wickremesinghes and Premadasas, Jayaweera alleged that Rathusahodarayas, too, benefited from the black economy and the conduct of that party over the past couple of years proved that essentially all three operated on the same lines.

Warning over post-poll violence

Commenting on MP Weerawansa’s recent high profile accusation that the JJB would resort to violence to disrupt counting of votes on Sept. 21, thereby create a situation that may allow Wickremesinghe to continue, pending a decision on the election, Jayaweera said that particular allegation echoed Sarvajana Balaya thinking, as well as the former Minister’s personal opinion.

Pointing out that the JVP polled 273,428 votes (4.19%) at the 1982 presidential poll and 418,553 votes (3.16%) at the 2019 poll, Jayaweera said that over the past several years the JVP has expanded and it was now a far bigger setup. The JVP leadership could find it difficult to keep those ‘newcomers’ under control. Therefore, the JVP/JJB was in flux. There could be trouble, serious trouble at short notice unless the powers that be maintain a close watch on the situation.

Declaring that unprecedented divisions in Parliament didn’t really reflect the mood of the electorate on the eve of the Presidential Poll, Jayaweera said that approximately 40% of the votes of those who exercised their franchise in support of Gotabaya Rajapaksa at the 2019 Presidential election remained undecided yet. Jayaweera is convinced that block vote, regardless of Namal Rajapaksa’s intervention, would stand by the nationalistic camp, hence he could be the beneficiary.

Jayaweera is of the opinion that the contest is so fierce no candidate could secure 30% of the vote. Jayaweera also discussed the transformation of the Marxist JVP leadership to a rightwing political force serving the interests of the West.

He dismissed assertions that those who lacked political experience at lower level (Local Government, Provincial Councils and Parliament) shouldn’t aspire for the President’s Office. Those with administrative experience should receive the preference over politicians who ruined the country, the leading businessman with a definite patriotic background asserted.

Jayaweera accused President Wickremesinghe of causing further destabilization by refusing to adhere to Supreme Court directives or trying to circumvent SC orders. A continuing dispute between the President and the judiciary could cause quite an explosive situation, Jayaweera alleged, asserting that the President’s response to recent SC directives and rulings that he may have considered disadvantageous to him didn’t do him any good.

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Midweek Review

NPP drowning in sea of scams

Published

5 days ago

2026/04/29

Sahan Weerasooriya

Outgoing Treasury Chief Mahinda Siriwardena congratulates his successor Harshana Suriyapperuma in late June 2025 at the Finance Ministry

The Opposition is pressing for a one-day debate on USD 2.5 mn Treasury theft, which is more like a daylight robbery that had been kept under wraps by Treasury mandarins till ‘Free Lawyers’ made it public. However, the government is strongly opposed to the Opposition proposal. The Opposition is seeking consensus among

different parties to intensify the campaign against the government, struggling to cope up with a spate of controversies. Against the backdrop of the devastating debate on the coal scam, the NPP seems reluctant to face another over the theft of Treasury funds.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

USD 2.5 mn brazen heist at the Treasury several months ago and the bigwigs there obviously dragging their feet over the matter till it was brought to light recently, thanks to the Free Lawyers movement, which has dampened the NPP’s enthusiasm for May Day. The Treasury fiasco humiliated the cocky NPP leadership against the backdrop of damning report issued by the National Audit Office (NAO) that found fault with the government for awarding the coal tender for 2025/2026 period to Trident Champhar Limited of India in violation of tender procedures. The NAO emphasised that the Indian company shouldn’t have even been considered for the tender.

Even after the exposure of the scandalous handling of the coal tender, the NPP, in spite of some rumblings within the party, remained confident of overcoming the growing accusations regarding governance issues. But, the sudden revelation of the loss suffered by the Treasury, and pathetic efforts made by the NPP to suppress the truth, has caused irreparable harm to the ruling party. The arrogant NPP will have to use May Day to defend the government. Instead of preaching to the masses ad nauseum the corruption allegations against previous administrations, the NPP would have to explain such massive failures/corruption, particularly the loss of USD 2.5 mn.

There hadn’t been a previous instance of such an incident at the Treasury. The NPP will have to answer questions posed by ‘Free Lawyers,’ a civil society group that first raised the Treasury issue. On behalf of ‘Free Lawyers,’ its President Maithri Gunaratne, PC, former Governor of several provinces Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon, and Attorney-at-Law Shiral Lakthikala, targeted the government over the unprecedented Treasury heist. The Opposition, too, censured the NPP, with SJB leader Sajith Premadasa, MP, Chairman of Public Finance Committee (CoPF) Dr. Harsha de Silva, MP, and United Republican Front (URF) taking the lead.

The NPP’s excuses, based on claimed raids carried out by hacker/hackers targeting the Treasury, are untenable. The NPP’s position cannot be defended or supported against growing criticism. The coal scam and Treasury fiasco dominated social media, with the Opposition, as well as ordinary citizens, having a field day at the expense of the NPP, a political party that accused its opponents of waste, corruption, irregularities and mismanagement. Its successful propaganda campaigns, at the presidential and parliamentary polls, in September and November, 2024, respectively, were centered on fighting corruption.

Their anti-corruption platform appealed to the people for obvious reasons. Against the backdrop of bankruptcy, declared in May, 2022, after failing to meet debt commitments, the electorate rallied around the NPP that thrived on waste, corruption, irregularities and mismanagement, perpetrated by previous governments. Having bagged the executive presidency in September, 2024, the NPP assured the electorate that the Parliament would be cleansed of evils at the general election. President Anura Kumara Dissanayake declared that the people have been vested with the responsibility of cleansing the Parliament. Dissanayake went a step further when he addressed a public gathering at the 18th mile post on the Negombo-Colombo road. The NPP leader, who also leads the JVP, asserted that there was no need for an Opposition in Parliament and the House should be filled with NPPers.

Dissanayake based his assertion essentially on two failed No-Confidence Motions (NCMs) moved against Ravi Karunanayake and Keheliya Rambukwella in 2016 and 2023, respectively. The NPP/JVP leader found fault with Yahapalanaya and the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government for protecting the two wrongdoers, hence the call to cleanse Parliament.

The results of the parliamentary election proved that the electorate responded very favourably to Dissanayake’s call. Of the 225-seat Parliament, the NPP secured 159 seats, including 18 National List slots. Having accused previous governments of shielding wrongdoers, Dissanayake easily directed the NPP’s steamroller parliamentary group to defeat the NCM moved against Energy Minister Punyakumara Dissanayake (National List) on 10 April, just a few days after the NAO report exposed the coal scam.

First ex-MP as Treasury Secy.

If its own hands are clean, there is no doubt that the NPP now deeply regrets the appointment of ex-NPP National List MP Harshana Suriyapperuma as the Secretary to the Treasury and the Finance Ministry. That appointment was made in June 2025 to fill the vacancy created by the retirement of Mahinda Siriwardana who, along with Governor of the Central Bank Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe, played a significant role in the country’s post-Aragalaya recovery programme.

Suriyapperuma, who had served as Deputy Minister of Finance and Planning for just seven months, before being appointed the Treasury Secretary/Finance Ministry Secretary, is under heavy fire for suppressing the truth. No less a person than CoPF Chairman Dr. de Silva publicly accused Suriyapperuma of trying to undermine his committee. The SJB has demanded Suriyapperuma’s immediate resignation. Dr. Anil Jayantha succeeded as Deputy Minister of Finance and Planning.

Those who inquired into the crisis-hit Treasury are of the belief that 53-year-old Suriyapperuma lacked the much required experience to fill the shoes of Mahinda Siriwardana. Perhaps, the breach at the Treasury could have been averted if an outsider was not brought in place of Siriwardena. The recent reportage of the incident revealed that Suriyapperuma had been aware of the breach and sought to avoid appearing before the CoPF. The NPP could have responded to the developing situation differently if an ex-MP hadn’t been entrusted with the task of steering the Treasury/Finance Ministry. To make matters worse, President Dissanayake holds the Finance portfolio.

Although the government declared that the theft of USD 2.5 mn had been reported to the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) after initial detection made in January this year, controversy surrounds the failure on the part of law enforcement authorities to bring it to the notice of the courts. Maithri Gunaratne, appearing in Hiru last Saturday (25), questioned why the police failed to inform the relevant Magistrate if the government lodged a complaint in that regard.

Australia has confirmed irregularities in payments owed to their government. Regardless of NPP efforts to blame it on hacker/hackers, the truth is clear. Payments have been made to an account that hadn’t been in the original agreement between the governments of Sri Lanka and Australia. That is the undeniable truth that the NPP cannot suppress by propaganda.

The NPP should be ashamed that such a fraud had been perpetrated on a country still struggling to cope up with the economic destruction caused by the UNP- and the SLFP-led governments with the help of “mission impossible” type roles played by outside interests, especially during Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s tenure using the JVP/Aragalaya.

The world knows how the UNP perpetrated the Treasury bond scams with the direct involvement of the then Governor of the Central Bank Arjuna Mahendran, in February 2015 and March 2016. Regardless of that intolerable scam, the UNP made a desperate attempt to retain the services of the Singaporean as the Governor of the Central Bank. Party leader and the then Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe demanded the re-appointment of Mahendran. That despicable move had to be dropped due to massive Opposition protests and growing public discontent over the Treasury bond scams.

The first Treasury bond scam carried out on 27 February, 2015 caused a direct loss of approximately Rs. 2 billion. On the instructions of Mahendran, the Treasury suddenly and arbitrarily changed the process of issuing Treasury Bonds. According to media reports at that time, higher interest payments, over the next 30 years, caused a further loss of around Rs. 145 billion.

Then Mahendran struck again. Caused further direct losses of more than Rs. 4 billion to the government through the fraudulent increase in interest rates as a result of the Treasury Bond issues on 27th March, 2016 ,and 29th March, 2016, in order to provide an undue advantage to connected primary dealers by indulging in further pre-meditated bond scams.

NPP on back foot

The ruling party put on a brave face with lawmakers and various others trying to play down the incident at the Treasury. Some pathetically tried to compare various accusations directed at the Rajapaksas with the incident at the Treasury which they conveniently blamed on hacker/hackers.

The NPP is facing an explosive mixture of issues. Both the coal and Treasury scams have brought immense pressure on the national economy and caused automatic deterioration. The resignation of Punyakumara aka Kumara Jayakody over the coal scam indicated that defeating the NCM moved against him was a strategic political blunder. Had the NPP asked the tainted first time Minister to step down and appoint a Presidential Commission to go into the coal scam, the NPP could have averted a major disaster. However, the Energy Minister and the Energy Secretary Udayanga Hemapala had to resign before the Parliament took up the NCM. Had the top NPP leadership bothered to peruse the executive summary of the NAO presented to Parliament on 7 April, the Party wouldn’t have tried to defend the minister.

Having championed a corruption-free political party system and then won both the presidential and parliamentary polls on that platform, the NPP executed the shocking move to move 323 containers out of the Colombo Port, in January 2025, without even any cursory checks. Those who perpetrated that operation used continuing port congestion as an excuse to clear red-flagged containers without mandatory physical checking. The NPP recently thwarted a bid by Opposition lawmakers, representing a parliamentary committee inquiring into the illegal release of containers, to summon President Dissanayake.

That committee, headed by Justice Minister Attorney-at-Law Harshana Nanayakkara, owed an explanation as to why President Dissanayake, in his capacity as the Finance Minister, shouldn’t appear before a House committee. President Dissanayake very often addresses Parliament on crucial issues. As the Minister in charge of Finance, the President should offer an explanation regarding the high profile container issue that tarnished the NPP’s image.

Three major issues in hand, namely the release of 323 containers, coal scam and theft at the Treasury, regardless of what various apologists say on mainstream and social media, have caused irrevocable damage to the party, let alone escapades involving the likes of Speaker Jagath Wickramaratne, Minister Lal Kantha, etc. The impact on the NPP can be ascertained only at an election. With the public increasingly aware of the growing accusations against it, the ruling party will do whatever possible to put off long delayed Provincial Council elections. Facing the electorate against deepening discontent among the public seems to be a frightening situation. It would be interesting to observe how a House committee, headed by Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath, appointed to explore ways and means to conduct Provincial Council polls, address the issue at hand.

When compared with the three major issues, the resignation of Asoka Ranwala, as the Speaker, in December, 2024, over his failure to produce the much-touted educational qualifications, seems unnecessary. Of course, Ranwala’s case attracted tremendous public attention at that time as the public really believed the NPP wouldn’t deceive them. Ranwala’s lie shocked the public. NPP theoretician Prof. Ranjith Nirmal Dewasiri had no qualms in publicly attacking Ranwala in the wake of the NPP defending the Speaker. But, subsequent NPP actions revealed massive manipulations that shamed the first post-Aragalaya government.

Having accused Ranil Wickremesinghe of squandering as much as Rs 16 mn to join his wife Prof. Maithree in the UK in September, 2023, the NPP has ended up facing far more serious accusations. The incident at the Treasury should be sufficient for the Opposition to move NCM against the government. Of course, the NPP got the numbers in Parliament to easily defeat the NCM but the consequences would be devastating. Those who still talk of recovering the missing USD 2.5 mn must be living in a dreamland. The UNP is labelled with Treasury bond scams (2015 and 2016) and the SLPP faulted with tax cuts (2019) and sugar tax scam (2020). The NPP will have to live with the coal scam and Treasury theft. The NPP will no longer be able to parade on political platforms as paragons of virtue. It would be pertinent to mention that the Presidential Commission appointed to probe the procurement of coal, since 2009, would be able to produce a report to meet the NPP’s expectations. All indications point to that and 2026 is going to be far more challenging, both in and outside Parliament, than the previous year.

NDB fraud

Examined together, the massive fraud at the National Development Bank (NDB), perpetrated during the 2024-2026 period, and the Treasury incident, they underscore the vulnerability of the entire banking system. The 13.2 bn NDB fraud and theft of USD 2.5 mn from the Treasury exposed the regulator, the Central Bank of Sri Lanka, in respect of the NDB. The situation at the NDB cannot be examined without taking into consideration that Ernst & Young is the external auditors of the NDB and its Managing Partner Duminda Hulangamuwa functions as Senior Economic Adviser to President Dissanayake. People haven’t forgotten that Hulangamuwa had been mentioned as the possible successor of Mahinda Siriwardena before the NPP brought in Suriyapperuma. The Central Bank and Securities Exchange Commission (SEC) come under the purview of the Finance Ministry now embroiled in the expanding Treasury fiasco.

The Board of Directors at the NDB consists of Sriyan Cooray (Chairman), Kelum Edirisinghe (Director / Chief Executive Officer (Executive), Bernard Sinniah (Director /Non-Independent), Sujeewa Mudalige (Director /Independent), Kushan D’Alwis (Director/Independent), Kasturi Chellaraja (Director/Independent), Shweta Pandey (Director /Independent), Hasitha Premaratne (Director/Independent), Sanjaya Mohottala (Director (Non-Independent) and Shanil Fernando Director (Independent).

The issue at hand is how such a fraud went unnoticed for a considerable period of time and whether the top management simply ignored warning signs and the failure on the part of the regulator to intervene. Those who have read Mahinda Siriwardana’s ‘Sri Lanka’s Economic Revival: Reflections on the Journey from Crisis to Recovery’ would know the circumstances leading to the 2022 economic collapse. Soft spoken Siriwardana meticulously discussed how the then Central Bank leadership as well as the so-called economic leadership of the Pohottuwa party deliberately deceived President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Siriwardena’s narrative is explosive. The book, launched before his retirement, with the participation of President Dissanayake, underscored the responsibility on the part of the political leadership and those running the banking system. Obviously Siriwardena’s work had no impact on the current dispensation as well as the top banking management.

The Opposition sees an apparent opportunity to heap pressure on the NPP as it contemplates counter measures. Their challenge is how to take remedial measures without jeopardizing the government. The IMF declaration that it is closely watching the theft of USD 2.5 mn from the Treasury must have added pressure on the government, ripped apart by the situation at the Treasury. Let us hope the government and the Opposition reach consensus on ways and means to improve financial discipline. Overall, the Parliament cannot absolve itself of the responsibility for enactment of laws and ensuring financial discipline and the fact that Sri Lanka needs to start repayment of debt in 2028.

Midweek Review

Is language social or psychological phenomenon?

Published

5 days ago

2026/04/29

Sahan Weerasooriya

This essay was presented at The Philosophy Group of the University of London about 20 years ago. The thought provoking essay published in The Island on 22 April by Usvwatte-aratchi- Some languages confine you; some languages free you prompted me to try to get this essay published if possible. It may help the readers to further their ideas about the importance of usage of language.

Personally, I have firsthand experience in this subject. I was exposed to two different cultures and two languages. In my formative years I was brought up in a certain culture and spoke the language pertaining to that culture/language (Sinhalese -Sri Lanka). I spent all my studying and working life (55 years) using a different language in a different culture (English -England). I must mention that this was not recently. It was the early 1960’s. I can claim that I have enough knowledge and experience to justify this essay topic. In this essay I shall be investigating some of the social aspects of language with the aid of some opinions put forward by some philosophers. Then I shall be making an attempt to see what psychology has to offer before I draw my own conclusions. I am treating social aspects as part and parcel of the culture. In my view these are inseparable entities, unless one chooses to forget his or her cultural upbringing to suit a particular society.

Adoption of different culture

Socially, learning a different language and adopting a different culture is quite possible. In this case what dominates is one’s attitude or the circumstances. Attitude is psychological. I am convinced that circumstances may lead to a change of attitudes. Having said that, we must not forget that there are individuals who have not taken the trouble to learn the language of the culture in which they live. This has created a lot of socio-psychological problems in the community in which they live. It is obvious that the problem is one of communication. The main tool of communication is language. Philosophers and psychologists have spent many years investigating how language helps us to communicate and also how it may lead us to misunderstand our own fellow human beings. Understanding others (family members, members of the community in which we live, and the strangers we meet) is one of the most important aspects of living.

An awareness of the problem of language goes back to the early Greek philosophers. Parmenides gave us the first example of an argument from language to the world, saying that if we speak of a thing it must exist, since we speak of a thing at various times, it must continue to exist in a particular form. It is recently that language itself has come to be studied in a systematic way. The two landmarks in this respect were the development of Linguistics and the philosophy of language in the 20th century. The great philosopher Bertrand Russell (1872-1970) has admitted that until he became a middle-aged man, he did not think about language per se, but regarded it as ‘transparent’. I am sure this is true with most of us although we are not of Russell’s caliber when it comes to philosophy. And one may not have to wait until one reaches one’s middle age.

Linguistics and philosophy of language

It will help us if we understand the difference between Linguistics and philosophy of Language. What linguists discover may be applied to philosophy, sociology, psychology, anthropology or physiology. But as a discipline of study, it remains independent of them. The philosophy of language is different. One of the modern philosophers John Searle (1932-2025) thought, by contrast to linguistics, philosophy tries to solve philosophical problems by analyzing the ordinary use, meaning and relations of words in a particular language. Searle goes on to say that language is crucial to understand human experience. In my opinion this is a very valid comment. At a very practical level we spend a lot of time sharing our experiences. Verbal communication is vital in this area. According to Canadian philosopher Ian Hacking(1936-2023) the influence of language on philosophy has been profound and almost unrecognized. He indicates, if we are not to be misled by this influence, it is necessary to become conscious of it, and to ask ourselves deliberately how far it is legitimate.

It is appropriate to bring in Ludwig Wittgenstein(1889-1951) at this point. He brought in the subject predicate theory of language. For example, if we say “John is king”. Where John is the subject and king is the predicate. Here existence requires substance. For Aristotle, forms do not exist independently of things—every form is the form of something. A “substantial” form is a kind that is attributed to a thing, without which that thing would be of a different kind or would cease to exist altogether. Wittgenstein supports Saint Augustine’s view that words are names of objects and that combinations of words have the sole function of describing reality. For example, if we point at a certain object, say a table and try to say to a child “this is a table”, the child will be confused as to what we are pointing at. Is it the colour, the tabletop or one or more of its legs This is called the ostensive definition method of teaching. Ostensive definitions lead to a variety of interpretations. The child may understand a particular case of this definition but there is no guarantee that she will be able to make a transition from one case to others like it.

Plato’s theory

J G Herder (1744-1803) pointed out the object to which we make reference may be defined by numerous different terms. How then can we justify direct, one to one correspondence-either of so many to one, or of one to so many? How are we going to deal with situations where a term describes something non-existent or only possible? Plato’s “Forms” theory cannot be applied here as anything that we can speak of already exists as a Form. Critics of this theory ask the question: “how can the world be crowded with so many imaginary objects?” We use words to describe and define. Is there any room for slang language? This comes in handy in our day to day social communication. Ostensive definition raises the questions that require a constant selection of what counts as relevant. In Aldous Huxley’s novel Chrome Yellow, the character Old Rowley is confused as to: Does ‘pig’ refer to the quality of having a curly tail? Or standing in rows to eat? Or being pink skinned and fat? Or wearing no clothes? When we use the word “piggishness” is it something inherent to pigs, or simply, a matter of how we choose to describe them?

How can we relate the above ideas and theories of language to our daily living? Daily living is a psychosocial activity.

Perceptions

The nature of language reflects the nature of our perceptions, and these are far from straight forward. Franz Brentano (1838-1917) developed his theory of intentionality: that every mental phenomenon has a relation of direction to its object, i.e. perceptions, desires, imagination etc. are related to what is perceived, desired or imagined. I presume this can be applied to any language irrespective of the culture (our social conditioning). Say for instance the images of art and the writings are given the ability to represent objects by imposing the intentionality on the object. Thus, when we assert that we see or believe something, we impose, by convention and intention, (that is true if and only if it is the case) on the statement, and these conditions are not contained intrinsically in the sounds that make it up, but in our perception of belief about the fact. I begin to wonder how this can be applied to non-physical and unseen situations. Sometimes our feelings and attitudes are unknown to the observer. A person may shout because he is angry but you cannot see the anger, only its physical expression. We will not be able to see the prior event that has led to the anger and the utterance. This shows that there is a limit to how much is revealed simply by observing a word and its context; there is often more than that can be said.

How can we account for unexpected linguistic behaviour? This has both social and psychological implications.

For a long time behavioural theorists believed that every development of the human being was controlled by environmental and social factors. This is similar to an ostensive explanation of meaning. It implied that everything was learnt through training and association. But Noam Chomsky (b.1928) was not happy with this idea. He thought language is a complex phenomenon and which is not taught bit by bit or systematically to infants. It is successfully acquired by (almost) everybody. From my own experience it is true to say that the difficulty in learning a second language is a very different process from that experienced with the first language. Chomsky argued that the first language is not in fact learned, but rather acquired through exposure to a particular language. According to him all languages share the same basic structure, and he called this “deep structure”, which may be expressed as surface structures through a process called ‘transformation’. Chomsky’s theory helps us to assume a universal system of grammar, which may generate an infinite number of particular sentences within a language. This explains how we may create sentences within a language we have never encountered before from a limited set of grammatical rules and this appears to be a rational scientific approach.

Social or psychological phenomenon

The argument/discussion whether language is a social or a psychological phenomenon requires much more investigation than this essay warrants. I have briefly brought in various philosophers’ work, which are invaluable to this topic in terms of philosophy of language. In conclusion I am tempted to state my own experiences as a bi-lingual person. When it comes to my first language, which is Sinhalese I don’t think I learned it. I heard my parents speaking it and I picked up a few words and I constructed my own sentences and gradually became proficient by accumulating more words. Of course, the proper grammatical use of even my own language was taught in school and not by my parents. Learning my second language i.e. English took a different form. I was taught to speak, read, and write English at school and I had to work harder at this than my first language, because my English was confined to the classroom situation only, i. e. I learnt English in a non- English environment. First language came naturally and the second one I had to learn to fit into the social and the education structure that prevailed at that time. Compulsion can motivate us to learn!I had no choice but to adopt myself culturally and linguistically as a university student in England and then as a university teacher in England. Apart from the native English students, I have taught students from different countries. European, African and Asian. I had the opportunity to intermingle with them and learned various different cultural and linguistic aspects. After almost a half a century in England, I am back to my own culture (language, customs, food etc) where I was born and started my life. I am still proficient in my own language Sinhalese. No conscious effort needed.

After all the foregoing arguments and philosophy that I have put forward, my own conclusion is Chomsky’s theories are more plausible to me than other theories on this issue. It is difficult to be exact and say whether language is a social or psychological phenomenon. From the above arguments, we can see that culture and language of a given society are tightly bound. This leads us to psychological adjustments in order to fit into a society. Who can deny that even the philosophers mentioned above have not been subjected to their own cultural environment?

by Prof. Sampath
Anson Fernando
Formerly University of
The Arts London