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Crisscrossing 13A Abolition

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By Austin Fernando

I have recently read a speech by Tamil National Alliance (TNA) Leader R Sampanthan, delivered in 2017. This excellent presentation supported the Thirteenth Amendment (13A) to the Constitution. In appreciation of his intelligent arguments, I share his thinking not to canvass for 13A but to broaden the discussion with forgotten overlapping references that need to be factored in.

 Status of 13A

Devolution was thrust upon us, consequent to the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord of 1987. Then, certain groups rejected this pact as well as 13A. Their position remains unchanged.  

  At the outset, we must remind ourselves that devolution was introduced to facilitate conflict resolution. Someone may argue that 13A was legalized at a time when terrorists held sway, and, therefore, the incumbent government need not stick to the beaten track. TNA politicians may argue that the reasons for, and the outcomes of, the conflict remain although terrorism is no more. 

The performance of the Provincial Councils (PCs) is barely satisfactory in many respects. Some critics have dubbed them ‘white elephants.’ I do not subscribe to such extreme criticisms because one reason for the weakness of the PCs is the lack of ‘center-periphery cooperation’. Decades ago, Professor GL Peiris emphasized that the PCs needed empowerment for financing, establishment management, and statute making. To date, these matters remain as issues.    

Some others who see intrinsic fault lines in devolution oppose PCs based on concept, content, and politics. They contend that devolving police and land powers, the amalgamation of provinces, etc., trespass the sovereignty and endanger national security.  

The vehement call for abolishing the 13A has originated from politicians, supported by media personnel, and a section of the Buddhist monks. Another alternative proposition is to withdraw certain functions (e.g. land and police powers) to impede PCs when drafting a new Constitution.   

 

Indians and 13A

Concurrently, there are some predicting that India will take up cudgels if the 13A is tampered with. Arguments are submitted against Indian interventions on devolution.

One reason adduced is that India failed to adhere to the Accord (e.g. disarming the LTTE) and therefore, its demand that we fully implement the devolution of power is unfair.

Secondly, they argue that foreign interference with our constitutional processes is inappropriate. They point out that the Indian Government repealed Article 370 with Article 35A in 2019, affecting Jammu-Kashmiri laws, including citizenship, property ownership, and fundamental rights, and silenced critics by stating it was an “Indian internal affair.” Hence, they argue that Sri Lanka should follow suit if India objects to abolishing the 13A.  

  Thirdly, they contend that the Indian government changed Jammu Kashmir rules to allow the Union Government to release lands to Indians to attract development/investment and hence India cannot object if we centralize land administration.

Fourthly, they argue that Indians perform asymmetrical administration in Himachal and Uttarkhand States, as against centralized Jammu-Kashmir, and therefore, by amending 13A, we could do similarly in selected Provinces.   

India stands for sovereignty, independence, and the territorial integrity of Sri Lanka, as repeatedly mentioned by Indian leaders. Additionally, there have been commitments made by Indian and Sri Lankan leaders and internationals to promote equal treatment to minorities.

My attempt is to refer to some such, extracted from the quoted speech, add a few more experiences to demonstrate that abolishing 13A will be considered a negative action in resolving conflict-related issues and there could be other solutions.   

 

Probing Indo-Lanka interactions  

 Let us turn to TNA Leader’s speech. In November 2006, Indian Foreign Secretary Shivashankar Menon has expressed to President Mahinda Rajapaksa: “India looks forward to an early ‘comprehensive political settlement’ of the ethnic issue. It must take into account the aspirations of all sections, including the Tamils.” 

This was nearly twenty years after the Accord and while the conflict was ongoing. Responding, President Mahinda Rajapaksa has detailed the work by the All-Party Representatives Committee (APRC) and the Committee of Experts. But it is well-known that these outputs did not matter to his government. It can be likened to the Indian expectations to implement the 13A during the conflict. 

At one stage, President Mahinda Rajapaksa was excessively supportive of ‘power-sharing.’  Addressing the inaugural Meeting of the APRC and the Experts Committee, he said: “The unity, territorial integrity, and sovereignty of our country must be preserved” and added, “Our objective must be to develop a just settlement within an undivided Sri Lanka.” Great. This is the common aspiration of people, TNA, and India. While identifying the roadblocks, he expected the people in their localities must “take charge of their destiny and control their politico-economic environment.” This is the Principle of Subsidiarity in action. 

He said: “Any solution must be seen as one that stretches to the maximum possible devolution, without sacrificing the sovereignty of the country. Given the ground situation, given the background to the conflict, it, therefore, behooves on particularly the majority community to be proactive in striving for peace ….”  This must have been an elixir to Indians and TNA! 

Next, Minister Basil Rajapaksa went to India (October 2008) and a statement said: “Both sides discussed the need to move towards a peacefully negotiated political settlement on the island including the North …. The Indian side called for the implementation of the 13A and greater devolution of powers to the Provinces. Minister Basil Rajapaksa emphasized that the President of Sri Lanka and his Government were committed to a political process that should lead to a sustainable solution”. Elixir again!

His message to India was that we had passionately committed to a political process. He is expected to be in the Cabinet soon and knowing the Indian External Affairs Minister Dr. Jaishankar’s ways personally, I may expect a reminder of his message.

PM Manmohan Singh, after this visit of Minister Basil Rajapaksa, (November 2008), informed President Mahinda Rajapaksa that Colombo must create conditions for meeting “legitimate political aspirations” of the Tamils under the devolution package (13A). Irrespective of domestic politics Indians were consistent in demands; Sri Lankans were consistent in declaring unfulfilled hopes!

Prof. Peiris visited India (May 2011) and mentioned “A devolution package building upon the 13th Amendment would contribute towards creating the necessary conditions for such reconciliation.” Further, he referred to the work of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC), which made extremely attractive, pro-peace, and reconciliation-oriented recommendations. No wonder when Foreign Minister Peiris spoke so favourably on the 13A, Indians continuously and without reservations harped on its implementation.

PM Singh (June 2011) said in Lok Sabha: “The decimation of the LTTE was something good. But the Tamil problem does not disappear, with the defeat of the LTTE. The Tamil population has legitimate grievances. They feel they are reduced to second-class citizens. And our emphasis has been to persuade the Sri Lankan Government that we must move towards a new system of institutional reforms, where the Tamil people will have a feeling that they are equal citizens of Sri Lanka, and they can lead a life of dignity and self-respect. It is not easy.”

Nevertheless, reverting to 2019, one may question whether the Indian politicians’ minds were responsive to the grievances/inequalities their Muslim brethren complained of when the Citizenship Amendment Act, National Register of Citizens, and National Population Register laws were launched.  

Two months after PM Singh’s statement, Indian External Affairs Minister S. M. Krishna said in Lok Sabha: “The Government has also articulated its position that the end of the armed conflict in Sri Lanka created a historic opportunity to address all outstanding issues relating to minority communities in Sri Lanka, including Tamils. The Joint Press Release of May 17, 2011 states that all such outstanding issues had to be settled in a spirit of understanding and mutual accommodation imbued with a political vision to work towards genuine national reconciliation.

The External Affairs Minister of Sri Lanka affirmed his Government’s commitment to ensuring expeditious and concrete progress in the ongoing dialogue between the Government of Sri Lanka and representatives of Tamil parties and that a devolution package building upon the 13th Amendment would contribute towards creating the necessary conditions for such reconciliation.” Sensibly we may agree.

The Indian Official Spokesman made a statement after the LRRC Report: “In this context, we have been assured by the Government of Sri Lanka on several occasions in the past, of its commitment towards pursuit of a political process, through a broader dialogue with all parties, including the TNA, leading to the full implementation of the 13th Amendment to the Sri Lankan Constitution, and to go beyond, so as to achieve meaningful devolution of powers and genuine national reconciliation.” Thus, Indian expectation rightly settled on an assurance ‘beyond 13A.’  

  When even the easily implementable LRRC recommendations were not executed by the government that appointed it, whether India could await further contributions to reconciliation was an issue. Indians may comment that every Sri Lankan government has only kindled hopes, but not delivered. The post-LLRC- UNHRC Resolution (2012) demanded the implementation of constructive LLRC recommendations and strengthening devolution, but we failed to do so.

The Indian Minister of External Affairs made a statement (January 2012) in the presence of our Minister of Foreign Affairs, from which I quote: “The government of Sri Lanka has on many occasions conveyed to us its commitment to move towards a political settlement based upon the full implementation of the 13A to the Sri Lankan Constitution  and building on it so as to achieve meaningful devolution of powers.” The Indian Minister has echoed the stark reality.

Then again, the Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said that India was inclined to vote in favour” of a resolution on promoting reconciliation and accountability in Sri Lanka at the 19th session of the UNHRC. His inclination was adopted by voting against us. According to PM Singh, its objective was not wanting to infringe our sovereignty, “…. but concerns should be expressed so that Tamil people can get justice and lead a life of dignity.” In almost all Indian statements a few buzz words- ‘equality, dignity, justice, self-respect, political process, peace’ appear.

 There could be many more statements by Indian and Sri Lankan politicians and bureaucrats, unknown to us, confirming the need and commitment to implement the 13A to resolve the Tamils’ difficulties. But since our President was not in active politics per se in 2017 like his brothers and other Ministers, some of these statements may be new to him. However, I may remind two recent relevant statements, most probably known to him, worthy of consideration to understand the Indian attitudes on 13A.

PM Narendra Modi during President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s State Visit, like other interlocutors, said: “I am confident that the Government of Sri Lanka will carry forward the process of reconciliation, to fulfill the aspirations of the Tamils for equality, justice, peace, and respect. It also includes the implementation of the 13th amendment.” Note the buzz words. President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, without responding directly kept aloof, imaging him “the President of all Sri Lankans, irrespective of ethnicity or religion or voting choices.”

Joint Secretary Amit Narang’s quote on India Sri Lanka Virtual Bilateral Summit – October 26th, 2020- stated that PM Modi has insisted on PM Mahinda Rajapaksa that “Sri Lanka must implement its 13th constitutional amendment to achieve peace and reconciliation…. PM Modi called on the new Government in Sri Lanka to work towards realizing the expectations of Tamils for equality, justice, peace, and dignity.” Buzz words: setting apart political ethics, it is ‘must implement its 13A’ and not ‘may.’ With so many positive quotes stated above I am not surprised of this insistence.  

These are ‘oven-fresh’ statements (latter only a fortnight old) and thoughts well embedded in PM Modi’s memory. We should not dupe ourselves into believing that PM Modi forgets easily and will give up demands or forgive when one repeatedly frustrates India! Whether it is Modi or Singh or Krishna or Menon, the buzz words are the same.

Here, PM Modi, like PM Singh (in 2012) expressed his “concerns”. I wish he will refrain from acting like PM Singh as regards the UNCHR 2021. We must remember that irrespective of political divides, for political expediency, Indian politicians capitalize on the Tamil aspirations.

Against this background, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa has withdrawn from promoting “national integration and reconciliation” by repealing Article 33(1)(b) under the mandated presidential duties in 19A. If it seriously conveys his unwillingness to undertake these two duties, abolishing 13A will surely lead to an undesirable reaction.  

 

International commitments

Besides Indians, Sri Lanka has been under the international microscope regarding peacemaking and power-sharing, commencing from Thimpu, extending to Peace Talks, with Ban Ki-Moon, and UNHRC, etc.

A notable event during the Peace Talks was the declaration of the Oslo Communique. Prof. Peiris led the government delegation, and I witnessed his excellent exposition with clarity, resonating factual arguments, and vast knowledge to convince Anton Balasingham, that LTTE should agree to power-sharing, without separation.  In a lighter vein, I am reminded how with Professor Peiris’s unmatched academic onslaught (which I adored), Anton Balasingham cut-short the discussion and retreated for external consultations—probably with Prabhakaran.

It was Prof Peiris -the Man of the Day- who pushed for the Oslo Communique. The parties agreed “to explore a solution founded on the principle of internal self-determination in areas of historical habitation of the Tamil-speaking people, based on a federal structure within a united Sri Lanka.”

At the media conference, Prof Peiris praised extensive power-sharing within a one-county framework, sans cessation, and added, “Now if we believe in a political solution if we are renouncing war…. there could not be any other rural tribal except power-sharing – except the basis, the character of a federal solution.”

 The 13A is less devolutionary and federalist in content than the Oslo Communique that spoke of historical habitation and federal structure. Therefore, Prof. Peiris could now forget Oslo and take the lead in calming down protesters against 13A. Without any disrespect to Minister Ali Sabry, I may say that Prof. GL Peiris is the best bet to deal with 13A with his experience (especially with Indians). Paradoxically, it is also his disqualification, for his past stance is not in line with calls for abolishing 13A!

After  defeating the LTTE, President Mahinda Rajapaksa stated to UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon that his firm resolve was ‘to proceed with the implementation of the 13th Amendment, as well as, to begin a broader dialogue with all parties, including the Tamil parties in the new circumstances, to further enhance this process and to bring about lasting peace and development in Sri Lanka.” After three days, a resolution was submitted at the UNHRC, Geneva confirming his stances with Ban Ki-Moon. It was a commitment to implementing the 13A. For the first time, he made 13A a multilateral commitment.  

President Sirisena-PM Wickremesinghe government went a step further by incorporating it in October 2015 UNHRC Cosponsored Resolution. They failed to pass a new Constitution or move-on with 13A. More international attention was drawn to 13A.

 

Potential political manipulations

In the late 1990s, there were government proposals to create Regional Councils (RCs) – i.e. North-Eastern and South-Eastern RCs and even to create a center-controlled Ampara Electorate, to enable the establishment of the latter RC. Non-contiguous Muslim RC was another concept floated. SLMC Leader Mr. Ashroff was one keen supporter of those proposals.

The abolition of 13A will create a void. Muslim Parliamentarians who supported the 20A may expect Minister Ali Sabry and Romesh de Silva Committee to incorporate the said RCs proposal in the proposed Constitution, sometimes with revisions more favourable to the Muslims. This is a hypothetical situation, but those who call for abolishing 13A should take careful note of. They must be alert to political manipulations because the wrong judgment will cause more trouble than 13A.

Conclusion           

In summary, the opponents of 13A, who demand its abolition had better heed the domestic constitutional, political, institutional formations, bilateral agreement with India, many commitments made especially to India and international stakeholders in multilateral agencies. etc. If the decision is not to abolish, the government will be answerable to nationalistic elements who predict political, security, economic, and political organizational risks.  

Since the country is faced with a severe economic crisis, the international dimensions thereof are extremely important. As Dr. Jehan Perera writes: “In dealing with international governments, it is equally, if not more, important to keep commitments. The international community of governments is not as gullible as the voting public often is.”  This was written during Mahinda Rajapaksa Regime. Now, it is Gotabaya Rajapaksa regime. But irrespective of government changes, the thinking of the international community remains the same as for Sri Lanka’s commitments.

 Policies of the political parties that have been in power in India have been consistent as regards 13A and the issues Tamils are faced with. Nevertheless, India’s focus has shifted from devolution to Indo-Pacific, Chinese threats, free trade, investments, etc. and the possibility may exist of settling outstanding issues to mutual benefit (as Minister Krishna has said) “in a spirit of understanding and mutual accommodation imbued with a political vision.”

Abolishing 13A may entail a price payable geopolitically, politically, economically, diplomatically, security-wise, etc. Those who push for abolishing 13A must evaluate the potential balance sheet, weigh alternatives through negotiations and compromises. Forgetting these available options and to be overenthusiastic about their two-thirds majority, which can be used to abolish 13A may not mean happy hunting or a happy ending.



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All in the mind!

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Brain

The Buddha, born as Prince Siddhartha, attained Enlightenment and Parinibbana all on a Vesak full-moon day, would have never anticipated that millions of followers of his doctrine would be celebrating this day, all over the world with festivities, over 2500 years later. Perhaps, what is happening in his name is not what he expected, indulging in festivities than following the path he showed for ultimate detachment. Perhaps, as an inevitable consequence of Buddha Dhamma’s transformation, by his followers, to a religion was the emergence of Buddhist art, culture, literature etc. Though this has, no doubt, enriched the lives of many, including non-Buddhists, with the displays of creativity at the highest level in these festivities, we should not forget the core message of the Buddha.

In the search for the reasons for the ever-pervading sense of dissatisfaction and the way to overcome it, the Buddha became the unsurpassed analyst of the human mind and thoughts, his concepts being validate by science, two and a half millennia later! Though Hans Berger, the inventor of the Electro Encephalogram (EEG), which records the electrical activity of the brain, is credited with the proposition that the brain is always busy, the Buddha not only stated that the mind is constantly bombarding us but also showed us how to control the mind. He also showed that the world around us was a creation of our mind and had included the mind also as a sense, on top of the five senses acknowledged by scientists. His concept that the mind is the sixth, the modifier sense is validated now, as it is shown that what see is what we want to see and what we hear is what we want to hear etc.

One of the biggest problems we have is endless thinking. As we wake up in the morning, we think of what happened yesterday or about the dreams we had the previous night. One can even go to the extent of saying that our thoughts are bombarding us even in sleep in the form of dreams. Though some of these thoughts are productive, in the main we torture ourselves thinking how we could have done better, even though it is an exercise in futility as what happened in the past cannot be undone. Our mind gets attached to some events in the past and have endless thoughts about these events which is of no use other than leading to a sense of depression. We then think of what we have to do tomorrow and anxiety creeps in. In this process we forget what is most important; the present! Scientists explain all this based on the Default mode network (DMN) in our brains, a set of connected parts of the brain which acts as a network which is responsible for remembering the past and imagining the future as well as thinking of others. Some scientists opine that it is the neurological basis for the ‘self.’

The Buddha pointed out that whatever misdeed happened in the past is like the pain one gets when hit with an arrow fired by someone else and that thinking again and again about it is like taking a second arrow and stabbing yourself with it. Though the pain inflicted by the first arow is natural, the second is our own making which prolongs the agony by torturing ourselves. What is needed is the avoidance of overthinking and being aware of the thoughts. Emptying the mind of the bombarding unnecessary thoughts increases awareness. Instead of being the driver of the car, we should attempt to be the passenger who is at liberty to enjoy the view and this could be achieved by mindfulness, a concept introduced by the Buddha. There is ever increasing scientific evidence, using dynamic MRI studies and PET scan studies, that mindfulness meditation reduces the activity of the DMN in our brains.

Mindfulness meditation is a way of slowing down thinking, concentrating on the present whilst getting rid of unnecessary baggage of thoughts of the past and the future. Emptying the mind of thoughts that act as a noise imparts a sense of clarity. It is not an easy task as we are attempting to go against what the brain is programmed to do via the DMN which functions to preserve the self. Unfortunately, mindfulness has become big business and the Buddha is not even credited for introducing the concept!

Thinking is an essential process in human development as well as human destruction, as exemplified by many wars raging around us at this moment. Right thinking is one of essentials in the Noble Eightfold Path, the Buddha laid for us for the purpose of achieving ultimate detachment. In addition to thinking correctly, we should get rid of harmful thoughts which leads to renouncing attachment, kindness and letting go of harmful intentions. On the basis of this a new modality of treatment has emerged for mental illnesses; cognitive behaviour therapy (CBT) which teaches patients that some thoughts are false and also to recognise which thoughts are useful and which are harmful, one of the most effective being mindfulness-based CBT.

It is important to know when to think and when not to and as the Buddha stated, “Think when it is useful but do not be a slave to thoughts, which is the basis of wisdom.”

Buddha also showed that by progressively suppressing thoughts one could reach a stage where awareness exists without thoughts and could go further where there is no awareness either, resulting in ultimate detachment. Once you reach this stage, thoughts are used only as and when necessary, without any attachment at all. Thus, the Buddha showed that all is in the mind including the way to control.

The inspiration to pen these Vesak thoughts came by watching an excellent video forwarded by Ven Teldeniyaye Amitha Thera of Nottingham Shanti Vihara, in the course of fortnightly Vipassana meditation sessions conducted via Zoom. My respectful thanks go to Ven Amitha Thera and I highly recommend “What Happens When You Stop Thinking? Buddhism’s answer” which is available on YouTube. The link is: (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tfTiA2_FtEw)

Happy Vesak!

By Dr Upul Wijayawardhana

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Dhammam Saranam

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After a Dhamma session I attended, a participant inquired about the meaning of taking refuge in the Three Jewels (Triratna). A longtime meditation practitioner volunteered that it is a powerful mantra that helps to awaken the mind and go to the higher self. I have no idea what he meant by that, but a flood of emotions rushed my mind. Empathy for the believer, for one; but it occurred to me that I have not given much thought about it either, at least for quite a while.

The fact of the matter is that taking refuge in the ‘Three Jewels’ is our tradition. A tradition is just that, the transmission of customs or beliefs from generation to generation, with no questions asked. The term refuge is defined as a condition of being safe or sheltered from pursuit, danger, or trouble. What is the danger we are seeking shelter from? As a child, I had my own explanations: according to Buddhacharithaya we were taught, Buddha was omniscience and omnipotent, and there was no doubt that such powers could protect you from any danger.

A similar mystic power was attributed to Dhamma as well; leaving the radio on in full volume when the protective suttas were broadcast was assured to bring safety and health. Sangha, on the other hand, were there to bless us in good and tough times: moving into a new house, starting a new job, recuperating from an illness, or even after death to secure a better afterlife by transferring merits.

Such musing aside, I wonder if this tradition has been satisfactorily explained to us, not just as children but as adults as well. Especially, how Dhamma could be a refuge or what is expected when we recite Dhammam Saranam ever so often? It occurred to me that there is a gap in our education. An investigation of the literature reveals that I am not alone, scholars too have identified this shortcoming: our Buddhist education has failed.

I received good grades in Dhamma studies, and I memorised the entire book we used for our ordinary level exam; even then, how is my knowledge of Dhamma incomplete? As not many undertake Dhamma studies after leaving school, how and when such a gap in education could be filled? Well, it has been a problem with historical origins, and the collapse of socio-religious institutions of the country bear witness to this fact, the scholars reason. If we agree with the scholars’ notion that our Dhamma education is inadequate, it behooves us to explore what part of it was left out of our education.

Right after the Parinibbana, the Sangha recognised the need for preserving Dhamma, and they produced the system of memorisation and interpretation of it for the benefit of the followers. This is the system that Arahant Mahinda brought to Sri Lanka. When many members of the Sangha were decimated during Great Famine in the first century BCE, the question arose whether learning and preservation of Dhamma was more important than practice.

The advocates of learning and preservation prevailed. By the beginning of seventeenth century, the practice had completely disappeared, and Buddhism was reduced to a set of rituals acquired from other traditions in the hands of Ganinnanses. When venerable Welivita Saranankara thero (1698-1778) started the Buddhist revival, he had to learn Pali and reinterpret the Dhamma.

This process of reinterpretation continues to date. Venerable Sangha tries to do this for the benefit of laity, in person and using all other available media. Scholars analyse it and write volumes for the sake of knowledge, and devotees follow various meditation recipes hoping it will dawn on them and lead to spiritual salvation. Whatever path followed, there are several pitfalls that must be avoided for a successful outcome.

These are the drawbacks that our Buddhist education has failed to avoid: First, the goal of education must be identified, and Dhamma relevant for the goals of the followers must be taught. Second, the origin and purpose of Pali and Sinhala commentaries must be understood, and their relevance must be verified. Third, the bondage to tradition must be relaxed, otherwise, we get trapped in a vicious cycle. Lastly, Dhamma must be taught in terms that are accessible to modern society.

Returning to the main question, let us focus on Dhamma first: the Pali word Dhamma has many meanings, but here it refers to what the Buddha taught, which is represented by Tipitaka, the Theravadin’s Pali Canon. Then the question arises whether it is necessary to absorb the entire contents of the twelve-thousand-page Canon to grasp the meaning of Dhamma? Scholars are of the opinion that it is not necessary; they point out that the essence of Dhamma is captured in the first two sermons of the Buddha given at the Deer Park in Isipatana to the five ascetics.

Yes, everything one needs to know about Dhamma is captured in these two suttas (Nanamoli 1995). The remaining ten thousand plus Suttas are on various explanations of his teaching by Buddha to suit different audiences and occasions. They do not deviate from the contents of the first two, and that consistency is further proof of this summation. Some scholars go even further, they say that the simple verse uttered by Assaji in response to Upatissa’s question encapsulates the essence of the Dhamma:

Of those things that arise from a cause,

The Tathagata has told the cause,

And also, what their cessation is:

This is the doctrine of the Great Recluse.

Everything in twelve thousand pages of text condensed into a single verse! In modern parlance, this verse means “When A is, B is; A arising, B arises; When A is not, B is not; A ceasing, B ceases.” It can be further simplified to ‘Everything comes to existence because of causes and conditions. If we had to stop something from coming into existence, its causes and conditions must be eliminated.’ According to science, this is the law of cause and effect that applies to all phenomena in this universe. Upatissa was said to have become sotapanna, the first stage to liberation upon hearing this verse. Dhamma is also referred to as Hethu Pala Dahama for this reason.

In fact, this simple verse, known as the Paticcasamuppada Gatha, can be considered as the first principle from which the Dhamma in its entirety can be derived. If it governs everything, it must apply to the cycle of samsara as well, ending of which is the supreme goal. Upatissa was said to have sufficient training to unravel the complex message contained in this simple verse and see the Dhamma. Can we get a glimpse of this rationalising process?

If something comes to existence due to causes and effects, it must have a beginning, a progression, and an end. In science, it is called a process, an activity, but not a static object. Just like running, eating, or growing. It does not make sense, you may say; how can this paper on which this essay is printed, held in my hands, which I can feel, smell, and taste if I wish, not be a thing? That is the conventional way of thinking. The other way to look at it is to see its history.

The newsprint was produced from pulp that came from a pine, spruce, or a fir tree growing in the northern hemisphere. The trees grew from seeds, which came from pollen and so on. Every transformation involved in that process required some conditions: chemicals, heat, and water to make paper, and soil, rain, and cold climate for the pine trees to grow. Contemplating the causes and conditions of any phenomenon is not only a fun exercise for a science student, but also a way to meditate on impermanence by anyone interested. However, the way we relate to time gets in the way.

We humans have evolved accustomed to the day-night cycle. Compared to that twenty-four-hour cycle, some processes appear fast while some others appear unimaginably slow. As Einstein pointed out, time is a relative concept. A rock may appear to be a thing, but it is also a process: it is hardened magma that will eventually erode, wash into the ocean, move with tectonic plates, and end up as magma once more. In human time scale, that process is unfathomable, but in cosmic time scale it is a mere split second.

If the earth were twenty-four hours old, humans would have existed only for three seconds, for example. On the other extreme, some insects live only a few hours. For them, in their timescale, humans may appear to be eternal. It may be hard to wrap our heads around, but if we can leave time factor aside, everything becomes a process, which means they are in a state of constant change. This is even more so at atomic level. The scientific term for this state of continuous change is flux. That is what Dhamma teaches us, but were we told that in the class? Yes, in Pali it is called Anicca. Any phenomenon that arises this way is referred to as Sankhara, meaning put together or compounded (Dhammapada verse 277).

All natural phenomena like birth, aging, sickness, and death are such processes. While they are inevitable aspects of life, Dhamma pays more attention to mental processes, which also have the same properties. They too are in flux and devoid of substance. Another characteristic of processes is that as they depend on conditions and causes, they are not under the control of an agent, neither human nor superhuman. Justifiably, free will or conation becomes debatable under such conditions.

That means processes lack substance, purpose, or agency; they keep running based on the causes and conditions. There is no doer. This is defined as no self, which Pali describes as Anatta. According to Dhamma, the notion of a permanent self is merely a convention. However, there is a crucial distinction about mental processes; the human mind can be developed to have some control over mental processes, a key element of Dhamma.

by Geewananda Gunawardana, Ph.D.

(To be concluded)

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Championing Geckos, Conservation, and Cross-Disciplinary Research in Sri Lanka

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Cyrtodactylus yakhuna (Demon ground gecko) Photo - I. Das

In the vibrant tapestry of Sri Lanka’s biodiversity, where rainforests pulse with life and endemic creatures lurk under every leaf, Dr. Nimal D. Rathnayake has carved a unique niche — one that combines the precision of a scientist with the strategic insight of a marketer.

A leading voice in herpetology and a respected academic in the fields of tourism and management, Dr. Rathnayake is a multidisciplinary force, passionately working to conserve reptiles — especially the often-overlooked geckos — while also reimagining how humans interact with nature.

A Childhood Rooted in Discovery

Dr. Rathnayake’s journey into the world of reptiles began in his youth. Growing up with an innate curiosity about the natural world, he joined the Youth Exploration Society of Sri Lanka (YES), a group dedicated to inspiring young people to explore and understand the environment. His early exposure to fieldwork through YES and later, the Amphibia and Reptile Research Organization of Sri Lanka (ARROS), laid the foundation for a lifelong engagement with herpetology.

ARROS, a grassroots organisation with a strong emphasis on field-based research and conservation, gave Dr. Rathnayake the platform to pursue his fascination with amphibians and reptiles more seriously. It was here that he honed his skills in species identification, ecological monitoring, and data collection — skills that would become essential to his later academic pursuits.

Nimal D. Rathnayake

The Silent Stars: Geckos of Sri Lanka

While Sri Lanka is renowned for its charismatic wildlife — elephants, leopards, and blue whales — Dr. Rathnayake has dedicated much of his scientific career to one of the island’s most understated yet ecologically important creatures: geckos.

Sri Lanka is home to more than 50 species of geckos, many of them endemic and highly localised. These small, nocturnal reptiles play crucial roles in the ecosystem as insect predators and as prey for larger animals. Despite their importance, geckos are often ignored in mainstream conservation efforts.

Dr. Rathnayake’s research on geckos has helped shift that narrative. Through detailed ecological studies, he has contributed to understanding their behaviour, habitat preferences, and conservation status. His fieldwork has included both rainforest-dwelling species such as the Cnemaspis geckos — which cling to the moist boulders of the wet zone — and dry-zone species like the agile Hemidactylus that thrive in arid, rocky landscapes.

Much of his work has highlighted the vulnerability of geckos to habitat fragmentation and deforestation. Many species have extremely limited ranges, making them especially sensitive to environmental change. Dr. Rathnayake advocates for the inclusion of microhabitats — such as rocky outcrops and forest understory — in conservation plans, which are often overlooked in broader biodiversity strategies.

A Scholar of many languages: Science, Marketing, and Management

Dr. Rathnayake’s academic career is as diverse as the ecosystems he studies. With over 25 published papers and several books, he has explored topics that span from ecological fieldwork to the intricacies of tourism marketing and destination management. His dual expertise in science and business places him in a unique position to craft interdisciplinary solutions to environmental problems.

One of his key areas of focus is ecotourism — a sector with tremendous potential in biodiversity-rich Sri Lanka. Drawing from his research in marketing and management, Dr. Rathnayake emphasises the importance of balancing tourism growth with environmental responsibility. He is a vocal advocate for wildlife-based tourism models that prioritise education, ethical practices, and community involvement.

His work often draws on field data from herpetological studies — such as gecko population dynamics or habitat assessments — to inform tourism planning. For instance, understanding the specific conditions required by a rare Cnemaspis species can help guide decisions about where to place hiking trails or visitor lodges, minimising disruption to fragile habitats.

Image of the large gecko om Tharulenagala Rock Cave

Building Bridges Between Academia and Conservation

One of Dr. Rathnayake’s most valuable contributions lies in his ability to bridge academic research with practical, on-the-ground impact. His collaborations with local communities, conservation NGOs, and tourism authorities have helped translate science into policy and practice.

He has also been a dedicated mentor to young scientists, guiding students and early-career researchers through fieldwork, data analysis, and publication. His roots in YES and ARROS continue to inform this commitment to youth engagement. For Dr. Rathnayake, fostering a love for science in young people is not just a passion — it’s a strategy for ensuring long-term conservation.

His outreach also extends beyond academia. He frequently speaks at public forums, contributes to media features, and participates in educational programmes aimed at demystifying reptiles. In a culture where snakes and lizards are often feared or misunderstood, his efforts to raise awareness are a crucial part of building public support for conservation.

Sri Lanka’s biodiversity faces increasing pressure from urbanisation, agriculture, climate change, and illegal wildlife trade. Dr. Rathnayake warns that without strategic, science-informed planning, many of the country’s lesser-known species — including endemic geckos — could disappear before the public even knows they exist.

He emphasises that conservation can no longer exist in isolation. “We must think across disciplines — biology, economics, policy, education — if we are to create sustainable models for both nature and people,” he often says.

His vision includes scaling up community-based ecotourism, promoting habitat restoration projects that include gecko microhabitats, and advocating for stronger legal protections for reptiles. Through his research and advocacy, Dr. Rathnayake is working to ensure that conservation in Sri Lanka evolves with the times — grounded in rigorous science, yet responsive to social and economic realities.

In the world of conservation science, specialisation is often the norm. Yet, Dr. Rathnayake has forged a different path — one that values integration over isolation, and collaboration over competition. From the quiet movements of a forest gecko to the complex dynamics of an eco-tourism, he navigates it all with depth and clarity.

As he continues his work, Dr. Rathnayake remains a strong voice in both national and international discussions on biodiversity. His story is a reminder that impactful science isn’t confined to labs or lecture halls. Sometimes, it begins with a child watching a lizard on a tree trunk — and grows into a lifetime of discovery, mentorship, and conservation.

By Ifham Nizam

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