Features
New Fortress Energy, Sri Lanka, and Planet Earth
By Dr. Asoka Bandarage
On September 17, New Fortress Energy (NFE), a US-based energy infrastructure company, signed a momentous legal agreement with the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL). The signing apparently took place in the dead of the night, at 12.06 a.m., and the foreigner who came for the signing swiftly returned to the US on a flight at 2 a.m.
The back-door deal allows NFE to build a terminal for liquefied natural gas (LNG, natural gas kept in a liquid form for ease of transport) off the coast of Colombo. It also enables NFE to purchase, for USD 250 million, the Sri Lankan Treasury’s 40 percent stake in West Coast Power (WCP), which owns the 310 MW Power Yugadanavi Plant in Kerawalapitya, a contributor to the national electricity grid. NFE would have the right to build a new LNG terminal aiming to increase output to 700 MW, with a target of 350 MW by 2023. NFE will initially supply an estimated 1.2 million gallons of LNG a day to the GOSL, with expectations of significant growth as new power plants become operational.
This complex deal, involving a floating LNG terminal (also known as a Floating Storage Regasification Unit, or FSRU), power plants and energy sales estimated at six billion USD, is likely the largest contract the GOSL has ever made with a private company. It also threatens Sri Lanka with a loss of hundreds of millions of dollars and a serious compromise of the country’s energy security.
Interestingly, the Chairman and CEO of New Fortress Energy is Wes Edens, the American billionaire deemed the ‘new king of sub-prime lending’ by the Wall Street Journal in 2015 (and a ‘slumlord’ by community protesters in Milwaukee). He is also a big donor to the Democratic Party and a co-owner of the Milwaukee Bucks basketball team. Celebrating his deal with pandemic-ravaged, debt-ridden and economically desperate Sri Lanka, Wes Edens said:
“This is a significant milestone for Sri Lanka’s transition to cleaner fuels and more reliable, affordable power. We are pleased to partner with Sri Lanka by investing in modern energy infrastructure that will support sustainable economic development and environmental gains.”
Local Opposition
In Sri Lanka, however, the united trade union alliance, other mass organisations, as well as several Ministers and Members of the Parliament, are protesting the agreement. They are calling for its abrogation on grounds that it threatens national political, economic and energy security.
The Ceylon Electricity Board Engineers’ Union (CEBEU) is championing the resistance and points out that the agreement violates the government’s own National Energy Policy, approved in August 2019. The policy clearly states in strategy 3.1.2 that “considering the impact to the national energy security, operation of the first LNG terminal and LNG procurement shall be kept under state control.” The policy also states in 3.8.2 that the “procurement of plant, equipment, crude oil and other fuels as well as power purchase agreements and similar concessions, will be made through a streamlined competitive bidding scheme ensuring transparency and accountability.”
The CEBEU argues that the NFE’s ‘unsolicited proposal’ contradicts “the procurement policies and principles” of the National Energy Policy and the Sri Lanka Electricity Act. As CEBEU President, Saumya Kumarawadu explains, the signing of the NFE agreement during the ongoing bidding process has completely disrupted the transparent and formal procedures to procure an LNG terminal facility and pipelines through competitive offers from other parties, more favourable to Sri Lanka.
The CEBEU fears that the agreement would result in the Ceylon Electricity Board, the long-time provider of electricity to the country, losing its ability and mandate to supply the cheapest source of power under its least-cost operating guidelines. The CEBEU has extensively examined the pricing formulas for LNG supply in the NFE agreement, and considers them “very much disadvantageous to Sri Lanka.” They cite offensive conditions of the agreement, including:
- “Inclusion of very high Take or Pay (TOP) gas volumes than the actual minimum requirement of the country with strict conditions that NFE should be paid irrespective of whether the contracted volumes are consumed or not.
- Contract term initially for five years with almost definite compelled further extensions.
- Exclusive rights of supplying LNG to Sri Lanka electricity generation.
- NFE being granted all tax exemptions/benefits/investment incentives available under Sri Lankan law.”
Sri Lankan activists argue that under the NFE agreement, the supply of LNG may not be limited to just the electricity sector but could also extend to other sectors, such as transport and domestic usage, giving a foreign company enormous control over the country. As the CEBEU points out:
“The main aim of NFE is not the mere USD 250 million investment in shares of WCPL but the securing of multi-billion dollar LNG supply contract without a competition and with exclusive rights of supplying LNG to the whole country with an undefined extended duration beyond five years with massive controlling power on the country’s national security and energy security and with guaranteed exorbitant profits.”
Given the Asia-Pacific Strategy of the US to control the Indian Ocean, including strategically located Sri Lanka, local activists point out the dangers of complete dependence on the US for LNG supply to local power plants. Activists lament: “They [the U.S.] will not let us off the hook once they establish their foothold here. We are in deep trouble.”
A Press Release by the National Joint Committee of Sri Lanka of August 2, 2021, points out that the current GOSL was elected into office with a massive mandate to safeguard national resources and strategic assets from neocolonial exploitation.
The current economic crisis and external political pressure should not be excuses to sell the country for short-term political and economic expedience. This, of course, is the situation for many countries, not only Sri Lanka.
NFE and LNG in global context
NFE is a global company with an expanding “network of liquefied natural gas (LNG) terminals, power generation facilities and natural gas logistics infrastructure,” around the world. With operations in North America, Europe, the Caribbean, Central America, and Africa it has positioned itself to be the leader in the world’s transition to LNG and to “light the world.”
As in Sri Lanka, NFE presents its global LNG projects as “clean, cheap and safe alternatives to coal and oil.” However, activists (and energy experts critical of ‘greenwashing’) question its assumptions and practices. As the Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC) points out in its report ‘Sailing to Nowhere: Liquefied Natural Gas is not an Effective Climate Strategy’, expansion of US-produced LNG “could have enormous environmental impacts and costs for decades to come.”
LNG production involves extensive use of hydraulic fracturing (‘fracking’), the process of injecting liquid at high pressure into subterranean rocks to force open fissures and extract oil or gas, and LNG processing can increase air pollution and contaminate water supplies, harming human and environmental health.
The fracking-driven expansion has transformed the US from a gas importer to a gas exporter, aggressively seeking overseas markets to sell its oversupply. While natural gas is considered a ‘bridge fuel’ towards sustainability, with lower carbon dioxide emissions than coal or oil, the extraction, processing, and transport of gas emits greenhouse gases, including through leaks and releases from wells, pipelines, storage and processing facilities. Methane, the principal component of the gas, is the second biggest driver of climate change, and gas production systems are the second largest emitters of methane in the US. The NRDC concludes that:
“…using LNG to replace other, dirtier fossil fuels, is not an effective strategy to reduce climate-warming emissions. In fact, if the LNG export industry expands as projected, it is likely to make it nearly impossible to keep global temperatures from increasing above the 1.5 degrees Celsius threshold for catastrophic climate impacts.”
The Public Accountability Initiative, a nonprofit organization that researches connections between corporate and government power, argues that “Financial firms like Wes Edens’ New Fortress Energy are critical players in propping up the fossil fuel industry, which is responsible for our current climate crisis.”
Ecological alternatives
Social and environmental activists also point out that, while NFE and other power companies seek to make huge profits from LNG, flooding energy markets in countries such as Puerto Rico and others in the Caribbean with ‘fracked gas’ will not build resilience. Instead, they call for localised renewable energy sources, such as rooftop and community solar and distributed microgrid technologies, which are more sustainable and more resilient to natural disasters such as earthquakes and hurricanes than centralised fossil-generated power.
Sri Lanka, like Puerto Rico, is an environmentally challenged island that needs to heed these warnings.
The recent environmental devastation, off the coast of Sri Lanka, caused by the explosion of the X-Press Pearl ship carrying toxic cargo, should provoke similar demands for action. For example, strict regulations on the maritime transport of toxic substances, including LNG, are desperately needed to avoid further disasters.
If the Democratic administration in the US is genuinely committed to mitigating climate change, it needs to move away from the global export of dangerous and controversial LNG. Instead, economically struggling countries and regions like Sri Lanka and Puerto Rico need to be allowed, with their sovereignty intact, to develop truly clean, safe, and cheap energy sources, such as solar and wind power, that uphold local and bioregional paths to environmental and human protection.
Features
New mediation law for smarter dispute resolution of civil and commercial disputes – I
The Mediation (Civil and Commercial Disputes) Bill was passed by the Parliament on Thursday, June 11, 2026. Harshana Nanayakkara, Minister of Justice and National Integration, introduced the Bill, and explained its provisions and value for Sri Lanka and global developments in the use of mediation. Encouragingly, it was passed unanimously.
Sri Lanka’s commitment to provide legislative support for the use of mediation is timely and most welcome. Given that the backlog of cases pending before courts is over a staggering 1.1 million, it is clear that Sri Lanka is yet another country that remains challenged to find responses to make dispute resolution more efficient. The impact of laws delays is serious and damaging not only to the disputants personally, but also for businesses and the economic development of the country. The delays in concluding cases impacts the economy adversely, both directly and indirectly, but are often seen only as an access to Justice concern. This is unfortunate. In many jurisdictions across the globe, alternative dispute resolution processes (ADR), such as mediation, have been introduced to alleviate laws delays. While Sri Lanka enacted legislation (1988) to provide for mediation in respect of minor community disputes of a low monetary threshold, the enactment of the new law heralds a commitment to provide for the recognition of a disciplined regime for its use for higher value civil and commercial disputes.
The new law provides for the recognition of mediation as a dispute resolution option that can be voluntarily selected by parties, and for a governance regime to ensure that mediations are conducted in compliance with certain standards which are globally accepted. It provides statutory recognition to the principle that a mediated settlement agreement that has been signed by the disputants, is valid in law. It does not provide for any management control by government or establish entities. In addition to the voluntary reference by parties, a court can also refer a dispute in an action before it, to mediation, at its discretion, after considering all circumstances and if considered appropriate. The voluntary nature of the process is not affected because, while the court can refer the dispute to mediation and the parties must then engage in the mediation, there is no compulsion for the parties to settle against their will.
The law sets out the obligations of Mediators, disputants and the Service Provider. Certain categories of disputes cannot be referred to mediation. These are disputes the settlement of which requires the inclusion of terms that can be given effect to, only on a decree of court, such as the termination of a marriage or a declaration of nullity of marriage or the adoption of a child or the partition of land to obtain rights in rem. A schedule sets out eleven (11) categories of actions that cannot be settled by mediation. However, matters relevant to such disputes may be mediated for the purpose of submitting terms of settlement to court for consideration of incorporation in a judgement, decree or order in compliance with applicable law.
The new law also provides that in a mediation, certain key principles of the process must be complied with. These include the confidentiality and the without prejudice rule in respect of matters discussed at the mediation; the rule that Mediators must be neutral and impartial; the party centric nature of the process that provides primacy to the wishes of the disputants including that it is they that determine the outcome and that a settlement is reached only if all disputants agree to the terms; the noncoercive role of the mediator whose duty is to facilitate and manage the process using mediation specific skills and techniques, but is debarred from imposing a decision. Although a settlement agreement is valid in law, provision is included to obtain a decree of court, based on the terms of the settlement. A mediated settlement agreement can be set aside on an application made to court, on specific limited grounds which are provided for, including that it is offensive to the public policy of the country. If the parties are unable to agree on a settlement, a certificate of non-settlement is issued. The provisions of the law are based on international best practices and principles articulated in the 1988 UN Mediation Convention (the Singapore Convention) and the UNCITRAL model law.
The popularity of mediation has grown for its value in being time efficient, cost effective and party centric. Parties have control over the outcome and have the space to discuss their concerns, fears and interests and need never agree to settle unless fully satisfied that settlement terms address their interests. Disputants are free to walk out of a mediation process at any time, if dissatisfied with the progress. The discussions are confidential and a valuable feature is that the process offers an opportunity to reduce acrimony which is prevalent in most disputes, and to restore fractured relationships which is very important in family and business related disputes. This benefit and the prospects for governments to reduce the cost of the administration of justice, by using mediation, is articulated in the preamble to the 2018 UN Convention on International Settlement Agreements Resulting from Mediation (2018) which states that the use of mediation results in significant benefits.
Pursuant to the interest generated within the country regarding the value of using Mediation for commercial dispute resolution, and heralding what we like to see as the initial steps of a Mediation boom in the country, several positive advancements have taken place –
* Parties have opted to include mediation in the dispute resolution clause in contracts;
* Given that mediating disputes requires very specialised techniques and skills, many professionals, including predominantly Lawyers, have engaged in training programmes offered by international training bodies that offer accreditation;
* Trained Mediators are engaged in an effort to form themselves as a professional Organisation;
* Mediation Advocacy training programmes have been held to train Lawyers on their niche role in the mediation process. That role is distinctly different to that of a court Lawyer who’s obligations are centred on an adversarial approach where the dispute is adjudicated in terms of the law alone. Hence lawyers need training to be useful within a non-adversarial process which is party centric and has a focus on reaching a settlement, based on the interests of disputants.
* Sri Lanka enacted the Recognition and Enforcement of International Mediated Settlement Agreements Act No. 5 of 2024 (the UN Mediation Convention Act) and ratified the Convention becoming the 14th country to do so. Sri Lanka will be seen as an investor friendly country in respect of dispute resolution where mediation is used, since it offers an enforcement regime which is recognised universally.
* The landmark determination of the Supreme Court (SC SD 22 of 2025) in the challenge by the Bar Association to the constitutionality of the Mediation (Civil and Commercial Disputes) Bill, found that none of the provisions of the Bill were unconstitutional and gave a judicial sign off to statutory provisions that seek to ensure that mediation services are provided in this country, in a disciplined manner in compliance with universally accepted standards.
* Perhaps, inspired by the statutory obligation imposed on judges to attempt pretrial settlement of disputes, in terms of the Small Claims Court Act and the Small Claims Court Procedure Act (both of 2022) and the Civil Procedure Code provisions on Pretrial Conference and Pretrial Orders, 125 District Judges were recently trained (with support from the ADB) in Mediation. The training provided a dual benefit – it provided training in skills that are required to settle disputes and equally importantly, provided a comprehensive understanding of how mediation will function when judges themselves refer disputes for settlement by private mediators.
* Trained Mediators are already conducting mediations with success.
* A not-for-profit guarantee company, the International ADR Centre – www.iadrc.lk ) was established in 2018 as a joint venture of the Ceylon Chamber of Commerce and the Institute for the Development of Commercial Law & Practice (ICLP) to promote ADR and is actively engaged in promoting mediation through training, disseminating information and creating awareness among stakeholders, including the business sector. In addition to the International ADR Centre, “Udecide” is a project that promotes training of mediators and other activities that enrich the mediation culture.
* Commercial Mediation has been included in the Masters level programme at the Colombo University;
* The Sri Lanka Law College offers a component on Mediation in the Post Attorney Diploma programme, which commenced recently.
The private sector was actively engaged in the drafting of the Mediation Bill under the leadership of the International ADR Centre, which held many stakeholder consultations to obtain feedback from those that were conversant with the subject. The Centre had previously assisted the government to draft the UN Mediation Convention Act (Act No. 5 of 2024).
Several international Organisations that previously provided for resolution of disputes by arbitration, have provided for institutional rules to provide mediation services. These include WIPO and the ICC. Specifically, in relation to Investor State dispute resolution (ISDR), the International Bar Association (IBA) adopted its Mediation Rules in 2012 and ICSID (of the World Bank group) adopted its Mediation Rules in 2022. UNCITRAL, which is currently working on reforming ISDR, promotes mediation, observing that the use of mediation could reduce the costs of ISDS and also preserve relationships between the investor and the State. UNCITRAL has formulated provisions on and Guidelines for, Mediation for investor state dispute resolution.
(To be continued)
by Dhara Wijayatilake
Attorney-at-Law; Former Secretary to the Ministry of Justice; Director and Secretary General of the International ADR Centre.
Features
A Testament to the Sri Lankan family
The passing of Dr. Devanesan Nesiah a few days ago brought back memories that spanned more than four decades. Devanesan signed the witness register at my marriage in 2002. It was a year of hope. The Ceasefire Agreement between the government and the LTTE had brought a respite from a war that had devastated the country for nearly two decades. The possibility of peace seemed real. It was fitting that Devanesan should be present on that occasion because his entire life was dedicated to building bridges across divides and seeking rational and humane solutions to conflict. He was a friend, mentor, and guide whose life embodied values that Sri Lanka, indeed the world, needs today.
In reflecting on Dr. Nesiah’s life, we need to be reminded that the forces that unite us as a people in Sri Lanka are stronger than those that divide us, and that the bonds of human affection can transcend even the deepest divisions of ethnicity, history and politics. I first met him in 1984. I had just had my very first newspaper article published in the Jaffna-based Saturday Review. The editor was Gamini Navaratne, a Sinhalese. This was a reminder that even during the darkest period of ethnic conflict, the bonds between communities remained strong. The article I had written was based on my encounters with the anti-Tamil violence of July 1983.
At that time, Dr Nesiah was the Government Agent of Jaffna. Tens of thousands of Tamil people who had fled violence in the south had been transported to the north by a government that had failed to protect them. He came up to me at an event, introduced himself, and told me that he liked what I had written. He also said that he would soon be leaving for Harvard University’s Kennedy School of Government and that we could meet there. Over the next three years, Devanesan and his wife Anita adopted me into their family. I used to visit them two or three times a week, not only to be given meals by Anita but to discuss matters with Devanesan. These included the academic papers and newspaper articles that were written. Later, Anita earned her PhD in religion and served on the boards of many civic organisations, including the National Peace Council.
Practical Solution
In 1992, we had both returned to work in Sri Lanka when Devanesan invited me to accompany him to Jaffna to celebrate the eightieth birthday of his father, K Nesiah, the distinguished educationist affectionately known as Professor Nesiah. The older Nesiah had been a leading member of the Jaffna Youth Congress. This remarkable movement championed complete independence from British rule, national unity, and the eradication of social inequalities based on caste and communal identity.
At a time when many feared that independence would lead to majoritarian domination, the leaders of the Youth Congress chose instead to place their faith in a shared Sri Lankan future. They believed that people from different communities could build a common nation while preserving their distinctive identities. So did Devanesan. This vision remains relevant today. It needs to be actualized.
The tragedy of Sri Lanka’s post-independence history is not that diversity exists. Diversity exists in every society. The tragedy is that we often allow diversity to become a source of fear, though we share many of the same values of family, hospitality, respect for elders and compassion towards others. During our visit to Jaffna in 1992, we met representatives of the LTTE administration, including Raheem. The discussion turned to the controversial issue of merging the Northern and Eastern Provinces. Dr Nesiah argued that if the merger could not be achieved due to political opposition, it might be more rational to seek greater powers for provincial councils instead. Raheem disagreed. Devanesan was interested in finding practical ways to achieve justice and coexistence. That was characteristic of him.
Devanesan Nesiah was a student of conflict and strategy. He became a doctoral student of Professor Thomas Schelling, who would later receive the Nobel Prize for his pioneering work on conflict and cooperation. Schelling’s insight was that even in the midst of conflict, there are usually common interests that adversaries share. Even adversaries locked in a struggle usually depend on each other for the outcome they each want. The challenge is to identify those common interests and build upon them. Conflict is not simply a contest between enemies. It is also a search for ways to coexist. Together as students and peace practitioners, we applied those theories to the Sri Lankan context to understand what was going on and to share that understanding with the Sri Lankan people.
Rational Empathy
Dr Nesiah spoke his mind, truth to power. He was a man of logic, rationality, and principle. His integrity came at a cost. His public service career experienced many ups and downs because he refused to accommodate irrational or corrupt demands. There were periods when he was sidelined into that administrative limbo known as the “pool” and assigned no substantive responsibilities for refusing to give in to political demands. Like the rest of his larger family, most notably the Hoole family of Jaffna, he would not abandon his principles. In 2018, to protest the action of President Maithripala Sirisena in sacking the then government he returned his Deshamanya Award (Pride of the Nation) national civil honourn which was soon thereafter overturned by the Supreme Court as being unconstitutional. His commitment was not to personal advancement, but to what he believed was right.
My wife Sumadhu recalls a story he told her. One day, while travelling on official duty, he told her how he had seen a thalagoya, a monitor lizard, trussed up and being taken away for slaughter. The sight of the creature’s suffering affected him deeply. He said he saw tears in its eyes and described the moment of awakening. From that day onwards, he gave up eating meat.
The story brings to mind the biblical story of the conversion of St Paul on the road to Damascus and the Buddhist exhortation, “May all living beings be well and happy.” But the deeper significance lies not in religious comparison. It lies in the awakening of empathy.
That was the essence of Dr Devanesan Nesiah’s worldview. The prejudices that society often imposes through ethnicity, religion, caste, or gender had little hold on him. He saw them as human constructs that often served to privilege some while excluding others. Such were his values that made him an extraordinary human being. Dr. Nesiah lived according to that understanding. He showed that integrity can survive amidst conflict. He reminded us that reason and compassion are not opposites but partners, that what unites us as Sri Lankans inhabiting our common island home has always been greater than what divides us, and we need to build our institutions accordingly.
I am proud that he was my friend. I am grateful that he was my mentor.
by Jehan Perera
Features
City of Dreams …Heartbeat of Colombo
If Colombo’s nightlife had a pulse, you’d find it 23 floors up, at Gatz, City of Dreams, Cinnamon Life.
The entertainment lounge has shed its old skin and stepped out supper-club style — think dim lights, clinking glasses, and live music that doesn’t ask you to choose between dinner and a show. You get both.
What’s more, at the new look Gatz the music never stops and it’s all happening seven nights a week … with live entertainment, and this is the scene, beat by beat:
Monday and Tuesday: Top Hats with Daniella/Naomi, from 7.00 pm onwards.

Sohan, Kamal Munasinghe (GM, Cinnamon Life) and Imran of
Funtime Entertainments
One of Colombo’s most sought-after bands is now a Monday-Tuesday ritual.
With a super repertoire, Top Hats can swing from lounge jazz to dancefloor fire. Big venues love them. Now Gatz gets to claim them.
Wednesday: Enroute with Gananath & Debbie – from 7.00 pm onwards.
Want New York at sunset? This is it. Gananath & Debbie transport you straight to the heady days of Frank Sinatra, Dean Martin, and Ray Charles …old-school cool, live and unfiltered.
Thursday to Sunday: Terry & the Big Spenders – from 8.00 pm onwards.

Terry & The Big Spenders
The crowd favourite. A super big band sound that owns the 70s, 80s and 90s.
If you’ve been waiting for horns, harmonies, and nostalgia with volume, Terry & the Big Spenders deliver it nightly. No wonder they’re a huge hit.
Gatz is now an entertainment lounge, in Supper Club style, with Happy Hour very day, from 6.00 pm to 8.00 pm because the night, they say, should start with a toast.
And, from July, weekends at the Gatz go global. Local and foreign guest stars will be around to entertain you. Gatz is certainly booking big.
Wow! That would be another exciting experience for those patronising the most talked about venue in town.
In charge of the new setup is our legendary entertainer/singer Sohan Weerasinghe, along with Imran of Funtime Entertainment.
The twosome, with invaluable assistance from the General Manager, Kamal Munasinghe, and the entire team at Cinnamon Life, have built Gatz into more than a venue. They have turned it into the “Heartbeat of the City.”
So come for happy hour. Stay for Terry’s horns, Sing-along with Enroute and Dance with Top Hats, all on the 23rd floor, and while Colombo sparkles below the bands will take you higher.
Remember, the heartbeat is loudest at Gatz.

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