Features
Cricketing woes: a need to return to glory from the doldrums
by Dr. Upatissa Pethiyagoda.
The period of mourning is over, and it is open season for the hunt. Our cricket team is back. No VIP lounge, no garlands, no welcoming parties and no open decked bus for a ‘victory ride’ into town, roads lined with cheering, flag waving and delirious crowds. Instead, a grim arrival with no asininely grinning officials from SL Cricket or Ministry of Sports – even perhaps the great man himself.
Little wonder, since Board and Ministry are busy, having instead to face a slew of court proceedings. A combative minister and an unruly Parliament, are floundering in unfamiliar territory, in a manner that is all but sportsman-like. Meanwhile, the Speaker, in his flabby, out-sized finery, fumbles helplessly – rather like a football referee who has forgotten to bring his whistle.
Among those blamed for the debacle are The Board of Control for Cricket (BCCL), coaches, advisors, selectors, poor pitch preparation, punishing schedules, excessive travels, fitness, and evening dew. Everything other than lack of preparedness and dedication by the cricketers themselves. Talent alone without commitment is not enough. Poor captaincy, irresponsible batting, wayward bowling, poor ground fielding and dropped catches have all conspired to diminish performance. Catches do win matches.
The tragedy is that some of these criticisms are valid, but some not so. Compounding all this is the “choking atmosphere” at the Sri Lanka Cricket Board. Various matters are pending in courts. This does not bode well for our cricket and tends to quench any efforts to improve matters.
There are three areas of life which are strictly personal and not open to trespass by anyone. These three are Sports, Religion, and Culture (and may also include language). Wherever they have been trespassed, there has been chaos. What Sport one favours, what religion one follows and what culture one displays, (and I would add, what language one chooses to speak), are not matters to be decided by some certifiable punks. Most of us, I believe, like to make their own choices (or mistakes).
To my mind, the primary cause for the decline of cricket, along with monetization, is politicization. It is astonishing that we have chosen to entrust sports to persons who are unable to conduct even their own legitimate tasks with competence, grace and dignity.
Is it not an absurdity that some guy, bereft of any knowledge or competence, has the power to decide who should be or not be in a national team? Some persons of dubious ability in anything, have been “Ministers of Sports”. The belief that a Minister or Ministry is necessary for things to improve, is a demonstrable fallacy.
When it comes to cricket, I can only think of one instance where high -level political monkeying helped. This was when Sanath Jayasuriya was hurriedly dispatched to bolster our team (in Australia?), when he virtually rushed from airport to grounds, to score a memorable hundred. But see what happened, when the same person chose to enter the murky pitch of local politics.
A world class left-hand opening batsman transformed into a mere third level political nonentity. It is nearly forgotten that he and “Little Kalu” spectacularly re-wrote the syllabus for the first ten overs of ODI cricket, for others to follow. After his defection, Sanath’s only victim was one injured buffalo on the Southern expressway.
In contrast Aravinda, still occupies an enviable place in cricket lore. Murali, Mahela and Sanga are still in equally hallowed positions. Dilshan, perhaps our best ever covers fielder, dropped some hints of a suicidal dive. Fortunately, it seems that his vision for change has now lost its sheen. It is nice to see Arjuna R showing glimpses of his legendary belligerent (cool) obstinacy, whether dealing with port labour or with shady characters in the SL Cricket Board, whose actions have been sadly lacking in integrity. One awaits the findings of the judiciary.
The ongoing duel between President Wickremesinghe and his Sports Minister Roshan Ranasinghe, shows what happens when politics and sports are mixed, when expediency prevails against principle.
Decades ago English and Australian Test teams on their journeys, would fit in a one-day fixture against a local team. Although usually mauled, we sometimes displayed respectable talent (for example in Mahes Rodrigo). During Test Matches we usually backed the Aussies. Our keenness was so intense, that we often recalled the entire score board, even in some County matches. Several Sri Lankans figured respectably in English County Cricket. Two names that come to mind are (Laddie?) Outschoorn and Stanley Jayasinghe, while Gamini.Gunasena and Vijaya Malalasekera excelled in the Oxford/Cambridge Big Matches.
Our current poor showing, has been equated with what Windies cricket has undergone, due to differences, between players and their Governing Body, in financial matters. Although the circumstances are most unfortunate, the mere grouping of us with them, even in distress, is immensely comforting. Most so, when the similarity between them is their bold approaches to the game, without undue regard for the final result, have been admired by many commentators. In particular, the willlngness to take defeat as gracefully as victory, I therefore take the liberty of recalling some of their previous greatness, flattered as we are by the declaration of their similarities.
West Indian Teams excluded coloured players for a long while. After liberation, they blazed a fantastic trail. The front runner in the ‘resurrection’ was Learie. Constantine. After ending his brilliant career in cricket, he was the West Indies High Commissioner to Britain for a few years. He was not only made a knight thereafter, but also served in the House of Lords as “Lord Baron Contantine”.
He was a strong force in combating colour discrimination. In cricket, he was an aggressive batsman and also regarded as the best fielder in Test Cricket in his time. Among the many legends that are associated with L.C, was that he batted with such ferocity that in one instance, it is said that the ball fractured the hand of the hapless quickie bowler who tried to catch it, and then smashed into the front rows of the stands, for one of the lowest sixes ever seen.
The decade of the 1950’s could rightly be called the Age of the Windies. Including perhaps the best all-rounder of all times, Garfield (Gary) Sobers, (who incidentally had a short stint coaching our national team). He was part of the outfit which included the three genius batsmen, Frank Worrell, Clyde Walcott and Everton Weekes (The three W’s), Rohan Kanhai who would steer the ball for a brilliant hook shot, while air-borne, with both feet off the ground. The spin combination of the magical duo, Sonny Ramadhin and Alf Valentine were devils incarnate. The fast bowler Wes Hall, who started his run-up almost from the boundary, was plain deadly.
An important innovation of the time, was the twist of the bat as it struck the ball. This often defined “style”- being maximum effect from minimal effort. Expectedly, this team was heroic to all followers of the game. These were early days for television. I still recall watching a match, where Worrell was on screen continuously for well over ten hours. A historic Fifth Test at Lords, saw all three W’s score ducks. I had the pleasure of meeting Walcott in Rome, when I took mischievous glee in recalling this unique experience. I could not say whether he blushed.
A bit of physics of motion may be in order. A moving body at 60 miles per hour travels 88 feet per second. This means that the 22 yards between bowling and batting crease, is covered in about 0.75 of a second. It is said that the human eye takes about 0.1 second to transmit an impulse from eye to muscle to react. This leaves about 0.65 of a second for a batsman to adjust himself to read the grip on the ball, read the seam position, sense the speed and length, select the proper stroke for the delivery, figure out the fielders’ positions, positioning himself accordingly to play the selected stroke. This is a near impossibility, since faster bowlers today exceed 140 km per hour. It may explain why good batsmen are so rare and that generally, dark-skinned races produce better players than Caucasians. Genetics in operation, physics of motion in error, or some mystical elements at play?
Much has happened to cricket in the last few years. Test cricket, which was the undisputed “King Cricket,” has been displaced by the shorter limited over forms. The 50-over One Day Internationals (ODI) and the 20-over forms (20- overs) have grown in popularity. The almost religious addiction to hallowed (and slower-paced) Tests, is being seriously challenged.
The fear that this might lead to a decline in the quality or “style” has not happened. A type of new culture has developed. This has led to Premier League contests (IPL, PPL and LPL), hosted by India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka respectively. Simultaneously, emphasis has moved towards greater numbers of “professional players”.
There may be some who consider this as likely to diminish the outstanding stature of cricket. The annual fixture in England, between the “Gentlemen” (amateurs) versus “Players” (professionals), was a symbolic recognition of this distinction. This has led to the “Premier League” matches, where players are selected at an auction and drawn from all countries with individual offerings.
The purists may (justifiably) see a parallel with cattle auctions. Cricket, has thus become Big Money, with outstandingly gifted players attracting huge sums, of the order of thousands of dollars (or crores of Indian rupees), for a single season. Players from all playing nations can offer themselves for bids. While some purists might see this as retrograde, the majority view this as just reward for talent and/or entertainment, as so many actors and artists of excellence do. But this also opens the gate for gamblers, match fixers and other crooked types. In fact, some outstanding players have had to sacrifice promising careers for tainted money. The sums involved are astronomical and so also are corresponding corrupt practices.
“Modernization” has brought with it several changes.
Protective gear. The previous gear for batsmen has been added to by helmets, knee and arm protector and thigh paddings. Close-up fielders too wear helmets and shin-guards.Whites have replaced the red leather balls. This has apparently caused differences in bounce and swing. They also seem to wear and soften differently. A sensible change is for each umpire to carry a ball, so that at the end of each over, a different ball is used.
Electronic devices – cameras, ball trackers etc. which are designed to correct possible umpiring errors, and the Duckworth-Lewis Method to combat bad weather, or other reason to curtail the second innings in a limited overs game are useful innovations.
Women’s participation. In also a welcome change. There are events parallel to men’s contests in use. This is most logical. The readiness with which women have risen to the occasion and shown that they are no second to men in performance, is astonishing. It will probably not be too long before fixtures between them, or mixed teams become a reality. Sri Lankan ladies are happily in the top slots. They have figured also as commentators, umpires and scorers and shown to be serious.
Along with the dominance of the shorter versions, the rigour of Test garb has changed from the formal whites and flannels to vivid colours.
There have been some linguistic changes as well to reflect gender equality. No longer are there “batsmen” and “fieldsmen” but “batters” and “fielders”, but still slips and gullies, long, short and fine “legs”.
In our case, new “outstation” talent especially from rural areas, have benefitted the game. Gone are the times when Royal, St Thomas and Trinity provided the nucleus. This is no more. Lads from the most remote areas of the South and North-Central areas dominate. This is undoubtedly a positive development.Teams from the Netherlands and Afghanistan have moved smoothly from the ranks of “Minnows” to serious contenders for recognition.
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Features
People’s mandate and judicial legitimacy
Sri Lanka is witnessing the dismantling of the culture of impunity that dominated public life for decades. This is happening through the courts, police investigations and legal process. It is not an easy task and requires strong leadership as it is generating strong resistance. The ongoing revelations about the nexus between politicians, including those at the highest levels, and criminal networks show that the government’s electoral mandate with regard to corruption and crime is now being translated into action through the legal system. The vote of the people at the last national elections was for a corruption free country and an end to the climate of impunity that had prevailed for decades. They voted for a system change that would replace impunity with accountability under the rule of law. They expected those who had looted the country and brought it to the point of bankruptcy to be held accountable through the due process of law.
The cases that are being investigated by the police, in tandem with the Attorney General’s Department, and adjudicated by the judiciary are based on hard evidence. Much of the evidence that is now receiving publicity had been available several years ago and had even entered the legal process. In the past those cases failed to reach fruition. Investigations lost momentum, prosecutions failed to marshal the available evidence and many cases were dismissed, some on technical grounds. Between 2019 and 2024, a total of 102 cases were withdrawn from the courts by the government authorities. The public knew, or strongly believed, that corruption and serious crimes had taken place. The inability to establish wrongdoing before a court of law and hold those responsible accountable created a climate in which political power appeared to provide protection from legal accountability.
A countrywide study titled Factors Guiding Voter Preference in Elections in Sri Lanka was commissioned by the National Peace Council prior to the 2024 elections under the European Union funded project Active Citizens for Elections and Democracy and conducted by researchers Dr Mahesh Senanayake and Ms Crishni Silva of the University of Colombo. It found overwhelming public support for accountability and good governance. While 93 percent of respondents identified resolving the economic crisis as their foremost electoral concern, an equally striking 83 percent said they prioritised candidates committed to fighting corruption. The mandate given to the government can, therefore, be interpreted to mean to restore integrity to public life and end the long standing culture of impunity.
Different Approach
Today, it can be seen that the police, the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption, the Attorney General’s Department and the judiciary are approaching matters of impunity in respect of corruption and crime in a manner that is markedly different from the past. Several persons who formerly occupied high office have now been subjected to due legal process and, in a number of cases, convicted after judicial scrutiny at different levels of the court system. This is an important difference from earlier years when cases involving politically prominent persons frequently failed to proceed or collapsed before reaching their conclusion. The strength of the present accountability process lies not only in the convictions that have been secured but also in the growing public confidence that no one is above the law. It is in this context that reports of a government proposal to extend by two years the retirement age of judges of the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal have generated support from those who wish to see the present accountability process continue and opposition from those who see it as an attempt to influence the judiciary.
Many countries have increased judicial retirement ages in recognition of longer life expectancy and the value of retaining experienced judges. This has not only been limited to the judiciary but also the academia and the public service. However, the controversy in Sri Lanka is due to the context and as the proposal for an extension of the period of service of judges of the superior courts comes at a time when the courts are hearing politically significant corruption and criminal cases. The Bar Association of Sri Lanka has taken the lead in questioning the proposed constitutional amendment. The BASL has stated that it “notes with grave concern” reports that the government is considering increasing the retirement age of judges of the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal. It has warned that extending the tenure of sitting judges at this point of time is likely to be viewed by the public as an attempt to interfere with the independence of the judiciary.
The main issue raised by the BASL is therefore one of preserving public confidence in the administration of justice. A discussion organised by the BASL also highlighted that this issue has implications beyond Sri Lanka. Representatives of the Commonwealth Lawyers Association and LAWASIA acknowledged that many countries have increased the retirement age of judges in recognition of greater life expectancy and the value of retaining experienced judges. Their concern was not with increasing the retirement age itself but with changing the tenure of sitting judges while politically significant corruption cases are before the courts. In such circumstances, even well intentioned reform could create a public perception that the judiciary is being influenced to take forward the government’s mandate in a partisan manner.
Maintain Confidence
The challenge before the government is to preserve two equally important objectives. The first is to continue implementing the people’s mandate to hold the corrupt and those responsible for grave crimes accountable before the law. The second is to ensure that nothing is done which could diminish public confidence in the independence and impartiality of the judiciary that is entrusted with carrying out that responsibility. The strength of the present accountability process lies in the confidence it has generated among the public that investigations, prosecutions and judicial decisions are being made according to law as in the convictions that have been secured. Sri Lanka has come a long way from the days when politically sensitive cases rarely reached a successful conclusion. It would be unfortunate if doubts regarding the independence of the judiciary were to overshadow what has otherwise been a significant institutional achievement.
In the face of the concerns expressed by the BASL, opposition political parties and international legal organisations, it would be prudent for the government to widen the discussion on the proposed amendment. If there is a compelling case to increase the retirement age of judges of the superior courts, that case should be placed before the public and parliament and debated openly. Such a constitutional amendment should not rest solely on the government’s parliamentary majority, even if it has the numbers to secure its passage. Simply utilising the numbers that the government on its own to make changes to the constitution will not increase its legitimacy or credibility. Those values will be strengthened if they were preceded by public consultation and supported across party lines in Parliament. Bipartisan political support can be expected from those in the opposition, of whom there are many, who have shown an inclination to practice responsible politics in the national interest.
The people voted not only to change a government but to change a system. They expected those who abused public trust to be held accountable through institutions that commanded public confidence. That expectation is beginning to be fulfilled. It should not be placed at risk by constitutional change that lacks broad public acceptance. If the government believes there is a compelling case to extend the retirement age of the judges of the superior courts, it should first make that case to the people and seek bipartisan support in Parliament with those in the opposition who are also sincere about anti-corruption and good governance. The challenge is to protect the independence of the judiciary while ensuring that no one is above the law. Overcoming this challenge is the surest way to make Sri Lanka’s transition from a culture of impunity to one of accountability a lasting one.
by Jehan Perera
Features
Intelligence-led governance: the strategic path to a sovereign nation
In an increasingly volatile and interconnected world, the strength of a nation is no longer determined solely by the size of its military, the abundance of its natural resources, or the growth of its economy. The true measure of national strength lies in the resilience of its institutions, the confidence of its people, the effectiveness of its governance, and its ability to anticipate and respond to emerging challenges before they become national crises.
The twenty-first century has introduced a security landscape that is far more complex than ever before. Nations today confront not only conventional military threats but also terrorism, organised crime, cyber-attacks, economic instability, disinformation, climate change, pandemics, energy insecurity, irregular migration, financial crimes, and geopolitical competition. These challenges are interconnected and demand integrated responses rather than isolated solutions.
To navigate this evolving environment successfully, every nation requires a shared strategic vision supported by strong institutions working in harmony. At the centre of this vision should be a modern, professional, and intelligence-led system of governance that enables informed decision-making, protects democratic values, and promotes sustainable national development.
A Shared Strategic Vision
Every successful nation should aspire towards a common national vision:
A Sovereign Nation Happy People Peaceful Society Prosperous Economy A Respected Global Partner
These are not independent aspirations but interconnected national outcomes. Achieving them requires every State institution to work collectively under a common strategic framework rather than as isolated entities pursuing individual objectives.
A sovereign nation is one that possesses not only secure borders but also strong institutions, economic resilience, social cohesion, and the confidence to make independent national decisions. Sovereignty today extends beyond territorial integrity to include economic security, cyber resilience, energy security, food security, environmental sustainability, and protection against external influence.
Good Governance: The Cornerstone
The foundation of every successful nation is good governance.
Transparency, accountability, integrity, professionalism, and efficient public administration create an environment where citizens trust their institutions and investors have confidence in the country’s future. Corruption, political interference, inefficiency, and weak institutions undermine national resilience and weaken sovereignty from within.
Good governance is not merely an administrative principle; it is a national security imperative.
When public institutions function efficiently, public services improve, economic opportunities expand, and social grievances diminish. This reduces vulnerabilities that extremist groups, organised criminals, and foreign actors often exploit.
The Rule of Law and Judicial Independence
An independent judiciary is one of the strongest pillars of democracy.
Justice must be administered impartially and without fear or favour. Citizens must have confidence that the law applies equally to everyone, regardless of social status or political influence.
Judicial independence strengthens public confidence, attracts foreign investment, and reinforces national stability. Investors are more likely to invest in countries where contracts are enforceable, disputes are resolved fairly, and property rights are protected.
Likewise, professional law enforcement agencies play a vital role in safeguarding public order. Intelligence-led policing, supported by modern investigative techniques, community engagement, and technological innovation, enables law enforcement to prevent crime rather than merely react to it.
Human Rights: A Strategic Asset
There is often a misconception that national security and human rights exist in opposition. In reality, they reinforce one another.
Respect for human dignity, equality before the law, freedom of expression, religious freedom, and constitutional rights strengthens national unity and social cohesion. Citizens who trust their institutions are more willing to cooperate with authorities, report suspicious activities, and participate in community safety initiatives.
Communities become the first line of defence against extremism, organised crime, and social unrest when mutual trust exists between citizens and the State.
Human rights should therefore be viewed not as obstacles to security but as essential components of sustainable national security.
Intelligence: The Strategic Nerve Centre
At the heart of modern governance lies an effective national intelligence network.
Traditionally, intelligence was associated primarily with military operations and counter-terrorism. Today, its responsibilities extend much further.
Modern intelligence supports political leadership by providing timely, accurate, objective, and actionable information that enables informed decision-making. It anticipates threats, identifies opportunities, and supports strategic planning across all sectors of government.
An effective intelligence system should be:
* Predictive rather than reactive.
* Preventive rather than investigative alone.
* Integrated rather than fragmented.
* Technology-driven rather than paper-based.
* People-centred rather than institution-centred.
Artificial intelligence, big data analytics, cyber intelligence, financial intelligence, geospatial intelligence, satellite imagery, behavioural analysis, digital forensics, and open-source intelligence are transforming the intelligence profession worldwide.
Countries that fail to modernise their intelligence capabilities risk strategic surprise and reduced competitiveness in an increasingly data-driven world.
Intelligence Beyond National Security
Modern intelligence should no longer be confined to counter-terrorism or espionage.
Its role should extend to supporting national development through the protection of critical infrastructure, monitoring economic trends, securing supply chains, safeguarding maritime interests, protecting natural resources, and assessing climate-related risks.
Intelligence should assist policymakers in areas such as:
* Economic planning
* Public health preparedness
* Disaster risk reduction
* Cybersecurity
* Energy security
* Food security
* Environmental protection
* Artificial intelligence governance
* Foreign policy
* Investment protection
An intelligence-led government anticipates future challenges instead of merely responding after crises emerge.
Whole-of-Government Cooperation
One of the greatest weaknesses in many developing nations is institutional fragmentation.
Government agencies often collect valuable information independently but fail to share it effectively. This creates duplication, delays, and missed opportunities.
A National Intelligence Fusion Centre should integrate information from intelligence services, police, armed forces, immigration, customs, financial intelligence units, cyber security agencies, disaster management authorities, health services, and environmental agencies.
Such integration provides decision-makers with a comprehensive national picture and significantly improves crisis management and strategic planning.
Economic Prosperity Through Security
Economic development depends fundamentally upon stability.
Foreign investors seek countries where governance is predictable, corruption is controlled, contracts are enforceable, infrastructure is secure, and political stability is maintained.
An effective intelligence system quietly protects these conditions by identifying threats to investment, monitoring organised crime, preventing financial fraud, protecting critical infrastructure, and safeguarding strategic industries.
Security and economic development are therefore mutually reinforcing.
Investment creates employment.
Employment reduces poverty.
Reduced poverty strengthens social stability.
Social stability reinforces national security.
International Partnerships
No nation can successfully confront modern threats alone.
Transnational organised crime, cybercrime, narcotics trafficking, terrorism, money laundering, illegal migration, and environmental crimes operate across borders.
Regional and global intelligence cooperation has therefore become indispensable.
Information sharing, joint investigations, coordinated maritime surveillance, and collaborative cyber defence significantly enhance national capabilities while strengthening diplomatic relationships.
Strong intelligence supports effective diplomacy.
Effective diplomacy enhances trade, investment, tourism, education, and technological cooperation.
Ultimately, international confidence contributes directly to national prosperity.
The Relationship Between National Stakeholders
National success depends upon collaboration among all stakeholders.
Government provides leadership and policy direction.
The judiciary safeguards justice.
Law enforcement protects public safety.
The intelligence community provides foresight and early warning.
Civil society strengthens social cohesion.
Educational institutions develop future leaders.
The private sector generates investment and innovation.
International partners facilitate trade, cooperation, and knowledge sharing.
Citizens themselves remain the most important stakeholders.
When these institutions operate with mutual trust, shared objectives, and effective coordination, they create a resilient State capable of responding confidently to both domestic and international challenges.
The Strategic Path Forward
Every nation requires a long-term vision rather than short-term political agendas.
That vision should place national interest above partisan interests and institutional collaboration above bureaucratic competition.
The pathway is straightforward:
Good Governance Independent Judiciary Professional Law Enforcement Protection of Human Rights Effective National Intelligence Network Political Stability Investor Confidence Economic Growth Foreign Direct Investment Peaceful Society Happy People A Sovereign Nation
This strategic chain demonstrates that sovereignty is not achieved through military strength alone. It is the cumulative outcome of good governance, justice, intelligence, economic resilience, and public confidence.
The future belongs to nations that can anticipate change, adapt rapidly, and make informed strategic decisions. Intelligence must therefore evolve from being viewed solely as a security function to becoming a central pillar of national governance and development.
A modern intelligence network should serve as the strategic nervous system of the State—connecting governance with justice, justice with security, security with economic prosperity, and prosperity with international respect.
A sovereign nation is ultimately one where institutions are trusted, citizens are protected, rights are respected, opportunities are created, and decisions are guided by knowledge rather than assumption. When all stakeholders work in harmony under a shared strategic vision, the result is a nation that is secure, prosperous, peaceful, and respected on the global stage.
The challenge before every developing nation is therefore not simply to strengthen its security apparatus but to embrace Intelligence-Led Governance as a national philosophy—one that integrates good governance, rule of law, human rights, innovation, and strategic foresight into a unified framework for sustainable national development. Such a vision will not only safeguard sovereignty but also ensure that future generations inherit a nation defined by stability, prosperity, and enduring peace
By Mahil Dole, SSP (Rtd.)
Features
The perfect victim: How institutions respond
It has been almost two months since the judgement of Abeyasinghe v Tilakaratne and others by the Supreme Court. Since then, I have often been asked a simple question, which I, too, have asked myself. “Has anything actually changed?” My answer is both yes and no. Judgements can uphold the law, direct institutions and clarify principles. But they cannot, by themselves, change cultures.
I shall take the liberty of writing this piece because, in the weeks following the judgment, I have found myself reflecting less on the outcome of the case and more on what it reveals about our institutions. Yet institutions do not change simply because a court has spoken. They change only when they are willing to question long-held assumptions, reflect honestly on their procedures and practices, learn from their shortcomings and act decisively to foster a culture that places accountability at its centre.
The myth of the perfect victim
One such assumption is about the conduct of the Ideal or Perfect victim. The concept of the “ideal victim” was first articulated by the Norwegian criminologist Nils Christie in 1986. Interestingly, Christie was not concerned with identifying those most likely to become victims of crime. Instead, his question was who is most readily recognised and accepted by society as a “real” victim? Society is often more willing to extend sympathy and credibility to victims who fit a particular stereotype. According to Christie, the “ideal victim” is someone perceived to be weak and vulnerable, engaged in a respectable activity, in a place where they have every right to be, harmed by someone clearly viewed as “big” or “bad,” and, importantly, a stranger rather than someone they know. These characteristics continue to influence how victims are perceived today. Although we may not consciously apply such criteria, they often shape our instinctive judgments about who deserves to be believed.
In the context of sexual violence within universities, the assumptions surrounding the ideal victim quickly begin to unravel. Power relationships within universities are often complex, and professional relationships may have existed before the misconduct. The alleged perpetrator may not be a stranger but a lecturer, supervisor, colleague, or fellow student. The complainant may continue interacting with the alleged perpetrator because academic progression or employment leaves little choice. When a victim does not fit the mould of the “perfect victim,” attention shifts away from the conduct of the alleged perpetrator and towards the conduct of the complainant.
What should be kept in mind is that victims respond to trauma differently. Some report immediately; many do not. Some become emotional; others appear composed. Some resign from their workplace, while others continue to work because they have no realistic alternative or because they wish to confront the violence head on. Some preserve every piece of evidence; others delete messages simply because they cannot bear to see them again. Yet these perfectly human responses are often interpreted as reasons to doubt credibility.
Universities provide a particularly complex setting for this phenomenon. Most complainants do not initially seek justice. More often, they simply want the harassment to stop so that they can continue their education or employment in an environment where they feel safe. Sometimes victims make anonymous complaints, not because they wish to avoid accountability, but because anonymity provides the only sense of security they have. During preliminary inquiries/ fact finding processes, confidentiality can often be maintained. However, if the matter proceeds to a formal disciplinary process, complainants are usually required to reveal their identities. It is at this point that many decide not to proceed further, not because the harassment did not occur, but because the personal cost of pursuing justice becomes overwhelming.
Perhaps this should prompt us to ask a different question. Instead of asking why anonymous complaints exist or why complainants don’t come forward (sooner), should we not ask why so many complainants feel unsafe engaging with the institutional process?
The subject of scrutiny
When survivors do come forward, they frequently encounter another familiar phenomenon, victim blaming.
“Why didn’t you complain earlier?”
“Why didn’t you go to the police?”
“If you were sexually harassed, why are you still working there?”
“Why did you continue interacting with him?”
“The reason this happened is because you showed positivity towards him.”
“There is no smoke without fire.”
Although these questions appear different, they have something in common. They all examine the behaviour of the complainant. Very few begin by asking why the alleged perpetrator behaved in the way described. The familiar proverb, “There is no smoke without fire,” is often used to suggest that the complainant must have done something to invite the misconduct. Yet perhaps we have misunderstood where the fire lies. The fire is not the complainant’s behaviour. The fire is the conduct of the alleged perpetrator. The complaint is the smoke that finally becomes visible.
These responses also reveal another contradiction. If a victim complains immediately, some might question their motives. If they delay, the delay becomes the issue. If they resign, they may be described as unstable or unable to cope. If they remain in employment, their continued presence is taken as evidence that the misconduct could not have been serious or that it never had happened. If they show emotion, they risk being dismissed as irrational. If they remain composed, they may be accused of exaggerating. In truth, there is often no version of events in which a complainant can satisfy every expectation placed upon them. If our systems only work for the “perfect victim,” then they were never truly designed for victims at all.
The silence that speaks
The recent judgment also prompted me to reflect on another aspect of institutional culture, silence. Within academia, even discussing judgments concerning one’s own institution may be framed as bringing the institution into disrepute. Such framing places academics in an impossible position. Those who speak are sometimes portrayed as being disloyal or as failing to respect the institution they serve. Yet genuine respect for an institution should not require silence in the face of injustice. Universities are places that encourage academic freedom, critical inquiry, evidence-based reasoning, and intellectual debate. They should, therefore, be places where uncomfortable conversations are not avoided but embraced.
The relative silence surrounding the judgment in academia raises important questions. Does silence reflect satisfaction that justice has been served? Does it reflect concern about damaging the reputation of one’s university? Does it reflect uncertainty about whether difficult institutional conversations are welcome? Or does it reflect a real or perceived fear of professional consequences for speaking openly? These are questions that deserve thoughtful reflection.
Post judgement reflections
At the same time, my experience in the weeks following the judgment has also been one of hope. Individuals who have experienced different forms of abuse have quietly come forward to share their own stories with me. Some have sought legal advice. Others have simply wanted someone to listen. Their experiences remind me that judgments do more than resolve disputes between parties. They send messages to those who have remained silent, that seeking justice remains possible. Perhaps that is one answer to the question I posed at the beginning of this article. Has anything actually changed? For some victims, I believe the answer is yes. A judgement can restore hope and encourage those who had previously felt that their voices would never be heard.
Yet judgments alone cannot erase trauma, restore lost years, or undo the personal and professional consequences that many victims endure. Courts can interpret the law, but they cannot, by themselves, transform institutional culture. Culture changes only when institutions and university communities are willing to learn from judgments rather than merely comply with them. It changes when realities of power imbalances are recognised, when credibility is assessed through evidence rather than stereotypes, and when the question “Why did the victim not come forward sooner?” is replaced with “What conditions made it so difficult for the victim to come forward?” Ultimately, the true value of a judgement lies not only in the orders it makes, but also in the conversations it inspires and the institutional self-reflection it demands. Whether anything truly changes will not depend on the judgement itself, but on whether institutions have the courage to learn from them.
(Udari Abeyasinghe is attached to the Faculty of Dental Sciences at the University of Peradeniya)
Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.
by Udari Abeyasinghe
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