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Considerations for higher education reforms

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Submitted by Udari Abeyasinghe, Farzana Haniffa, Ahilan Kadirgamar, Anushka Kahandagama, Ramya Kumar, Shamala Kumar, Hasini Lecamwasam, Kaushalya Perera, Aruni Samarakoon, Sivamohan Sumathy, Mahendran Thiruvarangan

Decades of underfunding have left our education system, overall, fractured and in urgent need of rebuilding. The virtual lack of public early childhood education, the years of neglected vocational training, and the scale of problems facing general education (widespread staff shortages, stark disparities in resources, among other things) mean that these subsectors demand immediate attention. Therefore, despite the opaqueness of the consultative process and questions we have about the content of the reforms, the ongoing action on reforming general education and vocational education by the Ministry of Education is a welcome move. No part of the system operates in isolation, however. Even if reforms focus on early, general, or vocational education, higher education must remain part of the conversation. Democratising higher education and making it accessible to a larger number of people will strengthen the entire education system. Such reforms have to be undertaken together with other actions through a consultative process. Waiting until other sectors are ‘in better shape’ will only deepen existing fragmentation.

What is needed is a comprehensive plan that serves all sectors of education and builds a more integrated system capable of addressing each subsector’s specific needs. Only then can we create an education system equipped to meet the challenges ahead. We are concerned that recent higher education reforms in Sri Lanka are emulating the market-based model that has failed elsewhere. One of the basic principles of our higher education system has been free education supported by the state, but of late this principle has been given to serious erosion. Successive governments have defunded our state university system–a lower-cost and more equitable model of tertiary education–while supporting the expansion of private higher education. Universities are compelled to function as businesses, generating their own funds. Inequalities in access are widening with university admissions increasingly favouring the privileged.

In an effort to contribute to the conversation on education taking place currently, we outline issues of concern and actions the government could take to strengthen the state university system.

Funding state universities

Public spending on education (as a % of GDP) in Sri Lanka is among the lowest in the world. It is being increasingly replaced by project-based funds from external organisations, particularly the World Bank, compelling reforms modeled on market-friendly designs. Our universities must now generate funds, primarily through fees from postgraduate courses and international student enrollment. Students and their families are increasingly expected to spend on their undergraduate education, eroding the Free Education policy.

*  Increase the budget allocation for state universities; halt the push toward self-generated funds.

*  Halt the introduction of fee-levying undergraduate courses (e.g., School of Open Learning, University of Peradeniya; plans to enrol fee-levying medical students at University of Vavuniya).

*  Curtail initiatives that subsidise private and foreign degrees. The rapid expansion of private and foreign degrees, often supported by state subsidies, including student loans, results in the extraction of resources from public education to support private interests.

*  Critically examine and reduce reliance on project-based funding. The World Bank in particular uses funding initiatives to institute their agendas into our systems of education. Decades of such interventions have substantially transformed higher education.

Democratising university administrations

University administration has become increasingly hierarchical, with authority filtering from the University Grants Commission (UGC) to Vice Chancellors and Deans. While administrative mandates insist on student friendly pedagogy that foster critical thinking, actual practices take away authority from the lower ranks of the academic community, importantly, the teacher. Power is increasingly vested in Vice Chancellors, Councils and the UGC, which does little to advance the cause of education, or the wellbeing of students and staff.

*  A participatory and dialogue based governance model should be promoted by strengthening the authority of participatory bodies like Faculty Boards, Senates and Statutory Committees. Administrative bodies should be concerned largely with procedure and feasibility.

*  Concerns regarding curriculum and curriculum revision need to be led by departments and faculties, and a greater degree of independence granted to the academic community in administrative matters.

Improving fairness and transparency in appointments and recruitment

The recent decision to bring an end to political appointments in the non-academic staff cadre is welcome. However, the current system of making appointments to UGC committees, University Councils and other university/faculty level committees by government officials lacks transparency and is subject to manipulation. Committed academics and others who want to advance knowledge and have involvement in specific areas of interest may not make it to the relevant decision making forums. The schemes of recruitment of academic staff are outdated and often impede the recruitment of well-qualified candidates. There have been numerous reports highlighting the increasing politicisation of academic recruitment processes.

*  Create transparent processes regarding higher level appointments to commissions and councils.

*  Update the schemes of recruitment to reflect present-day realities of inter-disciplinary and multi-disciplinary training in order to recruit suitably qualified candidates.

*  Ensure recruitment processes are made transparent by university administrations.

*  Change bond regulations to be more just, in order to retain better qualified academics.

Strengthening existing degree programmes

Out-migration of academics has created a dire shortage of university teachers. Degree programmes offered by peripheral universities have a dearth of staff. STEM programmes at state universities are well-supported as they are presumed to produce students with ‘marketable skills’ for the industry, while the social sciences and humanities (SSH) are given less priority despite their having the highest student intakes and serving the most underprivileged sections of society. Lecturers who work after hours and on weekends teaching in fee-levying courses are poorly compensated in certain disciplines.

*  Remove the freeze on hires so that academic and other staff vacancies can be filled; increase academic cadre positions, especially in peripheral universities.

*  Recruit adequate academic staff for ongoing programmes and implement minimum staff requirements to commence new programmes.

*  Halt the trend of employing contracted workers, which leads to a work climate where there is no buildup of capacities and less commitment to scholarship, teaching and the institution.

*  Ensure recruitment data, including student to staff ratios, are accessible for public scrutiny (they were accessible until 2022).

*  Allocate funds to strengthen SSH.

*  Reevaluate the emphasis on English-medium instruction in SSH, and approach the issue with greater sensitivity, keeping in mind the great inequalities any arbitrary decision may create. It is imperative that Sinhala and Tamil medium instruction is supported and well-funded.

*  Strengthen English language instruction, without prioritising English medium education. Transition to English medium should take into consideration the availability of teachers and resources within the universities to help students improve their English language competency.

*  Review payment structures of fee levying courses (graduate and undergraduate) that are run by departments. Remove the limits on compensation amounts for lecturers pressured to work after hours and on weekends.

Promoting fairness in university admissions

Students attending university are not always prepared for tertiary education; they are compelled to select their subject stream at the Ordinary Level. There are wide disparities based on districts in admissions to certain courses. Once admitted, students pursuing STEM education do not have opportunities to explore the social sciences and humanities and vice versa.

*  Institute a formal process of collaboration between secondary, tertiary and vocational education to streamline transitions between these types of education.

*  Strengthen the district quota system to ensure equity of access to higher education. Ensure that the system reflects present-day demographic patterns and resource maldistribution.

*  Support the development of pathways for interdisciplinary collaboration in degree programmes.

Reviewing the quality assurance framework

Significant resources are channeled towards quality assurance activities. These activities take up much time and effort of academics, but it is unclear whether the quality of academic programmes at universities have improved as a result. Further, quality assurance processes are conducted in a top-down manner, with directives coming from the UGC with little flexibility for faculties and programmes to design their own procedures. The emphasis is on gathering ‘evidence’ with very little critical thinking on how to actually improve degree programmes.

*  Review the quality assurance programme in place today and the extent and nature of its impact on curriculum development

*  Revise it, so that it functions as a guide to a consultative process that supports the development of alternative approaches to quality assurance designed within universities and faculties and not as a restrictive monitoring mechanism.

*  Include mechanisms of downward accountability to make universities answerable to students and local communities.

Promoting research and scholarship

Owing to the emphasis on evaluations of research and publications that emphasise quantity, or numerically value quality, the research culture within state universities has changed. Researchers report various bottlenecks in receiving and using research funds, and various malpractices related to citation gaming can also be seen (e.g., badly reviewed journals, publishing in predatory journals, salami publications, etc.).

*  Relax the bureaucracy related to the initiation of relationships with foreign research institutions and universities.

*  Revise the national financial regulations and leave procedures that at present create bottlenecks for research collaborations and participation at international forums for academics.

*  De-emphasise the commercialization of research which has led to a rise in instrumentalist research and the devaluing of social-justice oriented research in all fields, but especially the humanities and social sciences.

*  Shift the emphasis from working towards improving state universities’ standing in global university rankings to promoting rigorous scholarship that is relevant to our setting.

Creating open and inclusive universities

Interventions to rid university spaces of violence and harassment usually target the issue of ragging. There is less recognition of other forms of violence and the subculture of the university that breeds violence through its various hierarchies and exclusions. Violence cannot be expunged from the system in the absence of inclusive university spaces that encourage dialogue and discussion on these important issues.

*  Create policies and bylaws that provide a course of action that supports and brings a measure of justice to victims. Strengthen existing grievance mechanisms in ways that ensure independence and protection of complainants and witnesses.

*  Introduce basic codes of conduct across the university system for administrators, supervisors, academics and others.

*  Implement the national language policy at all universities with regards to both teaching and administration and ensure that all communications from university administrations are conveyed in Sinhala, Tamil and English. The state should also ensure instruction in both Tamil and Sinhala of a similar standard and quality are available for students at all state universities.

*  Support universities to explore opportunities to integrate social cohesion, gender sensitivity, and reconciliation through curricula and other forums. Prioritise and provide training opportunities for staff on the above issues. Support the introduction of opportunities for students to engage in political participation and democratic processes.

Upholding academic freedom

Teachers and students should have the freedom to teach, study, pursue research without unreasonable interference or restriction. Media policies, job insecurities, policies for financing research and other university activities, usurpation of powers from lower-level authorities and committees by centralized authoritative command are some mechanisms which have had a stifling effect on academic freedom.

*  Create an independent body at the national level that serves to protect academic freedom within universities and investigate attempts to thwart the exercise of academic freedom. This body could be similar to committees addressing violence and harassment complaints and quality concerns.

Strengthening student services and promoting wellbeing

The recent increase in the Mahapola Scholarship disbursement is welcome. However, basic student welfare and support services are in a woeful state. Student intakes have increased without parallel investments in student residences and other facilities. Despite the rise in mental health problems among young people, there are no dedicated staff or facilities to support students who require additional support. Student counsellors and other academics need to juggle student welfare- duties with various other commitments.

*  Allocate funds to build student residences across state universities and/or request universities to do so. Residences should include cooking facilities.

*  Introduce policies to address the welfare of women students who are a growing proportion in most faculties, e.g., residential facilities, washrooms, sexual health facilities, etc.

*  Allocate university cadres whose primary role will be in the area of student welfare, including professional counsellors, disability services, ombudspersons.



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Opinion

Tribute to a distinguished BOI leader

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Mr. Tuli Cooray, former Deputy Director General of the Board of Investment of Sri Lanka (BOI) and former Secretary General of the Joint Apparel Association Forum (JAAF), passed away three months ago, leaving a distinguished legacy of public service and dedication to national economic development.

An alumnus of the University of Colombo, Mr. Cooray graduated with a Special Degree in Economics. He began his career as a Planning Officer at the Ministry of Plan Implementation and later served as an Assistant Director in the Ministry of Finance (Planning Division).

He subsequently joined the Greater Colombo Economic Commission (GCEC), where he rose from Manager to Senior Manager and later Director. During this period, he also served at the Treasury as an Assistant Director. With the transformation of the GCEC into the BOI, he was appointed Executive Director of the Investment Department and later elevated to the position of Deputy Director General.

In recognition of his vast experience and expertise, he was appointed Director General of the Budget Implementation and Policy Coordination Division at the Ministry of Finance and Planning. Following his retirement from government service, he continued to contribute to the national economy through his work with JAAF.

Mr. Cooray was widely respected as a seasoned professional with exceptional expertise in attracting foreign direct investment (FDI) and facilitating investor relations. His commitment, leadership, and humane qualities earned him the admiration and affection of colleagues across institutions.

He was also one of the pioneers of the BOI Past Officers’ Association, and his passing is deeply felt by its members. His demise has created a void that is difficult to fill, particularly within the BOI, where his contributions remain invaluable.

Mr. Cooray will be remembered not only for his professional excellence but also for his integrity, humility, and the lasting impact he made on those who had the privilege of working with him.

The BOI Past Officers’ Association

jagathcds@gmail.com

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Opinion

When elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers

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As a small and open country, Singapore will always be vulnerable to what happens around us. As Lee Kuan Yew used to say: “when elephants fight, the grass suffers, but when elephants make love, the grass also suffers“. Therefore, we must be aware of what is happening around us, and prepare ourselves for changes and surprises.” – Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, during the debate on the President’s Address in Singapore Parliament on 16 May, 2018, commenting on the uncertain external environment during the first Trump Administration.

“When elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers”

is a well-known African proverb commonly used in geopolitics to describe smaller nations caught in the crossfire of conflicts between major powers. At the 1981 Commonwealth conference, when Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere quoted this Swahili proverb, the Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew famously retorted, “When elephants make love, the grass suffers, too”. In other words, not only when big powers (such as the US, Russia, EU, China or India) clash, the surrounding “grass” (smaller nations) get “trampled” or suffer collateral damage but even when big powers collaborate or enter into friendly agreements, small nations can still be disadvantaged through unintended consequences of those deals. Since then, Singaporean leaders have often quoted this proverb to highlight the broader reality for smaller states, during great power rivalry and from their alliances. They did this to underline the need to prepare Singapore for challenges stemming from the uncertain external environment and to maintain high resilience against global crises.

Like Singapore, as a small and open country, Sri Lanka too is always vulnerable to what happens around us. Hence, we must be alert to what is happening around us, and be ready not only to face challenges but to explore opportunities.

When Elephants Fight

To begin with, President Trump’s “Operation Epic Fury”.

Did we prepare adequately for changes and surprises that could arise from the deteriorating situation in the Gulf region? For example, the impact the conflict has on the safety and welfare of Sri Lankans living in West Asia or on our petroleum and LNG imports. The situation in the Gulf remains fluid with potential for further escalation, with the possibility of a long-term conflict.

The region, which is the GCC, Iraq, Iran, Israel, Jordan, Syria and Azerbaijan (I believe exports to Azerbaijan are through Iran), accounts for slightly over $1 billion of our exports. The region is one of the most important markets for tea (US$546 million out of US$1,408 million in 2024. According to some estimates, this could even be higher). As we export mostly low-grown teas to these countries, the impact of the conflict on low-grown tea producers, who are mainly smallholders, would be extremely strong. Then there are other sectors like fruits and vegetables where the impact would be immediate, unless of course exporters manage to divert these perishable products to other markets. If the conflict continues for a few more weeks or months, managing these challenges will be a difficult task for the nation, not simply for the government. It is also necessary to remember the Russia – Ukraine war, now on to its fifth year, and its impact on Sri Lanka’s economy.

Mother of all bad timing

What is more unfortunate is that the Gulf conflict is occurring on top of an already intensifying global trade war. One observer called it the “mother of all bad timing”. The combination is deadly.

Early last year, when President Trump announced his intention to weaponise tariffs and use them as bargaining tools for his geopolitical goals, most observers anticipated that he would mainly use tariffs to limit imports from the countries with which the United States had large trade deficits: China, Mexico, Vietnam, the European Union, Japan and Canada. The main elephants, who export to the United States. But when reciprocal tariffs were declared on 2nd April, some of the highest reciprocal tariffs were on Saint Pierre and Miquelon (50%), a French territory off Canada with a population of 6000 people, and Lesotho (50%), one of the poorest countries in Southern Africa. Sri Lanka was hit with a 44% reciprocal tariff. In dollar terms, Sri Lanka’s goods trade deficit with the United States was very small (US$ 2.9 billion in 2025) when compared to those of China (US$ 295 billion in 2024) or Vietnam (US$ 123 billion in 2024).

Though the adverse impact of US additional ad valorem duty has substantially reduced due to the recent US Supreme Court decision on reciprocal tariffs, the turbulence in the US market would continue for the foreseeable future. The United States of America is the largest market for Sri Lanka and accounts for nearly 25% of our exports. Yet, Sri Lanka’s exports to the United States had remained almost stagnant (around the US $ 3 billion range) during the last ten years, due to the dilution of the competitive advantage of some of our main export products in that market. The continued instability in our largest market, where Sri Lanka is not very competitive, doesn’t bode well for Sri Lanka’s economy.

When Elephants Make Love

In rapidly shifting geopolitical environments, countries use proactive anticipatory diplomacy to minimise the adverse implications from possible disruptions and conflicts. Recently concluded Free Trade Agreement (FTA) negotiations between India and the EU (January 2026) and India and the UK (May 2025) are very good examples for such proactive diplomacy. These negotiations were formally launched in June 2007 and were on the back burner for many years. These were expedited as strategic responses to growing U.S. protectionism. Implementation of these agreements would commence during this year.

When negotiations for a free trade agreement between India and the European Union (which included the United Kingdom) were formally launched, anticipating far-reaching consequences of such an agreement on other developing countries, the Commonwealth Secretariat requested the University of Sussex to undertake a study on a possible implication of such an agreement on other low-income developing countries. The authors of that study had considered the impact of an EU–India Free Trade Agreement on the trade of excluded countries and had underlined, “The SAARC countries are, by a long way, the most vulnerable to negative impacts from the FTA. Their exports are more similar to India’s…. Bangladesh is most exposed in the EU market, followed by Pakistan and Sri Lanka.”

So, now these agreements are finalised; what will be the implications of these FTAs between India and the UK and the EU on Sri Lanka? According to available information, the FTA will be a game-changer for the Indian apparel exporters, as it would provide a nearly ten per cent tariff advantage to them. That would level the playing field for India, vis-à-vis their regional competitors. As a result, apparel exports from India to the UK and the EU are projected to increase significantly by 2030. As the sizes of the EU’s and the UK’s apparel markets are not going to expand proportionately, these growths need to come from the market shares of other main exporters like Sri Lanka.

So, “also, when elephants make love, the grass suffers.”

Impact on Sri Lanka

As a small, export dependent country with limited product and market diversification, Sri Lanka will always be vulnerable to what happens in our main markets. Therefore, we must be aware of what is happening in those markets, and prepare ourselves to face the challenges proactively. Today, amid intense geopolitical conflicts, tensions and tariff shifts, countries adopt high agility and strategic planning. If we look at what our neighbours have been doing in London, Brussels and Tokyo, we can learn some lessons on how to navigate through these turbulences.

(The writer is a retired public servant and can be reached at senadhiragomi@gmail.com)

by Gomi Senadhira

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Opinion

QR-based fuel quota

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The introduction of the QR code–based fuel quota system can be seen as a timely and necessary measure, implemented as part of broader austerity efforts to manage limited fuel resources. In the face of ongoing global fuel instability and economic challenges, such a system is aimed at ensuring equitable distribution and preventing excessive consumption. While it is undeniable that this policy may disrupt the daily routines of certain segments of the population, it is important for citizens to recognize the larger national interest at stake and cooperate with these temporary measures until stability returns to the global fuel market.

At the same time, this initiative presents an important opportunity for the Government to address long-standing gaps in regulatory enforcement. In particular, the implementation of the QR code system could have been strategically linked to the issuance of valid revenue licenses for vehicles. Restricting QR code access only to vehicles that are properly registered and have paid their revenue dues would have helped strengthen compliance and improve state revenue collection.

Available data from the relevant authorities indicate that a significant number of vehicles—especially three-wheelers and motorcycles—continue to operate without valid revenue licences. This represents a substantial loss of income to the State and highlights a weakness in enforcement mechanisms. By integrating the fuel quota system with revenue license verification, the government could have effectively encouraged vehicle owners to regularise their documentation while simultaneously improving fiscal discipline.

In summary, while the QR code fuel system is a commendable step toward managing scarce resources, aligning it with existing regulatory requirements would have amplified its benefits. Such an approach would not only support fuel conservation but also enhance government revenue and promote greater accountability among vehicle owners.

Sariputhra
Colombo 05

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