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Midweek Review

Colombo Port City: Who can be entrusted with safeguarding Sri Lanka’s interests?

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By Shamindra Ferdinando

 

SLPP National List lawmaker Gevindu Cumaratunga, on Sunday (25) raised three issues in respect of the controversial Bill, titled ‘Colombo Port City Economic Commission’, that had been challenged in the Supreme Court.

Addressing the media at the Sri Sambuddhajayanthi Mandiraya, lawmaker Cumaratunga expressed concerns over (I) the composition of the proposed Economic Commission (EC) with the focus on the President being the sole authority in deciding its members, (ii) authority over the newly reclaimed land, adjacent to the Galle Face Green, and finally (iii) automatic approval granted to those making applications for projects through the EC.

Cumaratunga called the briefing in the wake of Friday’s (23) conclusion of hearing of petitions filed by those opposed to the project on the basis the Bill, as whole, is inconsistent with many provisions of the Constitution. There were also several intervenient petitions defending the Bill. These petitions were heard before a five-judge-bench comprising Chief Justice Jayantha Jayasuriya, PC, Justice Buwaneka Aluwihare, Justice Priyantha Jayawardena, Justice Murdhu Fernando, and Justice Janak de Silva.

 Cumaratunga, in addition to being an SLPP lawmaker, also expressed views on the Bill in his capacity as the Chairman of the nationalist civil society pressure group Yuthukama. Yuthukama is represented in the current Parliament by two lawmakers – Cumaratunga and Anupa Pium Pasqual who entered Parliament from the Kalutara district.

At the commencement of the briefing, the MP appealed to the media to ensure priority to the Port City issue though they could raise any other matter pertaining to simmering controversy over the Easter Sunday carnage, the Covid-19 rampage, and the developments since the Presidential Political Victimisation Commission handed over its report to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa on Dec 8, 2020. 

Having compared the proposed Bill, with two concept papers submitted during the previous UNP-led administration, and the current, on Sept 09, 2019 and June 16, 2020, respectively, lawmaker Cumaratunga questioned the failure on the part of those who prepared the Bill, at issue, to take into consideration the salient points therein.

The arch nationalist emphasized the responsibility on the part of the SLPP government to take remedial measures on its own, in respect of the Bill, regardless of the position taken by the Supreme Court. With the country crossroads, in the wake of implementation of the mega project, the government couldn’t, under any circumstances, shirk its responsibility to introduce the required changes, he argued.

The Supreme Court is scheduled to convey its ruling to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena.

Out of the 145-member SLPP parliamentary group, lawmaker Cumaratunga is the second to express concerns over the Bill. Having fired a broadside at the Bill, Colombo District SLPP lawmaker Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakse, PC, represented Ven. Muruththettuwe Ananda Nayaka Thera, Chief Incumbent of the Sri Abhayarama Purana Viharaya and President of the Public Service United Nurses’ Union, Sri Abhayarama, Narahenpita, and Nagashenage Dasun Yasas Sri Nagashena, of 90/12, Gramasanwardana Road, Polwatta, Pannipitiya.

Former President of the Bar Association of Sri Lanka, Dr. Rajapakse’s written submissions in respect of the case filed against the Secretary General of Parliament, Dhammika Disanayake, and Attorney General Dappula de Livera, PC, depicted a far more serious picture than lawmaker Cumaratunga’s criticism.

Having found fault with the incumbent administration for placing the responsibility of naming the EC on the President, MP Cumaratunga stressed that the appointing process should be subjected to parliamentary supervision. The lawmaker pointed out the concept papers presented by the previous government and the present, under the leadership of Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa, underscored the need for the EC to consist of Sri Lankans. Referring to the concept paper presented on June 16, 2020, Cumaratunga said that it proposed the appointment of 10 members, including the Chairman of the EC. The Yuthukama Chief asserted that the issue at hand could be resolved by ensuring the majority of appointments to the EC, depending on the number, be placed under parliamentary supervision whereas the President/the minister in charge of the Port City, too, could make appointments. However, all should be Sri Lankans whereas required foreign experts could be hired for suitable positions, including that of the Director General.

MP Cumaratunga questioned the rationale in giving the sole authority, as regards appointments, to the President, or the minister in charge, in case the government brought the Port City under a particular Ministry.

Cumaratunga pointed out that the Office of the President shouldn’t be the sole decision-making authority, as elections were held every five years. Referring to statements as regards the Greater Colombo Economic Commission (GCEC) law, introduced by late President J.R. Jayewardene, in 1978, lawmaker Cumaratunga said that over the years there were many amendments to the Constitution. The government member expressed the view that the Bill, at issue, couldn’t be discussed taking into consideration JRJ’s law. The Constitution, the lawmaker emphasized, had undergone far reaching changes with the enactment of the 17th (Oct. 2, 2001) 18th (Sept. 10, 2010) 19th (April 28, 2015) and 20th Amendments (Oct 22, 2020) Amendments. Therefore, the incumbent government couldn’t go back on those Amendments, the MP said, pointing out that the two concept papers submitted in terms of the 19th and 20th Amendments envisaged the EC being subjected to the supervision of the Constitutional Council and the Parliamentary Council, respectively.

The 20th Amendment did away with the 10-member CC thereby passing the responsibility to the five-member Parliamentary Council. MP Cumaratunga explained that in terms of those concept papers mentioned, the officials who should be appointed to the EC. They included Governor, Central Bank, Secretary to the Treasury et al.

 

Parliament shirks its responsibilities

 Before discussing concerns in respect of the Bill, at issue, raised by nearly 20 petitioners, including lawmaker Rajapakse, it would be pertinent to take up the failure on the part of those responsible to ensure financial stability. The country is experiencing severe difficulties for want of financial discipline, at every level, with the Parliament yet to take tangible remedial measures. The revelations made by House parliamentary watchdog committees, the Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE) and the Committee on Public Accounts (COPA), as well as the Public Finance Committee (PFC), since the last general election, painted a bleak picture. The situation is so bad, a guarantee that the EC would comprise only Sri Lankan nationals holding responsible positions does not promise a clean administration. It would be pertinent to mention that Sri Lankans, being at the helm of the EC wouldn’t necessarily guarantee safety, security, political stability and uppermost the country’s interest without oversight.

JVP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s hard hitting speech in Parliament, last Friday (23), painted a grim picture of the national economy. The JVPer didn’t mince his words when he named those allegedly responsible for massive waste, corruption and irregularities during successive governments.

Dissanayake pointed out how wrongdoers continued to enjoy political power, regardless of their public exposure. Lawmaker Dissanayake’s fiery speech highlighted Sri Lanka’s overall failure to tackle corruption, now, possibly, even threatening the very survival of the country. The JVP leader cited the Treasury bond scams, perpetrated in Feb 2015 and March 2016, as well as the massive sugar tax scam executed by the present lot. Reference was also made to the payment of a staggering USD 6.5 mn in 2014 to US national Imaad Shah Zuberi, 50, of Indian and Pakistani origins, to lobby the US Government to save Sri Lanka from human rights scrutiny by Washington. The then Rajapaksa government wired a total of USD 6.5 mn to a venture capitalist and political fundraiser who was sentenced recently to 12 years in a federal prison in the US on charges of embezzlement.

According to the US Department of Justice, Sri Lanka hired Zuberi of Arcadia, California, in 2014, to improve the country’s image in the United States, in the wake of investigations undertaken by the Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council. Of course, in this instance the then government would have turned to a questionable lobbyist out of sheer desperation, like a drowning man clutching at a straw, as the powerful West piqued by the ignominious defeat of the LTTE at the hands of our security forces, which they had always claimed were incapable of defeating it, was and still is out to punish us for defying their mantra. 

Zuberi had promised to make substantial expenditures on lobbying efforts, legal expenses, and media buys, which prompted Sri Lanka to agree to pay Zuberi a total of USD 8.5 million over the course of six months, in 2014. But actual payments amounted to USD 6.5 mn.

Examination of recent statements, issued by the Communication Department of the Parliament, pertaining to proceedings at the COPE, COPA and PFC, chaired by Prof. Charitha Ratwatte, Prof. Tissa Vitharana and Anura Priyadarshana Yapa, respectively, revealed the absence of proper scrutiny at any level in all sectors. Let me briefly discuss the shocking disclosure of the happenings at the Football Federation of Sri Lanka at the recently concluded COPE proceedings. The watchdog committee questioned a range of irregularities during the tenure of Attorney-at-Law Manilal Fernando as its President. And, finally, he was forced to quit because of those controversial dealings. The COPE queried how a sum of Euro 40,400 (approximately Rs 6 mn) received from the Italian Football Players’ Association to construct a football ground in his home town, Kalutara, ended up in Fernando’s private account. Prof. Herath’s committee also questioned the misappropriation of a sum of USD 60,000 (nearly Rs 6 million) provided by the Asian Football Federation to conduct competitions, a sum of Rs.10 mn given by a private company to construct 20 houses for tsunami victims and a sum of USD 200,000 donated by the Asian Football Federation.

 It also transpired, during the COPE proceedings, that the current President of the Federation, Anura de Silva, has submitted an affidavit to the court claiming that financial irregularities hadn’t taken place in spite of the Financial Crimes Investigation Division (FCID) moving the courts. The committee pointed out the seriousness in submitting such an affidavit.

 In addition, it is reported that Anura de Silva now wants to quit from the post of President of the Sri Lanka Football Federation to make way for Manilal’s son to climb to that post!

 Prof. Herath directed both Manilal Fernando and Anura de Silva to appear before COPE on May 06. COPE also dealt with controversial circumstances under which elections to the Football Federation of Sri Lanka was conducted with the Chairman of the Elections Committee as well as two other members given Rs 750,000 and Rs 600,000 each, respectively. The crisis at the Football Federation of Sri Lanka should be examined against the backdrop of the disgraceful conduct of the Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC) administrations.

Over the past couple of decades, under the watch of successive governments, the financial discipline has deteriorated to such an extent that the national economy is in deepening turmoil. Therefore, the Port City undertaking is a vast challenge that requires the highest consideration and, under any circumstances, the public shouldn’t be duped by the promise that Sri Lankan nationals, holding responsible positions at the helm of the EC, would ensure the best interests of the country.

 

Wijeyadasa isolated

 Contrary to lawmaker Wijeyadasa Rajapakse’s high profile stand as regards the Port City project, the SLPP constituents endorsed it. The National Freedom Front (NFF) parliamentary group threw its weight behind the Port City project. Pivithuru Hela Urumaya (PHU), too, defended the project while those appointed on the SLPP National List, except Yuthukama leader Cumaratunga, refrained from causing any friction. However, Wijeyadasa Rajapakse, who had represented both the SLFP and the UNP cabinets since his entry into parliamentary politics, pursued his agenda.

 Let me verbatim the section headlined ‘Threat to the National Security’ in Dr. Rajapakse’s written submissions to the SC: “The zone has been exempted from the Customs Ordinance. The Customs is debarred from exercising its powers within the Zone and the people in the Zone. There may be importation of prohibited substances, such as drugs, weapons, etc. The South jetty of the Colombo Port is situated, adjoining the said Zone, and it is controlled by the company belonging to the Chinese government.

As the proposed Commission is formed, in the event of any violation or disregard of International Charters and Treaties including, UN Charter, UN Charter for Human Rights, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, War Crimes, Crimes against Humanity within the said zone, the Sri Lankan State is responsible, not the purported commission.

There is a turmoil situation prevailing in the region, as well as in the World, due to the power struggle between China on one side and India, the USA, Europe, Japan on the other side. This kind of unprecedented facilitation to China would undoubtedly expose the whole country and the whole nation to danger. When presenting Bills of this nature, it is necessary to take geo-political factors into consideration.

In the course of argument, it was submitted that the government of Sri Lanka could not be able either to resist and control the import of any prohibited substance, including weapons of mass destruction, such as nuclear, atomic, multi-barrel, etc., as the operation of the Customs Ordinance is excluded. On 21st April, a ship loaded with Uranium, meant to be used for nuclear, which belongs to China, docked at the Hambantota Port by misleading the Authorities. The Government was able to direct it to leave the Port because that power of the government was preserved in the Agreement. But the present Bill does not contain any such safeguard.

One must not forget that the Colombo South Jetty is adjoining the zone. Therefore, it cannot be ruled out that the Chinese government will not resort to such devastation, compelling the other super powers to destroy the economy of the country and to expose national security to danger.

The total consideration of the Bill, as a whole is inconsistent to the rudimental principles of our Constitution and it shall be ruled out ab initio.”

 Former Ports and Shipping Minister Arjuna Ranatunga, in a recent interview with the writer over the phone, pointed out how Sri Lanka lost the strategic Hambantota port, to China, in 2017, and was now about to suffer a similar fate as regards the Port City project. Ranatunga recalled how the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe administration went ahead with the Hambantota project in spite of him giving up the Ports and Shipping portfolio. The country would one day pay a very heavy price for irresponsible actions of politicians and officials, the outspoken defeated UNP candidate, at the 2020 August general election, told the writer.

 

 



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Midweek Review

Three high-profile alleged suicides shaping key investigations

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Former IGP Chandana Deepal Wickramaratne, 63, succumbed to gunshot injury he received at his residence at Parakrama Mawatha, in Thalahena, Malabe, on 17 July. Wickramaratne, the 35th IGP (25 November, 2020, to 23th November, 2025), was pronounced dead at the Mulleriyawa Hospital.

The incident triggered speculation regarding the circumstances leading to the ex-IGP’s death. Some declared that Wickramaratne shot himself with a weapon issued to his bodyguard. Others alleged that Wickramaratne had been deeply depressed over divorce proceedings, involving his son and daughter-in-law, and accusations directed at his son over domestic violence. They claimed that the situation may have had unexpected bearing on Wickramaratne.

There are also lingering concerns regarding the impact of the ongoing investigations into the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage, on Wickramaratne’s demise, the third such incident after the last presidential elections held in September, 2024.

Assistant Director of the External Resources Department of the Ministry of Finance, Ranga Nishantha Rajapaksa, 50, was found dead in the garden of his Kuliyapitiya home on 30 April, 2026. At the time of Rajapaksa’s alleged suicide, blamed on injuries he supposedly inflicted on himself using a knife, while he was under suspension over the USD 2.5 mn heist from the Treasury. He was the official who lodged a complaint with the CID regarding the unprecedented theft.

Former Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of SriLankan Airlines, Kapila Chandrasena, 61, was found dead at No. 38, Pedris Road, Kollupitiya, on 8 May, 2026. Authorities declared Chandrasena died by hanging. Chandrasena was the prime suspect in the SriLankan Airlines bribery case, exposed by the UK Serious Fraud Office (SFO), in a joint investigation carried out with US and French authorities. At the time of his death, he was out on bail but faced re-arrest over alleged violations of bail conditions.

The Finance Ministry official and ex-IGP died as a result of ‘incidents’ at their respective homes, while Chandrasena allegedly took his own life at the posh residence of his brother-in-law Aravinda de Silva. Their deaths are mired in controversy for obvious reasons. One of the major issues at hand is whether their deaths impacted the ongoing politically sensitive cases.

The USD 2.5 mn theft sent shockwaves through the National People’s Power (NPP) government, struggling to cope up with a spate of other sensitive developments, such as the massive coal scam that led to the resignation of Energy Minister Kumara Jayakody, and the controversial release of 323 red flagged containers from the Colombo port, without any checks, in addition to two containers carrying narcotics.

The police faced the challenging task of conducting transparent investigations into the deaths of Ranga Nishantha Rajapaksa, Kapila Chandrasena and C.D. Wickramaratne.

Although the Finance Ministry official’s death was caused by cardiorespiratory failure due to heavy loss of blood, many questioned how he inflicted grievous cut wounds on his legs and on his left wrist. The judicial post mortem report that was made available within 24 hours after the alleged suicide raised concerns. The Opposition expressed suspicions. A section of the media, too, weren’t satisfied with the way the government handled the case. The truth is in spite of a post mortem examination conducted by a four-member expert panel, suspicions remain regarding the Finance Ministry official’s death.

It would be pertinent to mention that The Sunday Leader Editor Lasantha Wickrematunga was stabbed to death though police and all others concerned initially claimed firearms attack caused his death. The Attorney-at-Law was killed inside his car that he was driving on the Attidiiya Road, Ratmalana, on 8 January, 2009. Over 17 years after the still unresolved killing of the one-time The Island staffer, the vast majority of people still believe Wickrematunga was shot dead. Wickrematunga’s case is just among several high profile investigations hampered by deliberate falsification of relevant autopsy reports.

Sarah Jasmine factor

Among those who paid their last respects to Wickremaratne at a funeral parlour in Colombo was former President Ranil Wickremesinghe. Former Minister Sagala Ratnayake accompanied the UNP leader.

One of the issues that received public and media attention, following Wickremaratne’s demise, was the controversial third DNA test conducted in spite of two previous DNA tests confirming that Pulastini Rajendran, alias Sarah Jasmine, was not among the dead caused by a series of explosions at Sainthamaruthu, in the East, a week after the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage.

She was married to Achchi Muhammadu Mohammadu Hasthun, the National Thowheeth Jaamath (NTJ) operative who carried out the suicide blast in St. Sebastian Church, Katuwapitiya.

The CID questioned Wickremaratne as he served as the IGP at the time of the third DNA test. Controversy surrounds the decision to call for a third DNA test and, in addition to Wickremaratne, the CID questioned former Deputy IGP of the CID Prasad Ranasinghe in the second week of December last year. Public Security and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Ananda Wiejapala commented on the issue at hand in Parliament in early June, 2025.

There had been contradictory claims on Sarah, a Batticaloa Tamil convert to Islam, who lived with the extremist group. In spite of investigations, controversy still surrounds her fate, though both Sri Lanka and Indian intelligence services investigated the circumstances of her ‘disappearance.’

There had been claims that she was taken out of the country by Indian intelligence. Let me remind you what the DSJB lawmaker Mujibur Rahuman said in Parliament on 10 November, 2022, during Ranil Wickremesinghe’s presidency. Declaring that Sarah had taken refuge in India, the outspoken parliamentarian alleged that the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government was struggling to prove she died in the Sainthamaruthu blasts, on the night of 26 April, 2019.

Rajarathnam Kavitha, mother of Sarah, is on record as having told the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI) that her daughter had been with Zharan Hashim’s wife, Fatima, from early February, 2019, to 26 April, 2019, the day remnants of the NTJ group triggered the Sainthamaruthu blasts.

Sarah’s mysterious status remains a key factor in the overall investigation, with retired Major General Suresh Sallay named a suspect in the high profile case. Sallay served as the Director of State Intelligence Service (SIS) from November, 2019, to October, 2024. The CID arrested the one-time head of the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI/ 2012 to 2016) in late February 2026, under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA).

Archbishop of Colombo, Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith, recently filed an intervening petition before the Court of Appeal in respect of the petition filed by Sallay challenging his arrest and detention under the PTA. Cardinal Ranjith sought permission to make submissions regarding Sallay’s petition while requesting the court to dismiss the latter’s petition.

The Church intervened after several prominent Buddhist monks, religious and civil society organisations filed intervenient petitions seeking leave to intervene in Sallay’s writ application, filed by the retired top intelligence officer, challenging the legality of his arrest and detention.

They highlighted the following points:

• The Supreme Court and the PCoI identified Zahran Hashim and the ISIS-inspired NTJ as the perpetrators of the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage while attributing responsibility to State officials for failing to act on prior intelligence.

• None of the official investigations or judicial findings implicated Sallay in planning or facilitating the Easter Sunday attacks.

• The PCoI recorded that Major General Sallay had warned authorities about the rise of Islamist extremism before the attacks.

• The intervening petitions expressed concerns that unsubstantiated allegations have created a public narrative suggesting a wider conspiracy involving Sinhala Buddhist military and intelligence officers, contrary to the findings of the Supreme Court and the PCoI.

• The petitions argued that such unsupported narratives risk undermining public confidence, damaging communal harmony, and unfairly tarnishing the reputation of individuals and institutions without credible evidentiary foundation.

Ex-IGP’s statement

In his statement to the CID, Wickremaratne explained that he directed the senior police officer, in charge of Ampara, to secure the military and STF backing for the Sainthamaruthu operation that led to the death of some inner remnants of Zahran’s group. The Ampara-based officer, identified as Samantha Wijesekera, had got in touch with the Department’s number two officer, as IGP Jayasundera couldn’t be contacted over the phone. That statement dealt with the measures taken by them to ascertain Sarah’s status and the final assertion on the basis of the Government Analyst’s findings (third DNA test) that she was among those who perished in the Sainthamaruthu suicide blast.

The then Police Spokesman DIG, Nihal Thalduwa, has been directed by Wickremaratne to issue a press release confirming Sarah’s death. In his statement to the CID, Wickremaratne explained the deep interest shown by the head of the Indian Intelligence, based in Colombo, regarding Sarah’s status, underscoring their requirement to know whether she was dead or alive. The Indian official has repeatedly emphasised the pivotal importance of establishing Sarah’s status and, according to Wickremaratne, never tried to hide their interest in knowing her fate.

Did India accept the findings of the third DNA test? The possibility of Sarah being an Indian informant cannot be ruled out as India was able to alert Sri Lanka of the impending attacks. SJB Colombo District MP Rahuman has often commented on this possibility. Or, perhaps, India knew of Sarah’s status but raised the issue with Wickremaratne in a bid to indicate they, too, weren’t aware. Perhaps, we’ll never know the truth.

Sri Lanka received three specific warnings on 4, 20 and 21 April regarding impending dastardly NTJ operation. The last warning was received several hours before the NTJ struck hotels and Churches in Colombo, Katana and Batticaloa. The blasts killed 270 persons and wounded about 500.

At the time of the NTJ operation, the DMI was headed by Brigadier Chula Kodituwakku, who appeared alongside President Maithripala Sirisena when he met the media at the Janadhipathi Mandiraya, several days after the attacks. Now retired, Kodituwakku, in his testimony in courts, declared that the SIS refrained from sharing foreign intelligence with the DMI. In fact, Army Commander Lt. Gen. Mahesh Senanayake, who also addressed the media, explained the difficulties experienced by the Army due to refusal on the part of the SIS to cooperate with the DMI.

According to an appeal filed against an order of the High Court-at-Bar, in terms of the Section 451 (3) of the Code of Criminal Procedure Act No. 15 of 1979, as amended, read with Article 128 of the Constitution, in the Supreme Court, India issued the following warning: “As per an input, Sri Lanka based Zahran Hashim of National Thowheeth Jamath and his associates are planning to carry out suicide terror attack in Sri Lanka shortly. They are planning to target some important churches. It is further learnt that they have conducted reconnaissance of the Indian High Commission in Sri Lanka and it is one of the targets for the planned attack.”

No holds barred investigation is required to establish the truth. The Opposition has repeatedly questioned the handing over of the investigation to retired Shani Abeysekera, who had been the Director, CID, at the time of the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage, and accommodating Senior DIG Ravi Seneviratne as the Secretary Public Security Ministry. They had been accused of failing to act on specific intelligence received from the SIS.

Both Abeysekera and Seneviratne, as members of the Retired Police Collective, backed the NPP campaigns in the run-up to the presidential and parliamentary polls, in 2024. Abeysekera, who retired on 30 June, 2021, was recalled and officially reappointed as the Director of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID), on a contract basis, by the NPP.

Political factors

There had never been a case as politicised as the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage. Immediately after the massive security lapse, and negligence on the part of the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government, facilitated the NTJ operation, the Church threw its weight behind Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s 2019 presidential bid.

The Church backing made a significant difference on the ground. That prompted SJB’s Harin Fernando to directly accuse Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith of ensuring Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s victory at the expense of Sajith Premadasa. Since the SJB’s highly publicised June, 2020, accusations, there had been contradictory statements regarding the Easter Sunday attacks.

In February, 2021, on behalf of the JVP/NPP, Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa (current Health and Media Minister) declared that India masterminded the Easter Sunday attacks.

This accusation was made just a few weeks after the PCoI handed over its report to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who, for some strange reason, appointed a six-member committee, consisting of SLPP lawmakers, headed by his elder brother Chamal, than requesting the Attorney General Dappula de Livera, PC, to act on the recommendations.

In May, 2021, Dappula, after having failed to convince President Rajapaksa to extend his term by one year, alleged that the Easter Sunday attack was a grand conspiracy. In spite of growing doubts regarding the delay in implementing the PCoI recommendations, the Church tried to convince the President to act on them. In July 2021, the Church wrote to President Rajapaksa. Against the backdrop of the SLPP’s continuing indifference, by the end of that year, the Church reached a consensus with those opposed to the government.

The Church openly backed the protest campaign, against President Rajapaksa, and remained committed to the operation until the very end.

Two sons of wealthy spice merchant and JVP National List MP, at the 2015 general election Mohamed Yusuf Ibrahim’s sons Ilham Ahamed and Imsath Ibrahim, carrying out suicide attacks, on behalf of the NTJ, made no difference. Ibrahim was later released on bail, in May, 2022, during Wickremesinghe’s tenure as the President. Ilham Ahamed’s heavily pregnant wife detonated an explosive vest, inside their Dematagoda mansion, when the police surrounded the place, soon after the attacks. Did the spice trader know about the despicable NTJ strategy? Zaharan Hashim’s wife Abdul Cader Fathima, who survived the Sainthamaruthu blast too was granted bail in March, 2023, during Wickremesinghe’s presidency.

The Church, at one point, demanded that the Deputy Defence Minister Maj. Gen. Aruna Jayasekera be removed pending conclusion of the investigations. The Church claimed that as Jayasekera served as the Eastern Commander at the time of the Sainthamaruthu blasts, he should give up the Defence portfolio for the time being. The government ignored that demand.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

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Midweek Review

‘The Play’s the Thing’, in Shakespeare

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Shakespeare. Image courtesy NYT

Exposing Complexities of the Human Condition in Man’s Quest for Power

Shakespeare believed that drama could illuminate truths about human nature more effectively than argument or philosophy. The famous line, “The play’s the thing, wherein I’ll catch the conscience of the king,” expresses not merely Hamlet’s strategy but Shakespeare’s own artistic philosophy – that theatre exposes hidden moral realities and awakens the human conscience.

Shakespeare and the Human Condition

Shakespeare displayed an extraordinary understanding of the human mind, long before psychology emerged as a formal discipline. He possessed an unparalleled gift for revealing human experience through vividly drawn characters and situations they create. He drew from Renaissance historical material as they provided a rich source of dramatic material, and chose themes that reflected musings of the Elizabethan era he lived in, taking his audiences with him.

Complexities of the human condition, regardless of culture, nationality or historical period have endured. As his fellow playwright, Ben Jonson famously proclaimed over four hundred years ago: “He [Shakespeare] is not of an age, but for all time”. He continues to alert our senses and raise our conscience about humanity with all its strengths and weaknesses by way of dramatic expression. Shakespeare is our contemporary.

I have endeavoured to examine the great playwright’s work in relation to the treatment of psychological and moral complexities surrounding humanity’s pursuit for power, in order to demonstrate how these works continue to speak with remarkable urgency to our own time. The enduring relevance of this idea becomes apparent in the following three Shakespeare’s plays: Henry V, Macbeth and The Tragedy of Julius Caesar, I have chosen to illustrate my argument.

Henry V: Leadership and the Cost of Glory

It is a reflection on Shakespeare’s stature that he portrays triumphalism of leadership and the anguish of those who pay with their lives in war, in equal measure. In his Historical play, Henry V. King Henry of England makes a claim to the French throne, egged on by church leaders who wish to distract him from domestic issues. Feeling mocked by the French response, Henry declares war. He invades France displaying strong leadership despite hardship and heavy loss of life. On the eve of the pivotal battle of Agincourt, on St. Crispin’s day, he delivers an inspiring speech to his outnumbered troops. The long and poetic speech, which came to be known as the St. Crispin’s day speech – one of the best known in all Shakespeare – strengthened his powerful status in the play.

“…This story shall the good man teach his son;

And Crispin Crispian shall ne’er go by,

From this day to the ending of the world,

But we in it shall be remember’d.

We few, we happy few, we band of brothers;

For he to-day that sheds his blood with me

Shall be my brother; be he ne’er so vile,

This day shall gentle his condition …”

Against the odds, the English defeat the French at Agincourt. The play ends with a note of political and personal triumph, as Henry woos and marries Princess Catherine of France, securing peace between the two nations, at an immense cost to human life.

Macbeth: Ambition and Moral Corruption

In the reign of King Duncan of Scotland, General Macbeth who commands respect as a valiant soldier, returning home with his colleague Banquo following a victorious military expedition, is confronted by three witches who predict cryptically that he is destined to become King of Scotland. Macbeth is urged on by his wife, who, in an ‘’unquenchable desire to become queen’’, attempts to persuade her husband with ‘a humane disposition’ to assassinate the king while he is asleep as a royal guest in their home, and frame the two intoxicated royal aides. Malcolm and Donalbain, King Duncan’s two sons who accompanied him, fled to England.

Macbeth, the play, portrays the tale of a man in pursuit of power destroying anyone on his way, bringing about a collapse in moral order, providing insights into everything inhumane about humankind. The character of Macbeth is first acknowledged as a ‘hero’; his innate desire for power is activated by the prophecy of the witches. But bound by his loyalty to his king, his ‘conscience’ would not allow him the thought of regicide: “If chance will have me king, why, chance may crown me/ without my stir”. Weighed down by fear and guilt, he drags his feet, but the valiant soldier succumbs to the “valour of his wife’s tongue”: “Your hand, your tongue look like th’ innocent flower/ But be the serpent under’t”. She herself did not have the courage to murder her royal guest with her own hand, but was persuasive: morality yields to the pressure of evil desire. Macbeth completes the task, and they feign their lament at the king’s death which they themselves brought about.

Power did not bring in peace, but inner turmoil: “In the affliction of these terrible dreams/ That shake us nightly; better be with the dead/ Whom we, to gain our peace, have sent to peace/ Than on the torture of the mind to lie/ In restless ecstasy”. Fear, guilt and repentance grip the usurper but pride would not allow their expression.

Fear and insecurity bred paranoia in Macbeth. The usurpers became preoccupied with protecting the throne and handing over sovereignty to their progeny which they were yet to produce. With the advice of the witches he arranges the murder of all they suspect would take over rule after him. First they get Banquo, his colleague, ambushed and killed; Fleance, who accompanied his father, escapes. He then learns that Macduff, the feudal lord of Fife, has fled to England to join Malcolm, the son of the slain King Duncan, and, together they are mobilising an army to attack Scotland with the intent of displacing him from the throne. An outraged Macbeth orders the slaughter of Macduff’s wife and children who remained in Scotland, and anyone related to the defector.

Malcolm and Macduff invade Scotland with a powerful army. Lady Macbeth, afflicted with intense guilt, took her own life. Macbeth was slain after a fierce battle and his severed head was presented to the newly crowned king, Malcolm, who proclaimed …”I should/ Pour the sweet milk of concord, into hell? Uproar the universal peace, confound/ All unity on earth”.

In Macbeth, Shakespeare places on stage a disturbing portrayal of humanity with all its base characteristics that compels us to see ourselves in.

Julius Caesar: Political Power, Hypocrisy and Betrayal

The theme of humans competing with each other for power, exercised inappropriately, provides a fertile ground for Shakespeare to explore the complexities of the human condition. Drawing from history, he gives dramatic expression to such a scenario in his popular play, ‘The Tragedy of Julius Caesar’, displaying the patterns of behaviour of the main characters, the focus for interpretation. The propensity to manipulate the truth in political machinations takes centre stage in the play. “Men may examine things after their fashion/ Clean from the purpose of things themselves” [Cicero: Act 1]

Julius Caesar, the Roman military expansionist, emerged as a formidable leader of the territories, following his successful campaigns in Europe. The play begins with Caesar’s triumphant return to Rome after one of his military expeditions, accompanied by generals and political figures – Cassius, Brutus and Antony. They were welcomed by scores of cheering Romans for bringing ‘‘many captives home… whose ransoms, did the general coffers fill’’. The contention for leadership of the territories, in its entirety, between Caesar and Pompey resulted in a bitter civil war with Caesar emerging victorious.

Cassius and Brutus who too had leadership ambitions fought with Pompey against Caesar. Caesar in his magnanimity, while being merciful towards his defeated opponents, remained cautious about Cassius. There was growing concern amongst the common folk [plebeians] regarding their newly emerged leader “soar[ing] above the view of men”, and using his supreme power to establish a new monarchy. They were averse to the extravagant lifestyle and corrupt practices of their former monarchical rulers and feared that Caesar may override their desire to form a republican form of governance with greater representation by commoners.

Cassius, envious of Caesar’s might, instigates a plot to remove him from power. He hatches a plot to draw Brutus into the conspiracy to lend respectability to the project as Brutus is held in high regard by the populace. Brutus is faced with having to balance his personal friendship with Caesar against the “general good of the Republic”. He finally overcomes his ambivalence and joins the conspirators in a plot to assassinate Caesar. “Let not our looks put on our purposes/ But bear it as our Roman actors do/ With untir’d spirits and formal constancy”…. “Let’s kill him boldly, but not wrathfully/Let’s carve him as a dish for the Gods”. [Brutus: Act 2. Scene1]. Caesar is stabbed to death by the conspirators, one after the other, on the ‘ides of March’ – the first full moon of the New Year for festivities and sacrifice. Turning to his friend Brutus, Caesar uttered his last words: “et tu Brute?” [Even you Brutus?”].

In a funeral oration that followed, Brutus pacified an agitated crowd by stating that despite his love for Caesar, he loved Rome more, and that Caesar posed a danger to the liberty of the nation. The masses perceived his act of murdering Caesar as a deed of heroism! But, Mark Antony, a loyalist of Caesar, after skilfully negotiating with Brutus, delivers a stirring oration with the starting captivating lines, which lives on: “Friends, Romans, Countrymen” [Act 3, Scene 2]. In his speech replete with irony, while referring to Brutus as “an honourable man”, refuted the claim by Brutus that Caesar acted in ambition and self-interest. An enraged crowd drove away Cassius and Brutus.

The two exiled assassins, Cassius and Brutus, raise an army to combat a newly formed alliance of Antony, Lepidus and Octavius [adopted son of Caesar]. Undeterred by the suicide of his wife, in his absence, Brutus marched on to combat the enemy at Philippi. “There is a tide in the affairs of men/ Which take at the flood, leads on to fortune;/ Omitted on the voyage of their life,/ Is bound in shallows, and I miseries……[Act 4, Scene 2].

Following the poor performance at the Battle of Philippi, and facing defeat, Cassius gets one of his men to kill him with his own sword. Brutus learning about the death of Cassius, commits suicide by running through a sword held by a colleague. The power sharing alliance between Octavius, Antony and Lepidus ended following a struggle for supremacy.

Shakespeare and the Modern World

Shakespeare presents man’s quest for power as a lens through which the complexities of the human condition are revealed. Portraying such a pursuit as a powerful but destructive force, he reveals the tension between honour and ambition, rhetoric and reality, leadership and moral conflict and glory and human suffering – characteristics that are universal and timeless.

Shakespeare, like other great literary artists, does not lecture to us, nor does he offer solutions, but helps us broaden our sense in recognising the humanity we share with the good and the bad, and our desires that lead us into animosity.

We live in a volatile and unpredictable world marked by geopolitical tensions, economic competition, social discontent and armed conflict resulting in global instability. Contemporary societies are currently experiencing a sense of uncertainty, desperate to find answers to establishing world order and peace.

Alongside technological advancement, humankind has developed increasingly lethal weapons with which to wage war to gain power over one another. Warfare has transformed the battlefield from land to the skies, most recently through airborne long-range missiles targeted with the use of AI; and across the oceans both on the surface and beneath it through submarines, transforming the nature of combat at immense cost to human life and property. The loss of innocent civilians, including children, caught in these conflicts has given rise to the troubling yet widely invoked phrase ‘collateral damage’, a term that seeks to justify what remains profoundly deplorable. Powerful nations frequently evade meaningful accountability, despite widespread international condemnation. And, spirituality appears to have done little to awaken human conscience and humans continue to wage conflict over religious ideology.

Although art and literature do not intend to maintain order in the way the military, the laws and institutions do, their influence is subtle yet foundational in shaping how individuals and societies, and especially their leaders envisage justice, empathy and coexistence, and in lifting us out of the moral darkness we are in. Art, including dramatic art, has a transformative influence on humanity.

Conclusion

Human beings possess an enduring duality: they are capable of reason and irrationality, compassion and cruelty, cooperation and conflict, creation and destruction. These fundamental characteristics have remained remarkably constant across history, even as cultures and technologies have changed. Great literature – particularly Shakespeare’s plays – explores this universal human condition, revealing how love, ambition, fear, grief, honour, jealousy, and the desire for power continue to shape individual actions and the course of history.

by DR. Siri Galhenage, Psychiatrist [Retd.]
[sirigalhenage@gmail.com]

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Midweek Review

Stubbornly Staying Posers

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Forty three years and counting,

Big posers remain unanswered –

For instance, couldn’t the state,

See the bloodletting coming,

When restive young hands of the North,

Opted for the gun and not the ballot?

Couldn’t it be seen that counter-violence,

Would only lead to a wasting conflict,

Wherein ordinary folk of both halves,

Would be cruelly cut down in the cross fire,

And dumped in graves still being opened?

That hands of good will and friendship,

Extended warmly in statesman like fashion,

Over the divide that was seen as enduring,

Would have laid the basis for reconciliation?

Will only ‘the peace of the graveyard’,

Be made to reign in the pauperized Isle?

By Lynn Ockersz

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