Editorial
‘Celebration of debt’ and harsh reality

Friday 4th July, 2025
The NPP government is on cloud nine, having secured the fourth IMF extended fund facility tranche, amounting to USD 334 million. There was a delay in the release of the latest installment of the IMF loan, and the Opposition apparently derived some perverse pleasure from it. The government has claimed that the IMF has loosened the purse strings much to the disappointment of the NPP’s political rivals. Unhappy is the land that flaunts loans as achievements, one might say with apologies to Bertolt Brecht. Ironically, the JVP-led NPP government has chosen to jump through the hoops to qualify for the IMF loan disbursed in dribs and drabs; it has jacked up electricity tariff to meet the IMF conditions, and increased fuel prices as well. A water tariff increase is also said to be in the pipeline. Inflation is bound to increase as a result.
However, one can be happy that the sobering politico-economic reality has had a mellowing effect on the JVP’ anachronistic ideology. Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa, in his wisdom, keeps on demanding to know why the NPP government has not carried out its pledge to renegotiate the IMF bailout conditions. He seems to be oblivious to reality. Beggars are no choosers, and Sri Lanka finds itself in a situation where it has absolutely no bargaining power.
It is only natural that governments usually come under fire for broken promises; but as for the IMF programme, the NPP should be thanked for reneging on its ill-conceived election pledge to dictate terms to the IMF. Not that the IMF programme is a silver bullet, but it is certainly a lifeline that the Sri Lankan government cannot afford to lose. It is not perfect, and some criticisms of it are valid. Ideally, a country should be able to do without IMF assistance, but the fact remains that if not for the stringent IMF bailout conditions, Sri Lanka would not have made a serious effort to restore its macroeconomic fundamentals—fiscal discipline, price stability, debt restructuring, reserve building, institutional reform, and economic growth. If the Gotabaya Rajapaksa had sought IMF assistance about one year earlier, the economy would not have nosedived, and the bailout conditions would not have been so constricting. One may recall that at the height of the Vanni war, the then President Mahinda Rajapaksa straightened up the economy with the help of the IMF.
Obtaining IMF loans is one thing but achieving economic growth is quite another. The IMF can only help stabilise the economy, and it is up to Sri Lanka to achieve economic growth and avert another crisis. It will have to resume foreign debt repayment in earnest in 2028––a task that will not be attainable unless the country’s foreign currency reserves are increased significantly and an economic growth of at least 6-7% is achieved expeditiously. Growth projections for the next few years are below this target.
Thankfully, the economy is somewhat stable, but its expansion at a healthy rate requires a great deal of investment. Hence the need for further economic reforms to boost investor confidence. Sri Lanka has its work cut out to promote investment owing to its soft default and debt restructuring, and therefore it will have to redouble its efforts to make itself attractive as an investment destination. A prerequisite for achieving this end is political stability. Oblivious to this existential need, the government and the Opposition are fighting on the political front.
There is another factor that has to be tackled urgently to prevent possible social upheavals. According to the World Bank, in 2022 the poverty rate increased from 13.1% to 25% in Sri Lanka, and it is expected to soar due to multiple risks to households’ livelihoods. Electricity tariff and fuel price increases are bound to cause the cost of living to soar. The government’s failure to tame a cartel of large-scale rice millers and other such unscrupulous businesses exploiting the public will aggravate an already bad situation. Paddy farmers are up in arms, without fertiliser and unable to dispose of their produce at reasonable prices.
It is high time the government and the Opposition stopped wasting time and energy on acrimonious contests at the grassroots level, and concentrated on the economic front to prevent the country from sliding back into crisis.
Editorial
Politics and English

Monday 14th July, 2025
There seems to be no end in sight to headline-grabbing controversies at the White House, during US President Donald Trump’s second term’. They range from Trump’s snide remarks about visiting dignitaries to threats, both direct and veiled, to other nations including some of America’s allies. His volatile temper has prompted political commentators to coin a new term, “the second term curse” to describe his unpredictable behaviour. Besides his isolationist tariff war, he has taken to patronising, belittling and even confronting visiting heads of state at the White House. In February, he lost his temper and abruptly shifted from diplomacy to confrontation, asking Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky to leave the White House during an Oval office meeting which was preceded by some condescending remarks he made about the latter’s attire.
President Trump has apparently self-styled himself as a global standard-bearer as part of his MAGA (Make America Great Again) project, and one wonders whether, during his second term, the White House has become a Procrustean bed of dress etiquette and the English language proficiency, given his condescending remarks about the attire and communication skills of some visiting heads of state from the developing world.
The latest instance of Trump’s superciliousness was reported late last week, when he condescendingly praised Liberian President Joseph Boakai’s English language proficiency. He asked Boakai where the latter had learnt English. Little did Trump realise that Boakai had acquired English naturally in a country, where thousands of black Americans freed from slavery were settled beginning from the early 19th Century. The official language of Liberia is English. There have been some arguments in defence of Trump’s ‘compliment’ to his Liberian counterpart, but Trump’s condescending behaviour during his last week’s meeting with the heads of some West African nations cannot be taken in isolation––the broader context matters. His haughtiness has been persistent at all such meetings. He sounded hostile towards South African President Cyril Ramaphosa in an Oval Office meeting in May.
Meanwhile, Trump’s praise for Boakai for ‘speaking English beautifully’ has prompted the Sri Lankan Opposition to step up its propaganda assault on a government politician who could not express himself in English properly at an international forum. His critics seem to think there is no bigger shame than to lack proficiency in English. If a politician is not confident of facing an important interview conducted in English, he or she can always obtain the help of an interpreter. Those who have ganged up on the ruling party politician concerned need to be reminded that nobody’s knowledge of the English language is perfect. Mastering language skills is akin to setting sail in a bark on a boundless ocean, one may sway with apologies to Walt Whitman.
In fact, linguists now say there is no single ‘English’ as such—instead, there are many Englishes, with various countries, and language communities, speaking it with their own standards of grammar, pronunciation and lexis so much so that the Oxford English Dictionary World English programme has reportedly acknowledged that “with the current status of English as a world language, no longer is British English to be regarded as the dominant form of English – it is only one of the many individual varieties of the language that share a common lexical core but develop their own unique vocabularies.” The same goes for Trump’s American English. A seasoned American journalist once dubbed English as ‘a beautiful bastard language’, given the manner in which it has enriched itself with the help of other tongues. James Nicoll, a Canadian writer, has aptly described the rapid process of borrowing thus: “We don’t just borrow words; on occasion, English has pursued other languages down alleyways to beat them unconscious and riffle their pockets for new vocabulary”. Even Sri Lanka’s iconic ‘kottu roti’ has made it to the OED!
The resilience of English as the most popular international language dominating even the digital realm—52% websites are published in English—can be attributed to its remarkable adaptability, flexibility and readiness to assimilate words from other languages and enrich its word stock perpetually. So, in the modern world, learning English is a fruitful pursuit for everyone, especially those who have to interact with the international community.
One could argue that English has become so globalised that it has gone the same way as denim, once a symbol of American identity, or the three-piece suit tied to English heritage, or tea, which originated in China, or pizza, whose Italian origin is unknown to many of its aficionados. In that sense, English does not belong to one particular nation, and the pride in proficiency therein may be misplaced.
Those who lack proficiency in English should make a serious effort to learn the most popular international language as it is a window to the world. Above all, neither the self-important Opposition politicians in Sri Lanka nor President Trump, who also apparently thinks no end of himself, can be considered competent enough to test anyone’s proficiency in English if their own communication skills are any indication.
Editorial
Navigating tariff shocks

There is hardly anything that the NPP government and the Opposition do not look at through partisan political lenses and lock horns over, making one wonder whether the national interest ever figures in their scheme of things. Their latest battle is over the Trump tariffs that have made the world skip a spin or two, in a manner of speaking. The government is on cloud nine, claiming that it has been able to bring down the US reciprocal tariff from 44% to 30% through negotiations, but the Opposition insists that if the issue had been handled better, a further tariff reduction could have been obtained. Instead of making a joint effort for the sake of the country’s ailing economy, which cannot take any more shocks, they are busy fighting political battles. The government exudes arrogance and hostility from every pore and has positioned itself on a confrontational course, and the Opposition is all out to score political points and apparently derives some perverse pleasure from the government’s struggle to wriggle out of difficult situations.
Thankfully, the government and the Opposition, for once, have seen eye to eye on the need for a joint effort to steer the country out of what may be called the current tariff mire. Speaking in Parliament, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa yesterday offered his side’s support for the government’s efforts to obtain a bigger tariff reduction from the US, and Minister Anil Jayantha Fernando appreciated the Opposition’s offer. This is a positive development.
President Donald Trump is apparently labouring under the misconception that his isolationist trade policies will help the US perpetuate its hold on the global economy. His MAGA (Make America Great Again) project has not got off to a flying start, and even the likes of Elon Musk have become disillusioned with his strategies and policies aimed at achieving his dream. So, it is only natural that Trump has weaponised tariffs, as it were, to boost his MAGA initiative, which is apparently losing its spark. He has told the world in no uncertain terms that he will do everything in his power to ensure that the US dollar retains its status as the most sought-after international reserve currency, and has issued a not-so-veiled threat to BRICS, which is working towards a common currency. He has imposed an additional 10% tariff increase on the BRICS member states and those who are seeking to join it. The big economies that constitute BRICS will remain resilient, but the developing countries, such as Sri Lanka, desirous of joining that strategic alliance have been left with a hard choice. The US may not win the economic war it has embarked on vis-à-vis the emerging global realities that do not augur well for its superpower status, with rival powers adopting bold, effective counterstrategies. China, Brazil, Russia, etc., have stood up to the Trump administration over the tariff issue, and Russian President Vladimir Putin has boldly called for a BRICS-wide independent settlement system using national currencies of the member states.
The Trump tariffs are bound to cause a considerable decrease in Sri Lanka’s export volume and revenue. Sri Lankan exports to the US yield about USD 3 billion annually, and apparels account for most of it. Other countries, such as the UK and the EU member states may step in to help the developing nations reeling from the US tariff shock, but Sri Lanka will have to be prepared for the worst-case scenario.
While having further negotiations with Washington to obtain tariff reductions, Sri Lanka has to make a thorough study of the fallout of the Trump tariffs across the globe, with special emphasis on other Asian nations’ responses thereto, and work out a strategy to face the emerging challenges and possible crises, such as factory closures and mass job losses, which will lead to intractable social problems and even political upheavals. One of the biggest challenges before Sri Lanka is to diversify its exports and export destinations to cushion the blow from the US tariff hikes. The chances of Sri Lanka succeeding in its endeavour will be greater if the government, the Opposition and all other stakeholders join forces and pull in one direction. Otherwise, whichever party forms the next government will have a huge problem to contend with on the economic front.
Editorial
Bimal’s challenge to Opposition

Saturday 12th July, 2025
Leader of the House and Minister Bimal Rathnayake, speaking in Parliament yesterday, asked the Opposition to stop making unsubstantiated allegations, and lodge a formal complaint with the police against him for the alleged release of 323 red-flagged containers without Customs inspection from the Colombo Port in January 2025.
“Imprison me if I have done anything wrong,” he told the Opposition, claiming that he had no authority to decide on matters such as releasing containers. One cannot but agree with him that the Opposition should resort to legal action over the container scandal instead of flogging the issue to gain political mileage.
Worryingly, in this country many serious issues, including political killings, are reduced to mere slogans that political parties use to attract media attention and boost their approval ratings.
The Opposition ought to do as Minister Rathnayake says if it has irrefutable evidence to prove that he has committed a punishable offence. However, it is only wishful thinking that anything will come of a police complaint against a powerful minister. The culture of impunity is far from over.
It was only on Wednesday that Opposition MP D. V. Chanaka told Parliament that Secretary to the Ministry of Public Security, former SDIG Ravi Seneviratne, had misused his authority to have two serious charges against him dropped in a case involving an accident he caused while driving under the influence of liquor. The Opposition has also said the police have taken no action against hundreds of NPP supporters who blatantly violated traffic laws by parking buses on the Southern Expressway and having lunch on 01 May 2025. Will the government say what action the police have taken against those transgressors? If the NPP’s rank and file remain above the law, how can the police be expected to act on complaints against Cabinet ministers?
Minister Rathnayake’s challenge at issue to the Opposition coincided with a report that the Additional Magistrate of Colombo had informed the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) that it did not need an arrest warrant to take former Minister Dr. Rajitha Senaratne into custody in connection with an investigation into a complaint that when he was the Minister of Fisheries he caused a project to be unlawfully handed over to a foreign company, causing a loss of more than 26.3 million to the state.
Senaratne is facing legal action because he is out of power. Some Opposition politicians have been sentenced to jail for financial irregularities that caused losses to the state coffers under their watch as ministers during the previous governments.
The leaders of the SLPP-UNP government had to allow one of its ministers, Keheliya Rambukwella, to be arrested and prosecuted over pharmaceutical scandal because it became too embarrassing for them to defend him, with elections only a few months away, last year; they were left with no alternative but to throw him under the bus.
So, one should not be so naïve as to expect any powerful NPP politician to face legal action for being on the wrong side of the law until the incumbent administration stays in power. Only a future government may consider bringing them to justice.
A country like Sri Lanka gains from alternate power shifts in elections. All the Opposition politicians, save Rambukwella, would have been safe if the SLPP-UNP government had won last year’s elections.
One is happy to see stern action being taken against the rivals of the NPP not only because they must be made to pay for their sins but also because that will prompt those in the Opposition to deal with the current rulers accused of various malpractices, in a similar manner, after the next regime change.
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