Features
Cabinet leak of the Katchativu Agreement and rescinded cabinet decision on Overseas Service
“The Prime Minister felt betrayed. She was embarrassed, bitter and angry. She was sensitive to Mrs. Gandhi’s feelings”
Excerpted from the autobiography of MDD Peiris, Secretary to the Prime Minister)
Mrs. Bandaranaike had an excellent grasp of foreign affairs. Foreign office veterans like Ambassadors Vernon Mendis, Arthur Basnayake and others would vouch for this. But Prime Ministers are extremely busy people, particularly when they also handled heavy Ministries such as Defence and Foreign Affairs, and Planning. When they sit down to three to four hours of concentrated work, in which time they deal with scores of files and hundreds of issues, they cannot be expected to be sensitive to every nuance.
That is why they need to be assisted by mature and highly competent staff work. This places an immense responsibility on the public service and it requires high quality team work from the service. One major slip can bring disaster, whereas sound and consistent work can correspondingly result in many benefits. There is also the fact that good governance requires an effective public service, whose collective experience and institutional memory should be tapped. In a changing political scenario, the role of a good public service is to provide stability and a degree of continuity.
In order to achieve this the public service must develop the capacity for high quality analysis and the selection of possible options based on this analysis. In the case of the important letter (to Mrs. Indira Gandhi mentioned last week) submitted for the Prime Minister’s signature that had not happened. She had been presented in a busy moment with just one choice. With a heap of another 40 to 50 files awaiting her attention; with other appointments and deadlines approaching; and with a substantial number of telephone calls distracting her attention and disturbing her concentration, it was not a surprise that the letter was signed.
At the level of the Prime Minister, and now the President, the consequences of shoddy work can be quite serious. That is why a partnership based on objectivity, competence, professionalism and trust is necessary between a public service of highly competent officials and the political leadership of the country. If such institutional arrangements are inadequate, or do not work, efficiency, effectiveness and opportunity will suffer and a country’s overall prospects will be diminished to that extent.
The discussions with India continued at official levels. They began sometime in 1973 when the Prime Minister was returning from a visit to Yugoslavia where she was taking treatment from time to time for a bad knee. On her return she had come via Delhi and met Mrs. Gandhi. There, at the political level two important decisions had been taken. An agreement was to be signed confirming Sri Lanka’s sovereignty of the island of Katchativu and also demarcating the maritime boundary between the two countries.
Furthermore, the two Prime Ministers had agreed to solve the question of the balance 150,000 of the people of Indian origin in Sri Lanka, on the basis of India absorbing 75,000 and their natural increase, and Sri Lanka, the balance 75,000 with their natural increase. The Prime Minister told me that because of sensitive domestic political reasons the Indian Prime Minister wanted this kept secret for a period of about six months.
In the meantime, two small selected groups, one in India and one in Sri Lanka were to liaise and draw up the maps, charts and legal documents to give effect to these decisions. The Prime Minister wanted WT Jayasinghe and me to handle matters on our side. She was not going to inform anybody else, certainly no one at the political level, not even her Cabinet. It was vital that nothing leaked out. WT and I set to work. His considerable expertise in Indo-Sri Lanka issues proved to be very useful.
As we proceeded, with the Prime Minister’s approval the Attorney General Victor Tennekoon Q.C. was brought into deal with the legal issues, and a relatively young Assistant Superintendent of Surveys Mr. Herath, was brought on board to handle the maps and charts that had to be drawn up to demarcate the maritime boundary. He was later to become Surveyor General. All were well briefed on the necessity for absolute secrecy.
WT occasionally visited India and a few Indian officials occasionally visited Sri Lanka on these matters. Our team had several meetings among ourselves to meticulously produce the varied drafts that were necessary. In due course, the date for the simultaneous signing of the agreements in Delhi and Colombo was fixed. There were to be two sets of originals. WT was to go to Delhi and have the documents signed by the Indian Prime Minister. Foreign Secretary Kewal Singh was to come to Colombo with the other set and get them signed by the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka. This signing was to take place simultaneously in Colombo and Delhi at a given time during late morning.
I had been reminding the Prime Minister that the Cabinet had to be informed and their formal approval obtained for these agreements, and also that the President Mr. William Gopallawa had to be briefed. The President was briefed by her earlier, but she was going to inform the Cabinet only at 9 a.m. on the morning of the signing at a special Cabinet meeting called for this purpose. The arrangement between the two countries was that an official communique was to be released immediately after the signing, simultaneously in Delhi and Colombo.
The Indians were sensitive to any information leaking out before that. The Prime Minister in turn did not want to risk informing a large Cabinet of Ministers, about these developments until almost the last moment. Information on various matters had been leaking out from the Cabinet periodically, and she was aware of certain friendships between some of her Ministers and certain newspapermen. Therefore, she did not want to take a chance.
When WT went to Delhi with the documents, I became Acting Secretary to the Ministry of Defence and Foreign Affairs. WT briefed me and said that the Indian Foreign Secretary would be coming after a stop over in Bangalore, by a special Indian Airforce flight at 11.00 in the night to the Ratmalana airport. He wanted me to personally meet the Foreign Secretary, put him in my car and take him personally to the suite booked for him at the Hotel (Ceylon) Intercontinental. He emphasized that I should do exactly as he had said and extend these courtesies because Kewal Singh and he enjoyed very good personal relations and that the Indian Foreign Secretary had been “most gracious” to him.
I therefore, followed his instructions to the letter. I was at Ratmalana airport on a dark night and greeted the Indian Foreign Secretary on his arrival. By that time I had informed the Acting High Commissioner for India of the travel arrangements for Mr. Kewal Singh in my car. The Indian High Commissioner had proceeded to Delhi for the signing. Everything went according to schedule, and I got back home during the early hours of the morning after leaving the Foreign Secretary in the hotel.
The next morning the Cabinet was called into session at very short notice. The Prime Minister had informed Alif the Cabinet Secretary, at something like 6 o’clock in the morning to summon the Cabinet at 9 a.m. Mr. Alif was naturally somewhat alarmed at this unexpected emergency meeting and had wanted to know what to tell the Ministers. The Prime Minister had merely said, that she would personally inform them when they met. A nonplussed Mr. Alif next telephoned me. In order to allay his anxiety, I could only tell him that the Prime Minister probably would be conveying some good news, but that beyond that I was unable to say anything.
The Cabinet duly met at 9 a.m. The announcement had been made amidst great jubilation. Special kiribath was served. The Cabinet passed a vote of appreciation and thanks on the Prime Minister’s achievement, and a few minutes before 10 a.m. the meeting was over. The signing was to be around 11.30 a.m. By about 10.45 a.m., I received a frantic call from WT in Delhi. Information about the agreements, the time of signing and various other details were coming over the Press Trust of India telex machines from Colombo!
A distressed WT was asking me, how in these circumstances, he was going to face Mrs. Gandhi! This was greatly shocking. Extremely sensitive and important issues that had been kept absolutely secret by the Prime Minister and by a maximum of about five or six public servants for well over a year, whilst actually working on the subjects were out in public and had reached New Delhi within half an hour of a Cabinet meeting. The Prime Minister felt betrayed. She was embarrassed, bitter and angry. She was sensitive to Mrs. Gandhi’s feelings.
We were quite depressed. I was particularly distressed at the unenviable and embarrassing position WT was in Delhi. But the damage was done. The only saving grace was the sympathetic understanding of Foreign Secretary Kewal Singh in Colombo, and as WT related later, the magnanimity of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in Delhi. Mrs. Bandaranaike took quite a while to get over what was to her, a nasty experience.
The year 1975 was a busy and significant. In January, The Bandaranaike Centre for International Studies was inaugurated. This Centre which was to focus on all aspects of international studies, including international law; international economics; elements of diplomacy and foreign languages was named after Prime Minister SWRD Bandaranaike. The inaugural lecture was given by the distinguished Indian Civil Servant and Diplomat Shri KPS. Menon.
Abolition of the Sri Lanka Overseas Service under “any other business” triggered a case of apoplexy.
It was during the first half of 1975 that the Cabinet took a most astonishing decision. I was not aware of it until the Director General of Foreign Affairs, Vernon Mendis suddenly burst into my room. When I looked at his face, I instantly understood what apoplexy looked like. Vernon was red in the face and almost incoherent. Speech was clearly difficult, and this was alarming in the case of one who was usually fluent of expression and grand and sweeping in style, a style in fact which seemed to irritate some.
I asked him to sit. But he wouldn’t. He was too agitated for that. Once he was capable of rational discourse he asked me “Do you know, that the Cabinet has abolished the Sri Lanka Overseas Service under “Any other business?” It was now my turn to be struck dumb. I couldn’t believe it. Vernon assured me it was true and thought that Tissa Wijeratne was behind it. Vernon’s information was that some LSSP ministers had raised the issue, that it was not necessary to have two services, an administrative service and an overseas service, and that officers should be able to move between the two services. This was thought to be beneficent to both services in that selected officers of both, would be exposed both to domestic and foreign issues and experience thereby deepening the maturity and skills of the senior public service as a whole.
After further discussions, the Cabinet had decided to abolish the overseas service. It was also believed that this result was achieved through canvassing by certain well placed members of the administrative service who had political connections. The charge was that they were seeking a short cut to foreign travel and foreign assignments in a climate of stringent foreign exchange restrictions and severely curtailed opportunities for travel abroad.
Whatever the truth or otherwise of all these, it was a decision seriously detrimental to the conduct of our foreign relations and over time an end to the specialization and expertise built-up in the Foreign Ministry through several decades. It would also have opened us to a degree of international ridicule. There were undoubtedly, inefficient lazy and even venal officers in the overseas service. But such examples were not confined to the overseas service. In any case, if that was seen to be the problem, the remedy was not to abolish the entire service, but to deal with the deadwood.
Vernon, WT and I spoke to the Prime Minister and the Cabinet decision was rescinded. I told the Prime Minister that I was very surprised that this had happened at a time when she was both Prime Minister and Foreign Minister. The decision however, had been taken at the tail end of a four hour Cabinet meeting when obviously the powers of concentration were seriously reduced, and the Ministers had succumbed to some ostensibly attractive arguments. During the course of my career I was to see other surprising decisions taken by other Cabinets under the agenda item “Any other business.” This item sometimes seemed to stimulate leaps of imagination unrelated to any basis in reality.
More apoplexy
Speaking of apoplexy, the other such episode I witnessed during this period related to Dr. Mackie Ratwatte. He too burst into my room, face on fire, and incoherent of expression. In the case of Mackie, it was all the more astonishing, because no one had imagined possibilities of such athletic energy in what was a sedate personality. What had set off the condition in this case was a young man, from the Prime Minister’s electorate of Attanagalla. He had been coming to see Dr. Ratwatte at least two or three times a week for months, begging to be placed in any kind of employment. At last Dr. Ratwatte had found a temporary job for him as a watcher at the Film Corporation.
Three days later, (the day on which Dr. Ratwatte came charging into my room,) the person had turned up and requested him to find him another job, complaining there were so many mosquitoes in the night in the Film Corporation premises that he could not sleep a wink! And this was supposed to be a watcher! Mere banishment of the delinquent from his presence was not sufficient for Mackie. He simply had to share his sense of outrage with someone. Hence his apoplectic presence before me. I had to stop all work and listen patiently to him until catharsis was achieved.
Features
Ranking public services with AI — A roadmap to reviving institutions like SriLankan Airlines
Efficacy measures an organisation’s capacity to achieve its mission and intended outcomes under planned or optimal conditions. It differs from efficiency, which focuses on achieving objectives with minimal resources, and effectiveness, which evaluates results in real-world conditions. Today, modern AI tools, using publicly available data, enable objective assessment of the efficacy of Sri Lanka’s government institutions.
Among key public bodies, the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka emerges as the most efficacious, outperforming the Department of Inland Revenue, Sri Lanka Customs, the Election Commission, and Parliament. In the financial and regulatory sector, the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) ranks highest, ahead of the Securities and Exchange Commission, the Public Utilities Commission, the Telecommunications Regulatory Commission, the Insurance Regulatory Commission, and the Sri Lanka Standards Institution.
Among state-owned enterprises, the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA) leads in efficacy, followed by Bank of Ceylon and People’s Bank. Other institutions assessed included the State Pharmaceuticals Corporation, the National Water Supply and Drainage Board, the Ceylon Electricity Board, the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation, and the Sri Lanka Transport Board. At the lower end of the spectrum were Lanka Sathosa and Sri Lankan Airlines, highlighting a critical challenge for the national economy.
Sri Lankan Airlines, consistently ranked at the bottom, has long been a financial drain. Despite successive governments’ reform attempts, sustainable solutions remain elusive.
Globally, the most profitable airlines operate as highly integrated, technology-enabled ecosystems rather than as fragmented departments. Operations, finance, fleet management, route planning, engineering, marketing, and customer service are closely coordinated, sharing real-time data to maximise efficiency, safety, and profitability.
The challenge for Sri Lankan Airlines is structural. Its operations are fragmented, overly hierarchical, and poorly aligned. Simply replacing the CEO or senior leadership will not address these deep-seated weaknesses. What the airline needs is a cohesive, integrated organisational ecosystem that leverages technology for cross-functional planning and real-time decision-making.
The government must urgently consider restructuring Sri Lankan Airlines to encourage:
=Joint planning across operational divisions
=Data-driven, evidence-based decision-making
=Continuous cross-functional consultation
=Collaborative strategic decisions on route rationalisation, fleet renewal, partnerships, and cost management, rather than exclusive top-down mandates
Sustainable reform requires systemic change. Without modernised organisational structures, stronger accountability, and aligned incentives across divisions, financial recovery will remain out of reach. An integrated, performance-oriented model offers the most realistic path to operational efficiency and long-term viability.
Reforming loss-making institutions like Sri Lankan Airlines is not merely a matter of leadership change — it is a structural overhaul essential to ensuring these entities contribute productively to the national economy rather than remain perpetual burdens.
By Chula Goonasekera – Citizen Analyst
Features
Why Pi Day?
International Day of Mathematics falls tomorrow
The approximate value of Pi (π) is 3.14 in mathematics. Therefore, the day 14 March is celebrated as the Pi Day. In 2019, UNESCO proclaimed 14 March as the International Day of Mathematics.
Ancient Babylonians and Egyptians figured out that the circumference of a circle is slightly more than three times its diameter. But they could not come up with an exact value for this ratio although they knew that it is a constant. This constant was later named as π which is a letter in the Greek alphabet.
It was the Greek mathematician Archimedes (250 BC) who was able to find an upper bound and a lower bound for this constant. He drew a circle of diameter one unit and drew hexagons inside and outside the circle such that the sides of each hexagon touch the sides of the circle. In mathematics the circle passing through all vertices of a polygon is called a ‘circumcircle’ and the largest circle that fits inside a polygon tangent to all its sides is called an ‘incircle’. The total length of the smaller hexagon then becomes the lower bound of π and the length of the hexagon outside the circle is the upper bound. He realised that by increasing the number of sides of the polygon can make the bounds get closer to the value of Pi and increased the number of sides to 12,24,48 and 60. He argued that by increasing the number of sides will ultimately result in obtaining the original circle, thereby laying the foundation for the theory of limits. He ended up with the lower bound as 22/7 and the upper bound 223/71. He could not continue his research as his hometown Syracuse was invaded by Romans and was killed by one of the soldiers. His last words were ‘do not disturb my circles’, perhaps a reference to his continuing efforts to find the value of π to a greater accuracy.
Archimedes can be considered as the father of geometry. His contributions revolutionised geometry and his methods anticipated integral calculus. He invented the pulley and the hydraulic screw for drawing water from a well. He also discovered the law of hydrostatics. He formulated the law of levers which states that a smaller weight placed farther from a pivot can balance a much heavier weight closer to it. He famously said “Give me a lever long enough and a place to stand and I will move the earth”.
Mathematicians have found many expressions for π as a sum of infinite series that converge to its value. One such famous series is the Leibniz Series found in 1674 by the German mathematician Gottfried Leibniz, which is given below.
π = 4 ( 1 – 1/3 + 1/5 – 1/7 + 1/9 – ………….)
The Indian mathematical genius Ramanujan came up with a magnificent formula in 1910. The short form of the formula is as follows.
π = 9801/(1103 √8)
For practical applications an approximation is sufficient. Even NASA uses only the approximation 3.141592653589793 for its interplanetary navigation calculations.
It is not just an interesting and curious number. It is used for calculations in navigation, encryption, space exploration, video game development and even in medicine. As π is fundamental to spherical geometry, it is at the heart of positioning systems in GPS navigations. It also contributes significantly to cybersecurity. As it is an irrational number it is an excellent foundation for generating randomness required in encryption and securing communications. In the medical field, it helps to calculate blood flow rates and pressure differentials. In diagnostic tools such as CT scans and MRI, pi is an important component in mathematical algorithms and signal processing techniques.
This elegant, never-ending number demonstrates how mathematics transforms into practical applications that shape our world. The possibilities of what it can do are infinite as the number itself. It has become a symbol of beauty and complexity in mathematics. “It matters little who first arrives at an idea, rather what is significant is how far that idea can go.” said Sophie Germain.
Mathematics fans are intrigued by this irrational number and attempt to calculate it as far as they can. In March 2022, Emma Haruka Iwao of Japan calculated it to 100 trillion decimal places in Google Cloud. It had taken 157 days. The Guinness World Record for reciting the number from memory is held by Rajveer Meena of India for 70000 decimal places over 10 hours.
Happy Pi Day!
The author is a senior examiner of the International Baccalaureate in the UK and an educational consultant at the Overseas School of Colombo.
by R N A de Silva
Features
Sheer rise of Realpolitik making the world see the brink
The recent humanly costly torpedoing of an Iranian naval vessel in Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone by a US submarine has raised a number of issues of great importance to international political discourse and law that call for elucidation. It is best that enlightened commentary is brought to bear in such discussions because at present misleading and uninformed speculation on questions arising from the incident are being aired by particularly jingoistic politicians of Sri Lanka’s South which could prove deleterious.
As matters stand, there seems to be no credible evidence that the Indian state was aware of the impending torpedoing of the Iranian vessel but these acerbic-tongued politicians of Sri Lanka’s South would have the local public believe that the tragedy was triggered with India’s connivance. Likewise, India is accused of ‘embroiling’ Sri Lanka in the incident on account of seemingly having prior knowledge of it and not warning Sri Lanka about the impending disaster.
It is plain that a process is once again afoot to raise anti-India hysteria in Sri Lanka. An obligation is cast on the Sri Lankan government to ensure that incendiary speculation of the above kind is defeated and India-Sri Lanka relations are prevented from being in any way harmed. Proactive measures are needed by the Sri Lankan government and well meaning quarters to ensure that public discourse in such matters have a factual and rational basis. ‘Knowledge gaps’ could prove hazardous.
Meanwhile, there could be no doubt that Sri Lanka’s sovereignty was violated by the US because the sinking of the Iranian vessel took place in Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone. While there is no international decrying of the incident, and this is to be regretted, Sri Lanka’s helplessness and small player status would enable the US to ‘get away with it’.
Could anything be done by the international community to hold the US to account over the act of lawlessness in question? None is the answer at present. This is because in the current ‘Global Disorder’ major powers could commit the gravest international irregularities with impunity. As the threadbare cliché declares, ‘Might is Right’….. or so it seems.
Unfortunately, the UN could only merely verbally denounce any violations of International Law by the world’s foremost powers. It cannot use countervailing force against violators of the law, for example, on account of the divided nature of the UN Security Council, whose permanent members have shown incapability of seeing eye-to-eye on grave matters relating to International Law and order over the decades.
The foregoing considerations could force the conclusion on uncritical sections that Political Realism or Realpolitik has won out in the end. A basic premise of the school of thought known as Political Realism is that power or force wielded by states and international actors determine the shape, direction and substance of international relations. This school stands in marked contrast to political idealists who essentially proclaim that moral norms and values determine the nature of local and international politics.
While, British political scientist Thomas Hobbes, for instance, was a proponent of Political Realism, political idealism has its roots in the teachings of Socrates, Plato and latterly Friedrich Hegel of Germany, to name just few such notables.
On the face of it, therefore, there is no getting way from the conclusion that coercive force is the deciding factor in international politics. If this were not so, US President Donald Trump in collaboration with Israeli Rightist Premier Benjamin Natanyahu could not have wielded the ‘big stick’, so to speak, on Iran, killed its Supreme Head of State, terrorized the Iranian public and gone ‘scot-free’. That is, currently, the US’ impunity seems to be limitless.
Moreover, the evidence is that the Western bloc is reuniting in the face of Iran’s threats to stymie the flow of oil from West Asia to the rest of the world. The recent G7 summit witnessed a coming together of the foremost powers of the global North to ensure that the West does not suffer grave negative consequences from any future blocking of western oil supplies.
Meanwhile, Israel is having a ‘free run’ of the Middle East, so to speak, picking out perceived adversarial powers, such as Lebanon, and militarily neutralizing them; once again with impunity. On the other hand, Iran has been bringing under assault, with no questions asked, Gulf states that are seen as allying with the US and Israel. West Asia is facing a compounded crisis and International Law seems to be helplessly silent.
Wittingly or unwittingly, matters at the heart of International Law and peace are being obfuscated by some pro-Trump administration commentators meanwhile. For example, retired US Navy Captain Brent Sadler has cited Article 51 of the UN Charter, which provides for the right to self or collective self-defence of UN member states in the face of armed attacks, as justifying the US sinking of the Iranian vessel (See page 2 of The Island of March 10, 2026). But the Article makes it clear that such measures could be resorted to by UN members only ‘ if an armed attack occurs’ against them and under no other circumstances. But no such thing happened in the incident in question and the US acted under a sheer threat perception.
Clearly, the US has violated the Article through its action and has once again demonstrated its tendency to arbitrarily use military might. The general drift of Sadler’s thinking is that in the face of pressing national priorities, obligations of a state under International Law could be side-stepped. This is a sure recipe for international anarchy because in such a policy environment states could pursue their national interests, irrespective of their merits, disregarding in the process their obligations towards the international community.
Moreover, Article 51 repeatedly reiterates the authority of the UN Security Council and the obligation of those states that act in self-defence to report to the Council and be guided by it. Sadler, therefore, could be said to have cited the Article very selectively, whereas, right along member states’ commitments to the UNSC are stressed.
However, it is beyond doubt that international anarchy has strengthened its grip over the world. While the US set destabilizing precedents after the crumbling of the Cold War that paved the way for the current anarchic situation, Russia further aggravated these degenerative trends through its invasion of Ukraine. Stepping back from anarchy has thus emerged as the prime challenge for the world community.
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