Opinion
Buddhist theatre in South Asia and beyond
By Syed Jamil Ahmed, PhD
Considerable research conducted by renowned Orientalists such as Moriz Winternitz, Heinrich Lüders, Arthur Berriedale Keith, Sylvain Lévi and Sten Konow between the 1880s and 1960s have established that between the 1st century CE to the 7th century CE, a tradition of Buddhist theatre flourished in South Asia. This tradition, generated by a host of Buddhist scholars and practitioners, is an important source for the study of the indigenous theatre not only of Bangladesh, but also of Pakistan and Afghanistan. The problem with Bangladesh is that very few scholars and practitioners engaged with theatre demonstrate any interest in the tradition. Consequently, the Indian State, media and academia have exerted their hold on the tradition to such an extent that the world recognises ancient Buddhist theatre in South Asia as an exclusive intellectual terrain of modern India. Although Bangladesh can lay a rightful claim to the tradition, it has failed to do so, mostly because the State, media and academia in Bangladesh are hardly enthusiastic regarding the non-Islamic past of Bangladesh. This piece presents a summary of current research on ancient Buddhist theatre in South Asia, in order to serve as a catalyst that hopefully will trigger enough interest in establishing Bangladesh’s rightful claim to its Buddhist past.
Existing evidence indicates that Aśvaghoşa (c. 80-150 CE) was not only the earliest Buddhist playwright, but also the earliest Sanskrit playwright in South Asia. He was a renowned Buddhist philosopher and poet at the court of Kushan emperor Kanişka, whose capital was situated in Puruşapura (what now is Peshawar in Pakistan). Another important playwright from the 5th century CE was Chandragomin. It is now certain that he was not only a famous Buddhist scholar-monk renowned for his work on Sanskrit grammar but also the composer of a play titled Lokānanda. As the famous Buddhist traveler-monk Yijing (I-Tsing) observed, he was from the eastern part of South Asia. Other scholars are in agreement that the eastern region referred to was ancient Bengal. Besides these two playwrights, scholars also believe that a mysterious Buddhist acharya named Rāhula composed a treatise on theatre (nāţya), which is now completely lost. It is also argued that Buddhist theatre beginning with Aśvaghoşa in the first century CE, down to Emperor Harşavardhana in the 7th century CE, was not only well-developed theoretically but was also quite popular among the people. When an exact accounting is done, the corpus of Buddhist plays is found to include the following eight texts, one extant in original, one in translation, five in fragments, while one has been completely lost. Given below is a brief account of these works.
1. Śāriputra-prakaraņa (a play in 9 acts) by Aśvaghoşa. Only fragments of the last two acts are extant. Recovered by Lüders at Turfan in Tarim Basin, in 1911, the play is based on the legend of Śāriputra and Maudgalyāyana ordaining as monks under the Buddha, as related in the Mahāvagga of the Vinayapiţaka. As shown in the last two acts of the play, Śāriputra has an interview with Aśvajit, the Buddha’s first disciple. Then he engages in a conversation with his friend the Vidūşaka (jester), on the merits of the teachings of Gautama Buddha. The Vidūşaka advises Śāriputra against accepting Buddhist teachings, since Śāriputra is a Brahman and the Buddha hails from the kştriya (warrior) caste. But Śāriputra rejects the Vidūşaka’s argument on the ground that the Vaidya (physician) is capable of healing the sick despite belonging to a low social caste. Next, when he meets his dear friend Maudgalyāyana, the latter enquires as to why Śāriputra appears radiant. Śāriputra informs Maudgalyāyana about the Buddha and his teachings, and they both decide to seek refuge in Buddhism. The Buddha receives them warmly and foretells that the two will be the highest in knowledge and magic power among his disciples. At the end of the play, Gautam Buddha and Śāriputra engage in a philosophical dialogue which rejects the belief in a permanent self (ātmā).
2. Fragment of a play, possibly a nāţaka, with allegorical characters such as Buddhi (Wisdom), Dhŗti (Firmness) and Kīrti (Fame). It was found at Turfan in Tarim Basin, but the playwright’s name is unavailable. Nevertheless, because the fragment has been recovered with Śāriputra-prakaraņa and because it demonstrates remarkable linguistic similarity with the same play, it is believed that the playwright of this fragment is also Aśvaghoşa. The fragment shows the three allegorical characters conversing in Sanskrit. At one stage, the Buddha enters the stage. It is uncertain whether he engages in a dialogue with the allegorical characters, because the play is fragmented at this point.
3. Fragment of another play that appears to be a prakaraņa like the Mŗcchakaţikā by Shudraka. It was also recovered at Turfan. The author remains unknown but this too is believed to have been authored by Aśvaghoşa. The characters of the play are a heterogenous lot: a courtesan named Magadhabati, a Vidūşaka named Komudhagandha, a hero named Somadatta, a rogue named Duşţa, a prince named Dhanananjaya, a maid-servant, Śāriputra and Maudgalyāyana. One scene of the play takes place at Magadhabati’s home and another at a park. The play also mentions a festival held at a hilltop.
4. Rāşţapāla-nāţaka by Aśvaghoşa, which has disappeared completely, but its existence is confirmed by references found in a Chinese translation of Sri Dharma-piţaka-sampradāya Nidāna (472 AD), titled Fu fa tsang yin yüan ch’üan, and two other Buddhist liturgical texts. The plot was possibly based on the Raţţhapālasutta in the Majjhimanikāya, showing how Raţţhapāla, after renouncing worldly life to become a monk, could not be enticed back to worldly life even with heaps of gold and alluring advances of his ex-wives. As recounted in Fu fa tsang yin yüan ch’üan, a performance of the play, in which Aśvaghoşa himself conducted the orchestra, was so successful that five hundred kştriyas renounced worldly life to become Buddhist monks. In order to make sure that such a mass exodus is not repeated, the king of Pataliputra forbade all future performance of the play.
5. Lokānanda-nāţaka by Chandragomin, a play in five acts composed in the 5th century CE. The original text in Sanskrit has disappeared. In the first half of the 14th century, the play was translated from Sanskrit into Tibetan in Kathmandu. Michael Hahn used the Tibetan version to translate it in German in 1974, and in English in 1987 as Joy for the World. The play shows how Prince Maṇicūḍa (later the king) of Sāketa, who is gifted with a benevolence-showering jewel implanted on the crown of his head, sacrifices all his possessions including his kingdom – and even his wife and son – in order to remain steadfast to his commitment to munificence. He dies when he sacrifices even the jewel implanted on his head to a wicked Brahmin, but is revived by the gods because of his commitment to munificence.
6. Nāgānanda-nāţaka, a play in five acts attributed to Emperor Harşavardhana (reigned 606 – 648 CE). It is based on King Jimutavåhana’s self-sacrifice to save the Nagas (a race of semi-divine half-serpent beings who live in the underworld). The play is still extant in original Sanskrit. Nāgānanda-nāţaka may demonstrate signs of Buddhist lineage superficially, but a close reading demonstrates that its religio-philosophical inclination is a curious blend of Hinduism and Buddhism.
7. Maitreyasamiti-nāţaka (lit. “Encounter with Maitreya”), a play in 27 acts bearing a Sanskrit title but written in the language known as Tocharian A. Quite a few fragments of the play were recovered from Turfan and Yanqi (Tarim Basin), all dated to the 8th century CE. Maitreyasamiti-nāţaka is based on Buddha Maitreya, the future saviour of the world. An Old Uyghur translation of the Tocharian text, dated to the 10th century CE, has also been recovered.
8. In 2007, fragment of an unnamed another play was recovered in Afghanistan and has been published by Uwe Hartmann. The recovered fragment shows that it was composed in Sanskrit and Prakrit, in prose as well as verse. It appears to indicate dialogue among three characters: Vidūşaka, King, and Minister.
The significance of the corpus of Buddhist plays is immense. Firstly, it indicates that the genesis of theatre in South Asia is well before the 2nd century CE, because when Aśvaghoşa emerged as a playwright at this juncture, he was already well-adapted to the craftsmanship of playwriting, and appears to have inherited a long tradition that flourished before him. Secondly, and more importantly for Bangladesh, ‘the genesis of theatre in the country can now be firmly pushed back to the 5th century CE, since we have Lokānanda-nāţaka as a piece of ‘hard’ evidence. It may be recalled that hitherto, the earliest evidence of theatre in ancient Bengal was dated to the 8th-10th century, as ascertained by the occurrence of the term ‘Buddha-nāţaka’ in a caryā song by Vīnā-pāda. Thirdly, by the 10th century CE, Buddhist theatre appears to have generated the growth of a lively world of performance not only in what today is Bangladesh, India, Pakistan and Afghanistan, but also in Central Asia. Indeed, the Silk Road was key to this transmission. As I argue elsewhere, Buddhist dramaturgy also ‘travelled’ to Tibet, where it was rejected by Vajrayana Buddhism. However, nurtured by Mahayana Buddhism, it prospered in the Tarim Basin and the adjoining oases kingdoms, where it was transmuted into Buddhist plays in Tokharian and Khotanese Saka. These plays were produced during Buddhist festivals in Khotan and Kocho, at mass public gatherings in the vicinity of temples. The Khotanese Buddhist theatre may have met with a sad demise at the hands of the Muslim Kara-Khanid rulers. Nevertheless, Tokharian Buddhist plays, possibly performed in pavilions in temple precincts, travelled on to the Northern Song empire (China), and were further transformed to give rise to zaji, and the performance pavilions such as those in temple compounds located in Shanxi and Zhejiang provinces in China. Towards the end of the T’ang period and during the political upheavals of the 10th century, when Buddhism lost favour of the state, and subsequently in early 11th century, when the Muslims began to control the Silk Road in central Asia, all traces of Buddhist plays were erased by neo-Confucianism and Taoism. Nevertheless, the performances continued to live in transmuted forms.
Laying aside the ‘scholarly’ importance for the academics to ponder over, it is important to turn to Lokānanda-nāţaka, the miracle-recounting Buddhist play from ancient Bangladesh, to recognise that its significance extends beyond that of a heritage object preserved in museums. Let us begin by acknowledging that miracles have been recounted in all major religions, such as Islam, Christianity, Hinduism, Jainism and Buddhism. It is pointless to argue about the validity of any of these miracles, for their worth are embedded deep in the belief system of the devotees. Instead, I argue that a particular significance of Lokānanda-nāţaka lies in its validity as a root paradigm. As the cultural anthropologist Victor Turner explains in Dramas, Fields, and Metaphors: Symbolic Action in Human Society, root paradigms are not univocal concepts nor stereotyped guidelines, but extend beyond the cognitive and the moral to the existential domain.
Paradigms of this fundamental sort reach down to irreducible life stances of individuals, passing beneath conscious prehension to a fiduciary hold on what they sense to be axiomatic values, matters literally of life or death. Root paradigms emerge in life crises, whether of groups or individuals, whether institutionalized or compelled by unforeseen events. One cannot then escape their presence or their consequences.
The root paradigm that Lokānanda-nāţaka posits is Maṇicūḍa’s commitment to munificence. Similar root paradigms may also be found in Raja Harishchandra’s sacrifices as projected in Hinduism and Prophet Ibrahim’s qurbani as articulated in Islam. Faced with endemic corruption in Bangladesh, to the extent that it is ranked 147th out of 180 countries in Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index, perhaps we would do better if we draw on all the root-paradigms of munificence and sacrifices that our tradition offers us.
(The Daily Star/ANN)
Syed Jamil Ahmed, PhD is Honorary Professor at University of Dhaka and Theatre Director at Spardha: Independent Theatre Collective
Opinion
The Plunder of Sri Lanka Through Trade Misinvoicing
A Case Study on Sri Lanka-Thailand Trade
In March 2026, a Washington-based think tank, Global Financial Integrity (GFI), released its report on “Trade-Related Illicit Financial Flows in Developing Asia” for the 2013–2022 period. The report calculates the possible misappropriation of 20.51% of Sri Lanka’s total trade value through trade misinvoicing.
A calculation of Sri Lanka’s exports to Thailand in 2024, using the same GFI methodology, shows a possible misappropriation of 207% of the export value by Sri Lankan exporters and Thai importers
The phrase “plunder of Sri Lanka” normally refers to resource extraction through violent foreign invasions with swords and guns. This article is not about them. This article focuses on a more discreet and genteel version of plunder through illicit financial flows and the stashing of foreign exchange earnings offshore through trade misinvoicing.
What is Trade Misinvoicing?
Trade misinvoicing is the fraudulent recording of key invoice information for the purpose of facilitating illicit cross-border financial flows. One of the easiest ways to identify possible misinvoicing is the study of “mirror trade” data, that is, the comparative analysis of partner-country trade data with Sri Lankan trade data. If this flags discrepancies (value gaps), those are indicators of misinvoicing. These gaps could be due to overinvoicing imports, underinvoicing exports, or phantom imports.
Overinvoicing imports occurs when Sri Lankan importers and their foreign counterparts artificially inflate invoice prices for goods. The importer remits foreign currency abroad to settle the bogus invoice amount in full, and the surplus cash is subsequently split or retained in offshore accounts.
Similarly, underinvoicing exports happens when exporters ship high-value goods (for example, gems) out of Sri Lanka but state a considerably lower price on the customs invoice and the importer pays the low price through official channels. Then the actual market balance is paid directly into foreign bank accounts.
Phantom imports occur when bogus companies are set up to execute telegraphic transfers to foreign suppliers under the pretext of importing goods, which never physically enter Sri Lanka. The recently uncovered large-scale foreign exchange fraud totalling around US$85 million linked to fictitious imports revealed by the Public Security Minister Ananda Wijepala is an example of phantom imports. However, what he revealed was just the tip of the iceberg. The annual loss from overinvoicing imports and underinvoicing exports is much larger and may be as high as US$ billion or higher.
So, whenever value gaps occur in mirror data, they should be treated as risk indicators. If the gaps are significantly large, then the authorities should immediately investigate the relevant invoices with the partner countries to find out the reasons for the disparities.
Misinvoicing in Sri Lanka
In 2017, the Washington, D.C.-based think tank Global Financial Integrity (GFI) released a landmark investigative report exposing massive gaps in Sri Lanka’s trade data due to trade misinvoicing during the period 2005–2014. The estimated amount that may have been misappropriated during the period is US$36.83 billion. This report received wide publicity in Sri Lanka. It is not clear if the authorities had initiated any investigations into this foreign exchange hemorrhage. In March 2026 the GFI released its report on “Trade-Related Illicit Financial Flows in Developing Asia” for the 2013–2022 period. The report calculates Sri Lanka’s trade value gap at 20.51% of total trade.
Underinvoicing in Sri Lanka – Thailand Trade
Why a case study on Sri Lanka – Thailand Trade?
Thailand is a relatively small export market for Sri Lanka and ranks 47th as an export destination. As per Sri Lankan customs data, in 2024 Sri Lanka’s total exports to Thailand were valued at US$ 41 million. However, according to Thai customs data, in 2024 Thailand’s imports from Sri Lanka were valued at US$ 126 million. This is a value gap of US$ 85 million. That is a massive 207% value gap… ten times larger than the global average for Sri Lanka. As the table below illustrates, these large value gaps have been growing over the years. (See Table)
A closer look at the data would reveal that the largest value gaps are under gemstones (HS 710391). It is common knowledge that the Sri Lanka–Thailand gem trade suffers from prevalent underinvoicing, resulting in millions of dollars in lost export revenue. Yet, it appears that Sri Lanka Customs and the National Gem and Jewellery Authority (NGJA) have not intervened to curtail this practice. One may argue that the trade ministry, the NGJA, or the customs do not routinely analyse mirror data. However, as Thailand is the third-largest market for Sri Lankan gems, the NGJA should have a very good knowledge of that market, including Thai customs statistics. In-depth analysis of Thai customs data is also a main responsibility of the Sri Lanka embassy in Bangkok.
Sri Lanka-Thailand Free Trade Agreement (SLTFTA)
In addition to that, Sri Lanka commenced negotiations for the Sri Lanka-Thailand Free Trade Agreement (SLTFTA) in 2018. After multiple rounds of negotiations covering trade in goods, services, investments, and customs cooperation, both nations officially signed the SLTFTA in February 2024. While preparing for these multiple rounds of negotiations, Sri Lankan trade negotiators and the embassy in Bangkok should have extensively analysed the Thai customs data. They should have also known Sri Lanka’s export data like the back of their hands. Then, didn’t they discover these massive discrepancies in data sets? If they did, did they address them during the negotiations?
Whatever happens, the gaps keep growing.
So, now it is time for the appropriate agencies to start investigating these enormous value gaps … after all, a massive US$ 85 million, 207% value gap is simply not loose cash.
(The writer can be reached at enadhiragomi@gmail.com) )
By Gomi Senadhira
Opinion
‘The Voice of Hind Rajab’: A Truth That Cannot Be Unseen
“May their hard hearts soften towards you”- Voice on the phone to Red Crescent team trying to save Hind Rajab
Nothing really prepares one for the intense experience, for that is what it was, of sharing in the helpless anguish of the Palestine Red Crescent team at the emergency call centre in Gaza, making frantic efforts to rescue the 5 year old girl trapped for several hours in a car among the corpses of 5 members of her family, gunned down by members of the Israeli Defense Force. Nor was it easy to hear the pleas of the little girl, begging to be rescued in her sweet, child’s voice for hours on the phone, as the feature film dramatizing her last hours, played the original recordings of her voice made at the emergency call center, interspersed with actors playing the roles of the desperate Red Crescent team. After that searing encounter, deep reflection is an inevitable compulsion.
8 Minutes too far
Hind Rajab’s story was already well known, from the moment the Red Crescent call centre released the voice recordings on social media, in an attempt to pressure the Israeli authorities into giving a safe route for the ambulance to reach the child, hiding in a bullet riddled car. The distance between the closest ambulance and the child was 8 minutes, according to calculations of the call center. More than two hours later, they were still pleading for approval for a safe route, to ensure this ambulance crew wouldn’t join the rest of the names of more than a dozen rescue workers on their wall, killed by the Israeli forces while on rescue missions.
The feature film “The Voice of Hind Rajab” depicting those last hours of Hind Rajab’s precious life, premiered in Colombo at the Platinum Screen, Majestic City, sponsored by the Embassy of the State of Palestine, the Sri Lanka Committee for Solidarity with Palestine and Ceylon Theatres (Pvt) Ltd, on the 18th of June 2026.
Hind Rajab, the 5 year old Palestinian girl was murdered in Gaza in January 2024. The film, produced by Brad Pitt and Joaquin Phoenix among others, won several awards: The Silver Lion Grand Jury Prize at the Venice International Film Festival, CICT_UNESCO Enrico Fulchignoni Award, Audience Award at the San Sebastian Film Festival, and Audience Award for International Feature at the Middleburg Film Festival, as well as the Main Prize (Brussels section) at the One World Festival.
The system vs Red Crescent
In the film, the vantage point is that of the members of the Palestinian Red Crescent emergency call center team who were involved in the exchange with the little girl as she lay hidden in the car, after her cousin, another little girl a few years older, was killed while on the phone to them minutes earlier. The older girl said that there were tanks next to the car and that they were shooting at her. They heard the shots, then she fell silent.
Miraculously, Hind survived that spell of shooting, and the team was able to be in contact with her while they tried to get a rescue team to reach the car in which she was hiding. The family was in compliance with an Israeli order to vacate that area of Gaza where they lived and was on their way out when their car was attacked, killing most of the occupants, except for two girls. Their only hope for survival was the Red Crescent emergency response center.
What unveils in the film is the unbearable emotional rollercoaster the members of the Red Crescent team go through, as their humanity is repeatedly tested against the requirements of a brutally lopsided, oppressive system of administrative authority which is structured with layer upon layer of permissions, approvals, co-ordinations which delay and hamper their efforts to respond urgently to an emergency.
In a story that holds tragedy within tragedy, an accumulation of hopeless despair, some of the issues of the impossible conditions of existence of the people of Gaza are laid bare. As individual members of the Red Crescent team respond to these events, their own hearts are broken by the predicament of little Hind Rajab, as they helplessly promise they would come to her aid, desperately hoping they would be able to live up to their promise. Rana, a female member of the team, keeps her talking until Rajab herself says she is dying. Rana, overcome with grief, gets her to repeat a verse from the Holy Quran, with little Hind doing so beautifully and fluently. She urges Rana to come soon to save her, which Rana knows by then, is an impossible request.
The daily encounter with the conditions of a heartless occupation come alive, as the supervisor at Red Crescent bends over backwards to comply with the list of rules and regulations even to allow an ambulance crew 8 minutes away to save a child, in a convoluted process with arbitrary decisions at each stage. As the team continues the calls to get approvals, a safe route and coordination with the IDF, a doctor at the other end of the phone hearing that permission had still not been granted says with resignation, “May their hard hearts soften towards you”.
A knife’s edge
The dramatisation of the day’s events shows the knife’s edge their nerves have to balance on, with a younger employee’s patience and tolerance of an unfair system reaching their limits in the face of the callous disregard by the system of a little girl begging to be saved. The staff at Red Crescent survive the stress by having a trained counsellor on hand, to help them deal with the deaths while on the phone to victims. The counsellor herself is finally called upon to keep little Hind company in her last minutes, teaching her to breathe deeply while imagining her favourite places.
The tragedy is that their unrelenting efforts including the release of all tapes of the little girl appeals uploaded to social media eventually succeeded in getting a safe route for the ambulance to get to her, but still failed to complete the mission to save her. The ambulance itself was shot at when it got to within 50 meters of the car which held Hind Rajab still alive, killing both rescue workers and destroying the vehicle. The logic of a hostile occupation over the Palestinian population took its predictable course, having granted permission to arrive at the site, the rescue ambulance was nevertheless attacked, simply because the occupation force could, despite every effort to stick to the rules by the Red Crescent.
The younger man’s impassioned indictment of his law-abiding supervisor at one moment shouting “We are still occupied because of men like you!” as the supervisor continued to comply with every impossible rule set upon them even at the cost of delaying the rescue effort, revealed the churning depths of a subterranean sea of emotion an occupied people must endure, keeping it controlled in survival mode until it bubbles up in tidal waves of frustration and anger. The young man who was unable to hide his emotions that day, was reportedly arrested subsequently and was killed by the occupying authorities.
Not without consequence
It is impossible not to be shocked at the bullet riddled ambulance and the totally destroyed car shown at the end of the movie. For 12 days there was no news of what happened to the girl or where the car was, until the IDF left the area. Then they found her, with the other bodies, with almost three hundred bullets in Hind Rajab. Whatever those conducting atrocities may think at the time they celebrate such “triumphs” over innocents, such continued conduct clearly impairs their humanity.
The story being told from the perspective of the Red Crescent employees, brings home the fact that these are every day traumas borne by the people of Palestine, not isolated incidents of excesses. There were young people at the Majestic Cinema who were sobbing in shocked empathy. How is it that year after year, the Palestinians bear these tragedies, as their country keeps getting smaller and smaller, their lands taken over, their buildings destroyed, and their history reduced to patches of hopelessness in a sea of gray rubble?
We have watched it together with the rest of the world for decades. Some of our own leaders have prevented or tried to prevent, and even punished those who couldn’t be prevented from speaking out against the injustices carried out in broad daylight against the Palestinian people. Fortunately, they do not represent most of the people of Sri Lanka. The Security Council held an emergency session this week, called by all 10 non-permanent members and supported by 4 of the permanent members, to debate the prevention of humanitarian aid to Gaza. One permanent member didn’t sign it.
Given the current global dynamics facilitating a peace agreement, at least in the form of an MoU, between Iran and the United States, one can only hope that things will change and one day sooner than later, all members of the Security Council will speak with one voice on the situation of Palestine, and that the courage of the film makers and all those involved in its creation will be rewarded with justice for the incredibly resilient people of the State of Palestine. May their hard hearts soften towards the long-suffering Palestinian people, innocent civilians caught up in an unending war, who in helping each other have retained their humanity in the most trying of circumstances, while their occupiers are rapidly losing theirs.
by Sanja de Silva Jayatilleka
Opinion
Can a punishment-free child become a threat to Sri Lankan society?
Children are the future of every nation, and the values they learn during childhood shape the society they will eventually lead. In Sri Lanka, where family traditions, respect for elders, and social responsibility have long been important cultural values, the way children are raised remains a topic of great interest. In recent years, many parents and educators have moved away from traditional forms of punishment and embraced more child-friendly approaches to discipline. While protecting children from physical and emotional harm is essential, an important question arises: can a child who grows up without any form of punishment or consequences become a threat to Sri Lankan society?
To answer this question, it is necessary to understand the difference between punishment and discipline. Punishment is often associated with penalties imposed for wrongdoing, while discipline refers to teaching children self-control, responsibility, and respect for rules. Modern child psychology generally discourages harsh physical punishment because it can cause fear, anxiety, and resentment. However, completely removing consequences for inappropriate behavior may create a different set of problems.
Sri Lankan society has traditionally emphasized discipline within the family. Parents, grandparents, and teachers have often played active roles in guiding children’s behavior. Respect for elders, obedience, and good manners have been considered important virtues. While some traditional disciplinary methods may no longer be acceptable, the underlying principle of teaching accountability remains relevant.
A child who never faces consequences for wrongdoing may struggle to understand the boundaries that exist in society. For example, if a child is allowed to insult others, damage property, or ignore rules without correction, they may develop the belief that their actions have no consequences. Such attitudes can become problematic when the child enters school, the workplace, or the wider community.
Sri Lankan schools already face challenges related to student discipline. Teachers often report difficulties in managing classrooms where some students refuse to follow instructions or respect school regulations. When children are not taught accountability at home, educational institutions may find it harder to maintain a productive learning environment. This can affect not only the individual student but also classmates whose education is disrupted.
Another concern is the development of entitlement. A child who is never told “no” may come to believe that personal desires should always be fulfilled. In a society where cooperation and mutual respect are essential, such attitudes can lead to conflicts with peers, teachers, employers, and even family members. Sri Lanka’s social fabric depends heavily on community relationships, and individuals who fail to respect others can weaken these bonds.
The influence of social media and modern technology has added another dimension to this issue. Today’s children have access to information and entertainment on an unprecedented scale. Without proper guidance and consequences, some may misuse technology, engage in cyberbullying, spread misinformation, or develop unhealthy habits. Parents who avoid setting limits may unintentionally expose children to risks that affect both personal development and social well-being.
The workplace offers another example of why accountability is important. Sri Lanka’s economic development depends on a workforce that is disciplined, responsible, and capable of working with others. Employers value punctuality, respect, and professionalism. Individuals who grow up without learning responsibility may find it difficult to meet these expectations, affecting both their personal success and the productivity of organizations.
However, it is equally important not to interpret this argument as support for harsh punishment. Research has shown that excessive physical or emotional punishment can have serious negative effects on children. Fear-based parenting may produce obedience in the short term but can damage confidence, trust, and mental health in the long term. Therefore, the solution is not stricter punishment but more effective discipline.
Positive discipline provides a balanced alternative. It involves setting clear rules, explaining expectations, and applying fair consequences when those rules are broken. For instance, if a child neglects schoolwork, they may lose certain privileges until responsibilities are fulfilled. If they damage property, they can be required to help repair or replace it. Such consequences teach accountability while preserving the child’s dignity.
Sri Lankan parents, teachers, and community leaders all have a role to play in nurturing responsible citizens. Families should create environments where children feel loved and supported but also understand that actions have consequences. Schools should encourage character development alongside academic achievement. Religious and community organizations can reinforce values such as honesty, compassion, and respect for others.
A balanced approach is especially important in a rapidly changing society. As Sri Lanka continues to modernize and integrate with the global community, young people must learn not only their rights but also their responsibilities. Freedom without responsibility can lead to selfishness, while discipline without compassion can lead to fear. The challenge is to find the middle ground.
A punishment-free child can become a concern for Sri Lankan society if the absence of punishment also means the absence of discipline and accountability. Children who never learn consequences may struggle to respect rules, authority, and the rights of others. However, harsh punishment is not the answer. The most effective approach combines love, guidance, clear boundaries, and fair consequences. By raising children who understand both freedom and responsibility, Sri Lanka can build a future generation that strengthens society rather than threatens it.
Saumya Aloysius
(An essayist, children’s writer and freelance writer who holds a Master’s Degree in Sociology from the University of Kelaniya)
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