Editorial
Biggest curse
Wednesday 6th December, 2023
Justice Minister Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe lashed out at SJB MP Rishad Bathiudeen, on Monday, for having cursed a judge while making a speech in Parliament recently. He dismissed as baseless Bathiudeen’s claim that the judge concerned heard only cases involving former President Mahinda Rajapaksa. He is right in having taken up the cudgels for the rights of the judges whose reputations are dragged through the mud in Parliament.
Vitriolic attacks that some MPs carry out on judicial officers by taking cover behind their parliamentary privileges are deplorable; they adversely impact the relations between the legislature and the judiciary. The three branches of government—the legislature, the judiciary and the executive—are the political version of tridosha—va, pitta and kapha, and any imbalance thereof causes problems. Hence the need for the members of the three institutions to act responsibly, minding their limits and respecting each other’s independence. Unfortunately, instances abound where legislators try to undermine the independence of the judiciary and even slander judges.
A recent announcement President Ranil Wickremesinghe made in Parliament has come in for criticism. He said the next presidential and parliamentary polls would be held in 2024 and the local government and provincial council elections in 2025. That statement has come to be widely viewed as an attempt to influence the judiciary vis-à-vis an ongoing case pertaining to the delayed local government polls. It was also tantamount to a bid to undermine the authority of the Election Commission, which is the institution constitutionally empowered to make decisions anent elections. Why the Justice Minister, who cherishes judicial independence, did not take exception to that presidential announcement is the question.
Minister Rajapakshe told Bathiudeen, while upbraiding him, that nobody had cursed the latter for having been a minister in the Mahinda Rajapaksa government. However, the public cursed the Rajapaksa regime for having the likes of Bathiudeen in its Cabinet, especially after a mob attack on the Mannar court complex in July 2012, and an allegation that Bathiudeen had threatened a Magistrate. The Rajapaksa government took on the judiciary and the Judicial Service Commission, whose Secretary Manjula Tilakaratne was assaulted by a group of unidentified men in Mount Lavinia in October 2012. A few months later, it appointed a Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) to probe the then Chief Justice Dr. Shirani Bandaranayake and had her ‘impeached’ in January 2013. Thus, that government became a curse.
The current SLPP-UNP dispensation sought to summon some judges before the parliamentary Committee on Privileges and Ethics over a ruling which annoyed the powers that be. Thankfully, it got cold feet owing to protests. That abortive move however reminded us of how the J. R. Jayewardene government had two judges of the Supreme Court summoned before a PSC and reprimanded in 1983. The houses of some apex court judges were also stoned in that year because a judgement against the police in a fundamental rights violation case filed by a group of Opposition activists angered the UNP government. That regime also tried to impeach the then Chief Justice Neville Samarakoon for making a public speech which President Jayewardene did not take kindly to.
Interestingly, Bathiudeen has been in governments formed by the parties and leaders with a history of undermining judicial independence. (Ironically, the same holds true for Dr. Rajapakshe!) Bathiudeen was in the Mahinda Rajapaksa government as a Minister; he then switched his allegiance to President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and became a member of the Yahapalana Cabinet. Today, he is a coalition partner of the SJB, whose leaders were in the Yahapalana administration as members of the UNP-led UNF. President Sirisena, who leads the SLFP, ably assisted by Prime Minister Wickremesinghe and some prominent members of the Bar Association of Sri Lanka, removed a Chief Justice in a despicable manner. In 2015, he declared the appointment of Chief Justice Mohan Peiris, null and void ab initio on the grounds that the post of Chief Justice had not fallen vacant. True, the Rajapaksa government did not follow proper procedure in impeaching Dr. Bandaranayake and therefore she had to be reinstated, but the process that had led to her wrongful removal should have been reversed by the legislature itself.
Bathiudeen, no doubt, deserves the flak he is drawing for cursing a judge, but could there be a bigger curse for the judiciary as well as the country than an unholy alliance of political parties and leaders responsible for stoning the houses of judges, summoning judicial officers before parliamentary committees, and removing Chief Justices arbitrarily?
Editorial
Lotus-eating lawmakers
Saturday 7th February, 2026
It is popularly said in this country that when one has power one has no brains, and when one has brains, one has no power—bale thiyanakota mole ne, mole thiyanakota bale ne. However, some present-day politicians have proved that they have neither power nor brains. Painful knocks they and their parties received from a disillusioned public in the 2024 elections do not seem to have had a sobering effect on them if their misplaced priorities are any indication.
Former Minister Rohitha Abeygunawardena waxed eloquent in Parliament on Thursday, lamenting as he did the high prices of a popular brand of arrack, known as ‘gal’, so named because it was originally manufactured by a state distillery located in the Galoya valley. He fervently appealed to the government to consider slashing the ‘gal’ arrack prices ‘for the benefit of the ordinary people’ who consumed it. Deputy Minister of Economic Development Nishantha Jayaweera reportedly said the government was exploring the possibility of lowering excise duties on liquor.
MP Abeygunawardena is not alone in campaigning for making ‘gal’ arrack available at lower prices. His former ministerial colleague Chamara Sampath Dassanayake also keeps asking the government to reduce the ‘gal’ arrack prices. Their rotgut mission, as it were, may have gladdened the hearts of those who prioritise ‘warming the liver’ over everything else including the need to dull their family members’ pangs of hunger. The question is why these politicians are not equally vocal on the need to solve burning problems affecting the public, such as the escalating cost of living, and the prevalence of malnutrition and stunting among children. This country is not short of men who spend money on liquor at the expense of the nutritional needs of their family members, especially children.
It is doubtful whether the MPs calling for liquor price reductions have seen the findings of a Select Committee of Parliament which was appointed to look into child malnutrition issues in Sri Lanka. The committee report, issued last year, has said that according to the National Nutrition and Micronutrient Survey conducted in 2022, the prevalence of low birth weight in a nationally representative sample was 15.9%. The June 2023 Nutrition Month report identified an increase in underweight and stunting among infants and children up to two years of age compared to 2022, the committee report has said, noting that the most alarmingly high underweight rate of 24.6% was recorded in the Nuwara Eliya District, where one in every four children was identified as moderately or severely underweight. In June 2023, the proportion of children affected by poverty in Sri Lanka was 10%, and 1.2% of all children under the age of 5 were affected by severe acute malnutrition, the committee has said. Reports issued by non-governmental research organisations have revealed that about 43% of Sri Lankan children experience some nutritional problems, including stunting, underweight or wasting. Why don’t the members of both sides of the House address these issues which are bound to impact the entire nation adversely?
We have not heard the campaigners for cheap liquor addressing issues faced by women, who do not seek solace in alcohol despite working as hard as men and being equally fatigued and stressed. They toil in garment factories and on estates and in West Asia to keep their home economies and the national economy afloat. But the alcohol and tobacco consumption among them is negligible. Hats off to them!
Most of all, the National Authority on Tobacco and Alcohol (NATA), during a recent interaction with the Parliamentary Sectoral Oversight Committee on Health, Mass Media and Women’s Empowerment, has revealed that approximately 22,000 deaths occur annually in Sri Lanka due to tobacco and alcohol consumption, according to a report published in this newspaper on 30 Jan. 2026. The NATA has disclosed that the country suffers an economic loss of between Rs. 225 billion and Rs. 240 billion a year due to the consumption of tobacco products and alcohol. The focus of all people’s representatives must be on how to reduce liquor and tobacco consumption to save precious lives and state funds.
When will our politicians stop playing to the gallery and grow up?
Editorial
Threats, hubris and flippancy
Friday 6th February, 2026
Some Opposition big guns went ballistic yesterday in Parliament, lashing out at the JVP-NPP government for refusing to provide SJB MP Rohana Bandara with security in view of threats to his life. They have been urging the government to ensure the protection of MP Bandara, but in vain. It looks as if the eminences grises of the JVP remote-controlled the national legislature.
The government MPs made some facetious remarks about MP Bandara’s demand for security. Their flippancy is deplorable. Gun violence is on the rise, and hardly a day passes without a fatal shooting in this country. Underworld gangs have amply demonstrated their ability to strike anywhere at will. The police swing into action only after crimes are committed.
The police first made a proper threat assessment and concluded that MP Bandara should be provided with security. The government, which had made light of his complaint, was left with egg on its face. It disregarded the police report and sought to obfuscate the issue. While it was drawing fire in Parliament for the inordinate delay in taking action to protect MP Bandara, the police issued a counter-report, reversing their earlier threat assessment, and, lo and behold, claimed that the threats to the MP emanated from a rival in his own party. Obviously, the government pressured the police to make an about-turn and help give a political twist to the issue. The police have earned notoriety for their absurd claims, which are legion, and trotting out lame excuses in defence of their political masters.
Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa yesterday chided the government frontbenchers for flippancy and making a false claim that MP Bandara had received threats from someone in his own party. He said a Deputy Inspector General of Police in Anuradhapura and intelligence services had initially recommended that MP Bandara be given adequate security. But the government members continued to crack themselves up. Ruling party politicians behave in this manner when power goes to their heads.
The Opposition MPs are in a dilemma where their security is concerned. When they face threats and ask for protection, the Speaker says the government goes by threat assessments done by the police in deciding whether to provide them with security. The police do as the government says, and issue reports justifying its position that there are no threats to its political rivals. Thus, the Opposition MPs have no one to turn to when their lives are in danger. The government MPs are apparently deriving some perverse pleasure from MP Bandara’s predicament.
Let the government be warned that it is making a big mistake by refusing to provide MP Bandara with security. Sri Lanka is no stranger to political assassinations. The JVP itself has gunned down hundreds of its political rivals. The UNP, the SLFP, etc., too, have a history of political violence, which claimed many lives. Those who do not learn from history are said to be doomed to repeat it. One may recall that an assassin’s bullet that pierced DUNF leader and former Minister Lalith Athulathmudali’s heart in April 1993 became the undoing of a UNP government. That repressive regime disregarded the then Opposition’s demand that the UNP dissidents be provided with security as they were facing threats to their lives from the LTTE as well as pro-UNP goons.
Most of all, a fundamental democratic and legal norm underpinning modern parliamentary systems is that all members of Parliament are equal in rights and privileges and must be treated as such. It is unbecoming of a government to dismiss threats to an Opposition MP’s life, and make flippant remarks, which reflect poorly on it.
Editorial
All’s not well that ends well?
Thursday 5th February, 2026
The argy-bargy is done, and the battle’s lost and won, one might say with apologies to the Bard. A prolonged tug of war between President Anura Kumara Dissanayake and the Constitutional Council (CC) has come to an end. The newly reconstituted CC has unanimously approved President Dissanayake’s nominee for the post of Auditor General (AG). The National Audit Office (NAO), which remained headless for months, now has a new head—Samudrika Jayaratne, who has served as Senior Deputy Auditor General. But the question is whether one can truly say, in this case, all’s well that ends well.
We do not intend to raise suspicions about the integrity of the new AG, but there are some questions that warrant answers. The critics of her appointment have levelled some allegations against her, including transactions tainted by conflict of interest and ‘unprofessional conduct’. They have also claimed that the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption has launched an investigation into allegations against her. Unsubstantiated as these allegations are, they have the potential to raise doubts in the public mind about the new AG’s integrity and that of the NAO under her. Hence the need for her to respond to them.
Thankfully, President Dissanayake’s efforts to parachute a total outsider loyal to the JVP into the post of AG came a cropper because the immediate predecessors of the three newly appointed civil society members of the CC intrepidly resisted pressure from the Executive. However, the government ought to explain why it overlooked Dharmapala Gammanpila, who served as the Acting AG. The general consensus is that he is the most eligible candidate for the post of AG. Four Mahanayake Theras wrote a joint letter to President Dissanayake, recently, urging him to appoint Gammanpila as AG. The prelates’ request resonated with those who cherish good governance, but President Dissanayake ignored it.
The JVP-led NPP’s election manifesto, A Thriving Nation: A Beautiful Life, attributes the deterioration of the public service to ‘political appointments’ and ‘state workers making political decisions’. Among the steps the NPP has promised to take to straighten up the public service are ‘merit-based appointments and promotions’. But its refusal to appoint Gammanpila as AG has raised many an eyebrow and lent credence to its critics’ claim that it is wary of having an upright official at the helm of the NAO because it does not want various fraudulent deals in the public sector on its watch exposed; some of them are the questionable release of 323 red-flagged freight containers without mandatory Customs inspections from the Colombo Port and the rice and coal scams. The only way the government can show that the merit principle it claims to uphold has not fallen by the wayside and its commitment to good governance is genuine is to give credible reasons for its decision to overlook the most eligible candidate for the post of AG.
The heads of all state institutions must be above suspicion like Caesar’s wife, so to speak, for a fish is said to rot from the head down. One may recall that the Police under Deshabandu Tennakoon, whom the SLPP-UNP government appointed IGP by unashamedly subverting the CC process amidst protests, became subservient to the then rulers. Sadly, the situation has not changed much; the long arm of the law has become a cat’s paw for the JVP-NPP government. While claiming to uphold good governance, the incumbent government has embarked on a campaign to vilify the Attorney General in a bid to pressure him to obey its dictates. Thankfully, he has proved that he is made of sterner stuff, and his staff, the Bar Association of Sri Lanka and others have circled the wagons around him.
Meanwhile, the CC’s unanimous endorsement of the appointment of the AG has diminished the Opposition’s moral right to criticise the actions of the NAO under the new head.
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