Editorial
Another political pie crust?

Saturday 22nd August, 2020
Leon Trotsky, one of the finest political writers the world has ever seen, once identified clarity and brevity as the hallmarks of good political writing. The same is true of political speeches. Professional trainers of writers and speakers insist that when one says something one has to make sure one has said it. President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s policy statement in Parliament, on Thursday, conformed to the aforesaid yardsticks of effective communication. He came, he delivered his short speech without bellowing sententious rhetoric and went away. The occasion was devoid of customary pomp and circumstance. A great deal of taxpayers’ money must have been saved.
The President’s policy statement was not much different from what is stated in his presidential election manifesto, Vistas of Property and Splendour, on which there has been a substantive public discussion. What we found more noteworthy than anything else in the presidential address was the SLPP’s undertaking to frame a new Constitution after abolishing the 19th Amendment (19A), which has been a thorn in the side of the government. How serious is the new dispensation about introducing a brand new Constitution?
The SLPP leaders have no problem with the existing Constitution except 19A, which was tailored to the needs of the UNP leaders who wanted to prevent former President Mahinda Rajapaksa from running for President again and ruining the chances of other Rajapaksas of doing so while enabling the then Prime Minister to arrogate to himself some of the presidential powers. However, 19A has strengthened the Independent Commissions and such salutary features must be retained. President Rajapaksa had a two-thirds majority in Parliament, from 2010 to 2015, but was not keen to have a new Constitution written. Instead, he introduced the 18th Amendment to vest more powers in the executive presidency.
The framing of a constitution is a problematic process owing to devolution, which has led to the failure of several attempts to introduce constitutional reforms under previous governments. The Kumaratunga adminstration’s draft Constitution was stillborn; the LTTE had rejected it out of hand and the UNP and the JVP shot it down in Parliament subsequently. It offered to devolve more powers to the periphery in the form of regional councils. All-party talks under the Mahinda Rajapaksa government failed mainly due to issues related to devolution. The yahapalana government undertook to formulate a new Constitution but chose to fight shy of addressing the issue of devolution, and its constitution-making project was put on hold and then forgotten. It obviously did not want to take a political risk.
The present government has within its ranks opponents of the 13th Amendment, which they want scrapped because the country has done without Provincial Councils for years. It will come under international pressure to devolve more powers in case it undertakes to formulate a new Constitution. A previous Rajapaksa government offered 13 Plus, and the TNA, which is struggling to shore up its shrinking vote bank following the recent electoral setback, will have a rallying point in such an eventuality. This is something the government needs like a hole in the head.
The yahapalana government introduced 19A to further its interests, while promising a new Constitution, which became pie in the sky. The SLPP government is trying to abolish 19A for political expediency while promising to frame a new Constitution. Once this amendment is replaced with a new one tailored to the needs of the SLPP leadership, there will be no need for the government to introduce a new Constitution.
Why has the government promised to make a new Constitution? A promise is said to be like the pie crust which is made to be broken. One can only hope that the government will adopt a consensual approach to amending the Constitution, and something similar to the 18th Amendment will not be thrust upon the country.
Editorial
‘Silent epidemic’, chilling stats

Saturday 21st June, 2025
The Department of Motor Traffic (DMT) has taken about 44 vehicles including 15 SLTB and private buses off the road, following a random vehicle inspection on the Hatton-Kandy road on 19 June. About 115 vehicles underwent roadside checks, we are told. In other words, about 38% of vehicles inspected by the DMT randomly in one location in the central hills were found to be unroadworthy. This can be considered a microcosm of the overall situation in the country.
Action taken by the DMT to identify unroadworthy vehicles as part of ongoing efforts to make roads safe is commendable, albeit belated. Last month’s tragedy where an SLTB bus carrying 75 passengers went down a precipice, killing 21 of them, near Ramboda, may have jolted the DMT and the police into action. The vehicle inspection programme should be expanded to cover the entire country. If it is not feasible to do so due to resource constraints, etc., it should be conducted in at least in the areas where road accidents are frequent. The police have identified quite a few blackspots across the country.
Meanwhile, the DIG in charge of Traffic Control and Road Safety Indika Hapugoda has revealed that 1,133 fatal road accidents have claimed about 2,000 lives so far this year, according to media reports. This must have sent a chill down everyone’s spine. Assuming that the media reports quoting DIG Hapugoda are accurate, the number of lives lost in road accidents during the first six months of the current year is only slightly lower than that in the whole of last year. It has been reported that about 2,141 road accidents left about 2,243 individuals dead in 2024. The number of road fatalities average seven a day, and it is likely to be much higher this year.
Director of the Colombo National Hospital Orthopedic Services Department, Dr. Indika Jagoda, has rightly called road accident fatalities a ‘silent epidemic’, which has not received the same public attention as dengue and other such diseases. Road accidents exert a severe strain on the state-run hospitals, and their economic and social costs are enormous. As we pointed out in a previous editorial comment, a comprehensive World Bank report, Delivering Road Safety in Sri Lanka; Leadership Priorities and Initiatives to 2030, reveals that ‘the high road crash fatality and injury rates on Sri Lanka’s roads undermine the economic growth and progress made over the past decade on reducing poverty and boosting prosperity’. The report says the annual crash deaths per capita in Sri Lanka are twice the average rate in high-income countries and five times that of the best performing countries in the world! Sri Lanka reportedly has the worst road fatality rate among its immediate neighbours in the South Asia region.
Unroadworthy vehicles must be identified and taken off roads, and punitive action taken against their owners for endangering the lives of all road users. However, they are only one of the causative factors. Road safety experts have identified as the common causes of crashes on expressways and other roads in Sri Lanka the following, among others: speeding, distractions, recklessness, fatigue, driving under the influence of alcohol or narcotics, inclement weather conditions, inadequate road conditions, tailgating, improper lane changes, inexperience of drivers, overtaking dangerously, poor visibility, poor signage or lack of road markings and impatience or time pressure. One of the aforesaid factors or a combination of two or more of them could lead to fatal accidents on any road. So, the success of any strategy to prevent road mishaps hinges on addressing these causative factors as well.
Editorial
AKD praises Mahinda

Friday 20th June, 2025
President Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) paid a glowing tribute to the outgoing Secretary to the Finance Ministry, Mahinda Siriwardena, on Wednesday. He ensured that Siriwardena would end his crucial innings in the Treasury on a high note, and commended the latter for having helped steer the country’s battered economy to safety. Siriwardena praised President Dissanayake for having provided political leadership for the ongoing economic recovery efforts.
The felicitation of Siriwardena was replete with irony, which may not have been lost on keen political observers. The highest accolades for his Treasury stint, which could be likened to a high-wire act performed without a safety net, came from the leader of the very political party that bayed for his blood, as it were, during Ranil Wickremesinghe’s presidency.
The JVP would tear Siriwardena to shreds for drastic economic recovery measures that sent the public reeling. It also threatened to throw him behind bars under an NPP government. Thankfully, Siriwardena did not crack under political pressure and hostile propaganda. Following last year’s regime change, the sobering reality had a mellowing effect on the JVP/NPP, which had to come to terms with it. President Dissanayake deserves praise for having retained several key state officials who had played a pivotal role in helping the country navigate its worst-ever economic crisis during the previous dispensation. Thus, he ensured an uninterrupted continuation of the country’s economic recovery programme backed by the IMF.
Siriwardena, or any other efficient state official, for that matter, would not have succeeded if not for unwavering political leadership President Ranil Wickremesinghe provided for the country’s economic recovery efforts. To give credit where it is due, Wickremesinghe had the courage to make a host of unpopular decisions to save the economy; he had to increase taxes and tariffs while curtailing state expenditure amidst protests. It is doubtful whether any other leader would have dared grasp the nettle the way he did on the economic front.
But for those stringent measures, it would not have been possible to break the back of the economic crisis, and the IMF programme would have collapsed, plunging the country into chaos or even anarchy. President Wickremesinghe would have been able to win last year’s presidential election if not for the many wrongs he committed on the political front. He unflinchingly shielded crooks and succumbed to the arrogance of power. He did not heed democratic dissent and went so far as to make an election disappear in 2023.
He claimed that he had to prioritise the basic needs of the public over elections, and therefore funds could not be allocated for the local government polls, which were to be held in that year. Siriwardena, who carried out President Wickremesinghe’s controversial order to that effect, refusing to allocate funds for elections, was lucky that the Supreme Court dismissed two contempt of court cases against him. They were widely thought to be touch-and-go cases. Interestingly, one of the two contempt of court applications was filed by President Dissanayake’s trusted lieutenant, Vijitha Herath, and the other by the SJB. Obviously, Herath did so with Dissanayake’s blessings.
Perhaps, being the Treasury chief in Sri Lanka is one of the toughest jobs in the world, like that of the Columbia River Bar Pilots. Whoever holds that position incurs the wrath of ruling party MPs with an enormous appetite for state funds so much so that one of the Treasury Chiefs came to be dubbed an economic hitman. That job has become doubly difficult during the current economic crisis. Siriwardena must have spent many sleepless nights. His high-stress job may have accelerated his biological age, causing it to overcome his chronological age.
It is fervently hoped that in filling the vacancy created by Siriwardena’s exit, in the Treasury, President Dissanayake will not repeat the mistake he made by trying to appoint someone without adequate experience and competence as the Auditor General at the expense of a highly capable senior official of integrity in the Auditor General’s Department. He must ensure that Siriwardena’s successor will be an experienced, competent official of integrity.
Editorial
Be prepared!

Thursday 19th June, 2025
The government and the Opposition behaved yesterday––for once. They agreed to have a parliamentary debate on the Middle East conflict and its impact on Sri Lanka yesterday evening itself. If only they had reached consensus on that matter the previous day itself instead of clashing. All Opposition MPs, save a few, staged a walkout, on Tuesday, berating the Speaker. The Opposition and the NPP should learn to act with restraint and address crucial issues in a conciliatory manner. It was unfortunate that the debate had to be postponed yesterday as SJB MP Ajith Perera, who called for it, was not present in the Chamber. So much for the Opposition’s commitment to its legislative duties and functions!
Sri Lanka ought to support the ongoing global campaign for the de-escalation of the Middle East conflict vis-à-vis sinister attempts by some western powers to aggravate the situation and further their geostrategic interests. US President Donald Trump made himself out to be a dove during his first term, but the hawk in him has now come out. Instead of working towards preventing the ongoing conflict from spinning out of control, Washington is busy fuelling the flames. The US unequivocally justified Israel’s retaliation in the wake of unprovoked Hamas attacks in October 2023 and has since sent military aid to Tel Aviv generously, but now it is asking Iran to stop retaliatory attacks which Israel provoked with a series of air strikes on Iranian interests. Speculation is rife that the US may even go beyond Trump’s rhetoric and threats and join Israel in attacking Iran purportedly to scuttle Iran’s nuclear programme the way the US and its western allies invaded Iraq ‘to destroy the weapons of mass destruction’, which were never found.
Only a few world leaders like French President Emmanuel Macron have called upon both Israel and Iran to stop trading missiles and drones. That should be the position the civilized world must adopt. The two powerful nations at war must be pressured to agree to a truce forthwith for the sake of their own citizens and global peace. The world already has enough and more serious issues to contend with and therefore needs another war like a hole in the head.
Meanwhile, the NPP government should initiate a broader discussion on the Middle East issue, given the economic costs of a further escalation of the Iran-Israel conflict the developing countries such as Sri Lanka will have to bear. Global oil price hikes are bound to lead to a significant increase in Sri Lanka’s import bill. Iran is an export destination for Sri Lanka’s tea, and Israel has provided jobs for thousands of Sri Lankans. So, Sri Lanka’s economy is likely to suffer a triple whammy. Besides a severe strain on the country’s scarce foreign exchange reserves, the possibility of a fuel shortage cannot also be ruled out. It is imperative that the government get the country’s import priorities right, and manage the forex reserves frugally.
The government has informed Parliament that there are sufficient fuel stocks. This is certainly good news, but it always pays to be prepared for the worst-case scenario. One can only hope that the escalation of the Middle East conflict and speculation of shortages will not trigger panic buying of fuel. Prudence demands that the government seriously consider dusting off the QR-based fuel rationing tool, which stood the country in good stead in 2022. Such emergency levers must be on standby. Fuel shortages have the potential to bring down governments, as we saw in 2022.
When fuel pumps run dry and queues extend near filling stations, people’s love for a government flies out of the window. One can ask former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who had a narrow escape from a mob including his former supporters thanks to his Olympic-standard sprint, what it is like to be in such a situation.
Meanwhile, the SJB-led Opposition ought to take its legislative responsibilities seriously, and ensure that its members are present in the House, especially when important issues are taken up for debate. The government and the Opposition must stop behaving like Iran and Israel in Parliament and concentrate on preparing the country to face the worst-case scenario.
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