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Midweek Review

A second killing in a courtroom, a question of national security and overall deterioration of law enforcement

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Sanjeewa Kumara Samararathne alias Ganemulle Sanjeewa

Against the backdrop of Public Security and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Ananda Wijeyapala’s declaration in Parliament of a nexus between the underworld and some sections of the administration, particularly the police, Pubudu Jagoda of the Frontline Socialist Party (FSP) demanded to know as to why Ganemulle Sanjeewa

IGP Priyantha Weerasooriya

had been produced in court on February 19 without a court order. The FSP spokesman emphasized that the crux of the matter is why he had been brought to court in the absence of a court directive and despite there having been specific intelligence that an attempt was to be made on the suspect’s life on that day as disclosed by Acting IGP Priyantha Weerasooriya at a hastily called media briefing at the Information Department over the last weekend.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Two shootings at Kadewatte junction, Middeniya, on Tuesday night (18), and at the Colombo Hulftsdorp Court complex, the following day, quite conveniently deprived Parliament of an opportunity to conduct a proper debate on President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s first Budget delivered on February 17th. The reportage of the Budget debate proved that it was a non-event as it was overshadowed by the audacious killing of Ganemulle Sanjeewa as he stood in the dock of the Hulftsdorp Magistrate Court number 05.

The Middeniya shooting claimed the lives of three persons – Aruna Vidanagamage aka Meegas-are Kajja, 39, and his six-year-old-daughter and nine-year-old son. Vidanagamage captured public attention recently when the gangster, in a no holds barred interview with Chamuditha Samarawickrema in ‘Truth with Chamuditha,’ accused the Rajapaksa family and some of its henchmen of criminal activity. Vidanagamage alleged that a person (who was named), close to the Rajapaksas, had given a contract to kill him though he didn’t believe the family was aware of the move.

A policeman, attached to the Tangalle Police, is among the three persons who have been so far taken into custody in connection with the Middeniya triple killings. However, the police constable hadn’t been apprehended for his involvement with the killing but for giving two pairs of handcuffs that were found at the scene of the shooting that had been given to “Kajja” earlier by him. The unauthorized transfer of handcuffs to a criminal by a cop underscored the gravity of the situation. The revelation reflects the overall deterioration of law enforcement. Recently, another cop, attached to the Mount Lavinia Police, gave his service weapon to the drug underworld and escaped to Dubai.

The Hulftsdorp shooting that claimed the life of Sanjeewa Kumara Samararathne, alias Ganemulle Sanjeewa, sent shock waves through the inept law enforcers. The killing inside the No. 05 Magistrate’s Court and the arrest of the gunman under controversial circumstances highlighted the deficiencies in overall law enforcement.

Ganemulle Sanjeewa, who had been arrested on Sept. 13, 2023, at the Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA), on his arrival from Nepal, was the second person in custody to die in a hail of bullets inside a courtroom.

The Opposition, in an obvious bid to exploit the developing situation, claimed a breach of national security. The National People’s Power (NPP) was accused of jeopardizing the security of the state. The government dismissed that assertion while claiming the Hulftsdorp shooting as an isolated incident. The actual truth lies somewhere in between with widespread despicable behaviour of law enforcers all over the country, with corrupt cops being brazenly involved in lucrative underworld businesses, especially in facilitating and milking the deadly narcotic trade. Some Opposition lawmakers called for Public Security and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Ananda Wijepala’s resignation. The Jathika Jana Balawegya (JJB) would have done the same if some other party wielded political power now.

A member of the main Opposition Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) compared the Hulftsdorp security lapse with that of the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage. SJB lawmaker Rohana Bandara’s appraisal is obviously a case of going overboard. The Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) and the National Democratic Front (NDF), too, attacked the Budget calling it an IMF product.

The first courtroom killing took place during Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga presidency. Before we discussed that high profile killing of notorious underworld figure Dhammika Amarasinghe on a Friday morning in early January 2004, at the Colombo Chief Magistrate’s court, in the same court complex as last week’s brazen killing of a notorious suspect Sanjeewe, as he stood in the dock, by an Army deserter Chaminda Udaya Kumara, 28. It goes without saying the responsibility on the part of the armed forces to tighten up discipline and recruiting procedures is utmost, especially now long after the earlier debilitating terrorist threat, as there is no longer any necessity to absorb anyone who turns up for recruitment as the forces are no longer desperately short of manpower to fight a debilitating war like earlier against the world’s deadliest terrorist force with a conventional fighting capability.

Assassin Chaminda Udaya Kumara, responsible for the 2004 killing, entered the courtroom as a law student. In the latest such daring killing last week, the gunman disguised himself as an Attorney-at-Law.

Chaminda Udaya Kumara had been apprehended in the record room where he was overpowered by a Lance Corporal of Sri Lanka National Guard (SLNG) and handed over to the police. On both occasions, the assassin hadn’t been subjected to checks. It would be pertinent to mention that Dhammika Amarasinghe’s assassin had made an attempt to escape by taking a person hostage and opened fire causing injuries to two persons before the SLNG soldier swung into action.

Ganemulle Sanjeewa’s killer had joined the Army 12 years after the successful conclusion of the war against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Therefore, he hadn’t served the then Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka’s war-winning Army. Although some speculated that the assassin had joined the Army as a Muslim, inquiries, however, revealed that was not the case. Asked to explain, an authoritative officer pointed out that it wouldn’t be fair to identify the assassin as a commando as he had undergone only the basic course.

According to Army records the assassin joined the Army in 2020 and was legally discharged after he was found guilty of going AWOL (absent without leave) in 2023. Accused of using several identities, the assassin, immediately after his arrest at Palaviya, identified himself as Mohamed Azman Sherifdeen. At the time the Army discharged the assassin, he had been with the 3rd Commando Regiment.

The real identity of the assassin, born in 1997, is Samindu Dilshan Piyumanga Kandanaarachchi, a resident of Dambahena Road, Maharagama.

When did the assassin start using fake identities? How had he obtained a fake BASL ID? Who could have arranged the deadly mission? Let us once again emphasise that shortcomings on the part of the Army could have been ignored if such deceptions took place during the war as the military was desperate to double its strength but over a decade and a half after the war such lapses couldn’t be justified, under any circumstances.

First killing in a courtroom

Contract killer Dhammika Amarasinghe had been under investigation in a headline grabbing case involving the then Telecom and Sri Lanka Cricket (it was called Sri Lanka Cricket Board at that time) chief Thilanga Sumathipala, accused of funding the gangster as a guest of the SLC to watch the 1999 Cricket World Cup in the UK. Investigations revealed that the assassin, who travelled to the UK, allegedly on a fake passport, had received SLC funds to the tune of 1,500 Sterling Pounds.

Amarasinghe was to be produced in court on the following Monday to answer questions regarding the UK sojourn at the SLC’s expense. Sumathipala, who was to appear in court on Thursday, the day before Amarasinghe’s killing, didn’t attend court, claiming sudden illness.

At that time no one alleged it wasbreach of national security though it was a highly politicized case. However, Dhammika Amarasinghe was taken out inside a court when produced before it over two murder cases – one at Borella and the other at Welikada. Before Dhammika Amarasinghe’s killing, his rivals killed 16 of his relatives.

Investigations revealed that the gunman had been in the same court when Dhammika Amarasinghe was produced in court pertaining to Thilanga Sumathipala’s case on the previous day.

The assassin claimed that he took out Dhammika Amarasinghe to avenge the killing of Dhanushka Perera aka Baddegane Sanjeewa of the Presidential Security Division (PSD).

Then President Kumaratunga’s security chiefs accommodated notorious gangster Baddegane Sanjeewa in the PSD and issued him an official weapon. Unfortunately, he hadn’t been the only ruffian taken to the PSD during her tenure as the President. President Ranasinghe Premadasa is believed to have absorbed notorious gangster Soththi Upali to the police reserve as a Sub Inspector.

Investigations revealed that Baddegane Sanjeewa’s assassin travelled with him in the luxury vehicle when he was shot from the back seat. Investigations also revealed that at the time the PSD thug had been shot he was on his mobile with Venessa Selvaratnam who earned significant media coverage over the killing of Papua New Guinean ruggerite Joel Pera inside a casino in a case that also allegedly involved the late Minister Anuruddha Ratwatte’s son Lohan. The killing of the PSD hoodlum took place at a cross street, off Pagoda Road, in Nugegoda.

In spite of accusations that Baddegane Sanjeewa carried out a spate of attacks, including the killing of Sinhala tabloid editor Rohana Kumara, the then SLFP-led People’s Alliance (PA) simply ignored complaints. The notorious PSD cop was killed at the height of his political influence. Rohana Kumara, who carried out a relentless campaign through his newspaper, targeting President Kumaratunga’s administration, was shot dead on the evening of Sept. 07, 1999 near his Colombo home.

During Kumaratunga’s tenure, the PSD also attacked popular singing couple Rookantha Goonetilleke and Chandraleka Perera after invading their home in the presence of their children, at Mattegoda, in January 2000. Ten officers were found guilty of the dastardly act and ordered, in 2013, to pay Rs 200,000 compensation each to the two victims and also sentenced to four and a half years imprisonment, but they were granted a presidential pardon in 2014.

A budget aligned with IMF

There hadn’t been a previous occasion when a government presented a budget totally in line with dictates of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) though there were numerous agreements/understandings between successive governments and the Washington-based lending bodies.

President Dissanayake, in his capacity as the Finance Minister, revealed in Parliament what his government had agreed with the IMF. There is no doubt Finance Secretary Mahinda Siriwardana and Governor of the Central Bank Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe played quite significant roles in keeping the country in line with the IMF’s agenda.

Regardless of a section of the Opposition condemning President Dissanayake for adhering to IMF dictates, it would be pertinent to mention that the Parliament, in July last year, endorsed the Economic Transformation Bill (ETB) without a vote. The Parliament reached consensus on that unprecedented Bill to ensure that the country remained committed to the four-year-long IMF programme, finalized on March 20, 2023 during the previous Wickremesinghe regime.

SJB leader Sajith Premadasa, SLPP National Organizer Namal Rajapaksa, as well as a spokesperson for the New Democratic Front (NDF), was backed by former President Ranil Wickremesinghe. The five-member NDF parliamentary group, comprising ex-SLPPers and ex-UNP Minister Ravi Karunanayake, should explain why they accepted the ETB without a vote. In terms of the four-year Extended Fund Facility (EFF) arrangement, the IMF approved SDR (Special Drawing Rights) 2.3 bn (about USD 3 bn).

The SJB and SLPP shouldn’t play politics with the issues at hand as both parties are equally responsible for the economic decline caused by long-time mismanagement of the national economy. The SJB conveniently forgets that it had been part of the UNP, during Yahapalanaya, and cannot, under any circumstances, absolve itself of the responsibility for the Treasury bond scams, perpetrated in Feb. 2015 and March 2016, and issuance of USD 10,000 mn in new ISBs (International Sovereign Bonds) between 2015 and 2019 by that treacherous administration, comprising the UNP and the SLFP. New ISBs debilitated the economy. That is the ugly truth. And as to what they did with that money and the USD 1.2 billion they got by leasing out Hambantota International Port to the Chinese on a 99-year-lease, is anybody’s guess. Surely the country’s assets did not increase during the tenure of that government by any stretch of our imagination to show for such influx of US dollars.

At the time Mahinda Rajapaksa had been voted out in January 2015, the outstanding ISB debt was only USD 5,000 mn. The Gotabaya Rajapaksa government (2020-2022) had paid off USD 2,500 million in outstanding ISBs, which meant that only USD 2,500 million in ISBs remained at the time Yahapalanaya took over in 2015.

But when the US-backed Aragalaya overwhelmed the Rajapaksas, they invited the man who oversaw Yahapalanaya, economic strategy Ranil Wickremesinghe, to save their skin. No less a person that former President Mahinda Rajapaksa is on record as having said that taking ISB’s amounting to USD 10,000 mn broke the back of the Sri Lanka’s economy. Then why on earth the person who caused that destruction was invited to accept the premiership in May 2022 and then elected President in July through a vote in Parliament. All in fear of deranged or highly drugged mobs unleashed during Aragalaya as was the case later in Bangladesh. But the Aragalaya marauding mobs, who were threatening to die for a system change, just vanished into thin air once Ranil Wickremesinghe was installed in the seat of power. How convenient?

The SLPP shouldn’t find fault with President Dissanayake for adhering to a Bill that received the blessings of all political parties, as well as breakaway factions, represented in Parliament. There cannot be a better example than the dissident SLPP group, led by Prof. G. L. Peiris and Dullas Alahapperuma, as they, too, endorsed the ETB by conveniently backing the decision to go ahead without a vote.

The SLPP that won 145 seats at the 2020 August general election had been reduced to just three lawmakers, including one National List slot, at the last general election. Unfortunately, the party hadn’t yet understood why the electorate dealt with the party so harshly. It should take remedial measures to rebuild the shattered image and attract the public again.

A far worse security breach

The JVP, now in power, caused, perhaps, far worse security breach than the killing of Ganemulle Sanjeewa, though none of the political parties, seeking to take advantage of the developments, failed to mention the JVP bid to wipe out the top UNP leadership in August 1987.

The writer was at The Island editorial on the morning of August 18, 1987 when a JVPer lobbed two hand grenades at the UNP parliamentary group meeting in Committee Room A at the Parliament building. The near simultaneous blasts targeted about 120 MPs present at the meeting, the first group meeting after the signing of the Indo-Lanka accord on July 29, 1987. President J. R. Jayewardene presided over the meeting. Premier Ranasinghe Premadasa was present. Luckily for the UNP, the blasts caused injuries to several lawmakers but only Matara District MP Keerthi Abeywickrema succumbed to his injuries. The writer, having joined The Island just two months before, covered that funeral in Matara held under heavy security as the then government feared the JVP would launch an indiscriminate attack. It was the second killing of an MP by the JVP, following the deployment of the Indian Army in the northern and eastern provinces in terms of the so-called peace accord that was forced on Sri Lanka to halt ‘Operation Liberation’ carried out in the Vadamarachchy region of the Jaffna peninsula.

Later, the police identified the attacker as R.M. Ajith Kumara, an employee at the Parliament after he was arrested at Akaranduwa, Naula, on April 08, 1988, during a raid on an illicit liquor den. The chance and subsequent interrogation of the suspect revealed him as the man who planned the mass murder of lawmakers.

Ajith Kumara and four others were charged with carrying out the August 18, 1987, grenade attacks on the UNP parliamentary group. However, the Colombo High Court at Bar, on Oct. 12, 1990, delivered a unanimous verdict acquitting Ajith Kumara. Delivering the verdict, High Court Judge Ananda Grero declared that the prosecution had not proved the charges beyond a reasonable doubt.

Declaring his allegiance with the JVP, Ajith Kumara entered politics and was later accommodated in the JVP politburo. Ajith Kumara served as a JVP Pradeshiya Sabha member and years later contested Sabaragamuwa Provincial Council poll as the JVP’s Chief Ministerial candidate. The rest is history.



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Midweek Review

Pahalgam massacre, Indian denial of Trump claims and Sri Lanka’s triumph over LTTE

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Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka, Admiral of the Fleet Wasantha Karannagoda, and Marshal of the Air Force Roshan Goonetileke, at the war heroes' commemoration at the Battaramulla 'Ranaviru' monument on Monday (19) evening. They stand with President Anura Kumara Dissanayake who attended the event following severe criticism of his earlier decision to skip it. Fonseka, Karannagoda and Goonetileke led the combined armed forces campaign to finally crush the LTTE in the battlefield. Wartime Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa played a significant role in Sri Lanka's triumph over terrorism. (Pic courtesy PMD

There hadn’t been a previous instance of India having to contradict a sitting US President, literally, to his face. But, the swift Indian rejection of President Donald Trump’s offer to mediate in the renewed Indo-Pakistan conflict over flashpoint Jammu and Kashmir underscored India’s longstanding national policy that Kashmir wouldn’t involve any third party, under any circumstances.

US President Donald Trump’s claim that he warned both India and Pakistan that there would be significant increase in trade if they agreed on an immediate ceasefire was rejected by India. Pakistan appreciated the US President’s initiative.

Responding to Indian Premier Narendra Modi’s strongly worded statement on May 12, Pakistan, while declaring its backing for a “peaceful resolution of the Jammu and Kashmir dispute, in accordance with the UN Security Council resolutions and the aspirations of the Kashmiri people, reiterated their support for President Trump’s efforts aimed at the resolution of this dispute, which remains a source of instability in South Asia.”

For whatever reasons, Modi wanted to be in the high company of white Western powers and jumped headlong into being a member of the US-led quad to rub it into China without realising that the West only wanted to use India against Beijing and there was no quid pro quo in the event of an unforeseeable need for help by New Delhi. Had he not been so cussed to Chinese, Beijing would have been a friend- in-need whatever their differences of the past.

India, however, was explicit in its response to President Trump’s cheap shot that he brokered a ceasefire between India and Pakistan. In the wake of the humiliating Indian rejection, the US was compelled to call for direct communication between India and Pakistan.

In spite of the Indian blunt denial, President Trump, like so many of his other wild claims in recent weeks, on how he has got lucrative trade deal offers from many countries advantageous to Washington, reiterated his preposterous claim with regard to the ceasefire, nuclear escalation and trade when he addressed the US military, based in Qatar. India, in no uncertain terms, has denied President Trump’s repeated claims of nuclear escalation.

Close on the heels of the now-rejected claims regarding the ceasefire, nuclear escalation and increased trade, President Donald Trump again surprised India with another unsubstantiated declaration when he asserted, at a business forum in Qatar, that India had offered the United States a trade deal with “literally zero tariffs”.

Responding to President Trump’s claim, Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar declared that the ongoing negotiations were complex and far from final. Having to contradict a sitting US President is no easy task.

If India found the US propagating a narrative of its own problematic to counter, one can understand Sri Lanka’s plight in countering Western propaganda projects targeting it. But, India, unlike Colombo, swiftly and decisively set the record straight thereby prevented the US from disseminating a false narrative.

The Indian High Commission in Colombo recently reacted strongly to the Tribune report, headlined “India removes its top military spy after RAW leaks”, reproduced in the May 05 edition of The Island. Having faulted The Island for carrying the said factually incorrect news item on page 02 without a fact check, the Indian HC reminded us of the devastating 2019 Easter Sunday carnage here caused by terrorism. As expected the Indian HC statement made no reference to terrorism caused by India in Sri Lanka in the early ’80s. Terrorism sponsored by India bled Sri Lanka till May 2009.

India, too, paid a heavy price. The Indian-led destabilisation project almost overwhelmed Sri Lanka. India simultaneously conducted a proxy war while spearheading high profile diplomatic efforts meant to advance its own interests. The Indian intervention here in the ’80s should be examined keeping in mind their extremely close relationship with the then Soviet Union.

Universities of global terrorism

Prime Minister Modi’s May 12th address to the nation explained India’s stand on Pakistan vis-à-vis what he called terrorism. The Pahalgam massacre carried out on April 22, 2025, brought the country together and the armed forces were authorised to wipe out terrorist infrastructure in Pakistan.

Prime Minister Modi declared: “Terrorist bases, like Bahawalpur and Muridke, are universities of global terrorism. The big terrorist attacks of the world, be it 9/11, be it London Tube bombings, or the big terrorist attacks which have happened in India in the last many decades their roots are somehow connected to these terrorist hideouts. The terrorists had wiped out the Sindoor of our sisters and India responded by destroying their terrorist headquarters. More than 100 dreaded terrorists have been killed in these attacks by India. Many terrorist leaders were roaming freely in Pakistan for the last two and a half to three decades who used to conspire against India. India killed them in one stroke.”

Of course there was no reference to Sri Lanka. The English rendering of the Indian leader’s original speech, made in Hindi, conveniently left out Sri Lanka though there cannot be a better example than Sri Lanka to highlight the successful eradication of terrorism here through military means.

Modi joined the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 1987, the year India forced Sri Lanka to accept the deployment of the Indian Army here. One of the key objectives was to supervise the swift disarming of separatist Tamil groups that were fully sponsored by them. The Indian destabilisation project was meant to compel Sri Lanka to forgo its right to deal with terrorists militarily. A case in point is the Indian demand to call off ‘Operation Liberation’ aimed at clearing Vadamarachchi. India deployed its Air Forces across the Palk Straits in late June 1987 to rescue Prabhakaran and finalise an agreement that suited their overall objectives. Five years later Prabhakaran ordered the assassination of Congress leader Rajiv Gandhi who deployed the Indian Air Force to save Prabhakaran from certain death at the hands of the Sri Lanka Army. Had that happened, the India-created terrorist project could have collapsed. Thousands of lives, including that of Gandhi, and over 1,300 Indian soldiers, could have been saved and a sea-borne attack on the Maldives wouldn’t have materialised.

Premier Modi, too, contradicted President Trump’s claims of direct US role in the halt to Indian offensive action. Modi declared that the suspension of their retaliatory action was the result of the Pakistan Army reaching out to the Director General of Military Operations (DGMO), India.

Premier Modi’s declaration that their greatest strength is India’s unity against all forms of terrorism. “This is certainly not the era of war but this is also not the era of terrorism. Zero tolerance against terrorism is the guarantee for a better world.”

Obviously that hadn’t been India’s position during the Congress reign in the 1980s. India owed Sri Lanka an apology, at least now. Modi’s India should set the record straight, particularly against the backdrop of Western powers pursuing an anti-Sri Lanka campaign.

The anti-Sri Lanka project has taken a new turn with the unveiling of the Tamil genocide monument in Brampton, Ontario, Canada. The monument is widely reported to have been dedicated to the memory of Tamils killed in the war. The unveiling of the monument coincided with the preparations for commemorative events to mark, what the interested parties called, the Mullivaikkal massacre – 40,000 according to the highly exaggerated hatchet job of the UN Secretary General’s Panel of Experts (PoE) that inquired into military operations conducted in the Vanni theatre.

A section of the media quoted Mayor of Brampton Patrick Brown as having told the monument unveiling ceremony: “Genocide deniers, you are not welcome in Brampton, you are not welcome in Canada. Go back to Colombo.” Brown surely knows how to inspire Tamils living in his area. The Canadian media reported that about 12,000 Canadians of Sri Lankan origin live in the Brampton area.

Canada has some nerve to rake up such unsubstantiated claims against Sri Lanka despite so much innocent blood of natives there on its own hands from its colonial past. Even if we just go back to as recently as the mid-1990s when a growing outcry there forced them to close down for good church-run schools after finding remains of several thousand native children in unmarked graves on grounds of those schools that were used to ‘civilise’ them.

Tamil victims

Those who propagate the lie about deliberate massacre of Tamils during the last phase of war that was brought to a successful conclusion on May 18, 2009, conveniently forget that India launched the Sri Lanka terrorism project way back in early ’80s. Over the years various interested parties, both here and abroad, gave unsubstantiated claims regarding the number of dead. But their focus was always on those killed fighting for the LTTE. Let us remind the likes of Patrick Brown who spotlighted the fact that thousands of Tamils were killed by Tamils fighting for supremacy in the Northern and Eastern regions during the conflict.

(1) Members of various Tamil terrorist groups killed in intra-group fighting.

(2) Those killed in fighting between/among Tamil groups sponsored by India

(3) Members of Tamil groups killed in fighting Sri Lankan military and police

(4) Tamil youth killed during weapons training in India and transfer to and from Tamil Nadu via sea

(5) Terrorists killed by rival groups during their stay in India. The killing of 13 Sri Lankans, including EPRLF leader K. Padmanabha in Madras (now Chennai) in June 1990, about three months after the Indian military pulled out from Sri Lanka, exposed New Delhi’s failure to neutralise the LTTE. Their next major target was the assassination of Congress leader Rajiv Gandhi in the following year.

(6) LTTE terrorists killed by the Indian military in the Northern and Eastern regions

(7) LTTE terrorists killed during confrontations with the Indian Navy/Coast Guard

(8) Members of PLOTE (People’s Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam) killed by Indian forces deployed to avert Sri Lankan terrorist attack on the Maldives

(9) Tamil National Army (TNA), a group that had been hastily established by India ahead of the Indian military pullout from Sri Lanka in early 1990 to protect the EPRLF puppet administration, suffered significant loss of life as a result of LTTE operations facilitated by Sri Lanka. That was the period, May 1989 to June 1990, when slain President Ranasinghe Premadasa played ball with Velupillai Prabhakaran

(10) LTTE cadres killed on the orders of Velupillai Prabhakaran. Gopalswamy Mahendraraja alias Mahattaya, whom the writer met at Koliyakulam, near Omanthai, in early January 1990, was the senior most LTTEer executed on the orders of Prabhakaran. Having accused Mahattaya of betraying the LTTE’s cause to India, Prabhakaran demanded his surrender and carried out his execution.

(11) Indian law enforcement authorities killed those who had been involved in the heinous LTTE plot to assassinate Rajiv Gandhi in May 1991. Those who had been demanding justice for Tamils killed during the conflict do not talk of members of that community who perished in India following Gandhi’s assassination.

(12) Tamils who paid the supreme sacrifice fighting for the Sri Lankan government.

(13) Deaths among the LTTE fighting cadre following the breakup of the group in 2004 that eventually paved the way for the armed forces’ success in the north.

(14) The LTTE deployed thousands of children for combat. The number of children killed due to battlefield deployment remains unknown. Those who shed copious tears for terrorists must be reminded that until the Sri Lankan military eradicated the LTTE, Velupillai Prabhakaran continued the despicable practice of forcible recruitment of children.

Elimination of Tamil political leadership

The Tamil Diaspora believe that the world can be deceived with the blatant lie that all Tamils who had been killed during the conflict were civilians. If their lies were accepted, people from the moon must have fought for the LTTE.

There is no doubt that Tamils – men, women and children who had nothing to do with the LTTE or other Tamil terrorist groups that entered the political mainstream during President Ranasinghe Premadasa’s tenure – perished in government military action. There had been serious human rights violations. There is no point in claiming ‘zero’ casualties. That claim is stupid and the government shouldn’t have resorted to such foolish propaganda projects.

Immediately after the government declared victory over the LTTE on May 18, 2009, it should have tendered an apology to the innocent Tamil speaking people killed due to military action. The government should have explained the efforts made over the years to reach a consensus with Tamil terrorist groups with the direct involvement of India. Unfortunately, the war-winning government pathetically failed in its responsibility. President Mahinda Rajapaksa gravely erred in his refusal to make representations to the UN PoE. Had that happened, Sri Lanka could have explained the circumstances leading to the war in August 2006 and avoided falling victim to hatchet jobs done by UN bodies in support of Western agendas.

Those who had been propagating Tamil genocide narrative deliberately forget how the LTTE and other Tamil groups killed elected representatives of Tamil speaking people. They should be ashamed for playing politics with slain Tamil politicians. Have you ever heard of LTTE sympathisers questioning the assassination of Tamil political leader and former opposition leader Appapillai Amirthalingam along with ex-Jaffna MP Vettivelu Yogeswaran on July 13, 1989 at a rented house in Colombo 07.

Yogeswaran’s wife, Sarojini was shot five times at her residence near Jaffna on May 17, 1998. The LTTE assassinated her because she accepted the post of Jaffna Mayor. The LTTE killed indiscriminately. Sarojini Yogeswaran was killed as the LTTE couldn’t stomach Sri Lanka’s efforts to restore normalcy in the Jaffna peninsula.

Many people tend to forget that the Jaffna peninsula and the nearby islands were brought under government control in 1995 during Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s tenure as the President. The TULF decision to contest the Jaffna Municipal Council election on January 29, 1998, infuriated the LTTE. The TULF’s move weakened the LTTE’s position. Political process always frightened the LTTE.

The writer covered the Jaffna district local government elections conducted on January 29, 1998. The TULF contested only the Jaffna MC and Waligamam (north) Pradeshiya Sabha out of 17 local government authorities

Those who organised high profile events in honour of the LTTE dead must make a genuine effort to identify and formulate a list of Tamils – members of rival groups and politicians killed during the conflict. And a separate list of forcibly conscripted children. If Brampton Mayor Patrick Brown is so concerned about Tamils, he can easily check why those 12,000 Sri Lankan Tamils ended up in his area. Did they flee Sri Lanka armed forces, Indian military, or the LTTE? An attempt should be made to identify those who had fought for the LTTE or other Tamil groups living therein.

‘Forgotten Sri Lanka’s exiled victims’

Those who had been accusing Sri Lanka of, what they called, enforced disappearances during and after the conclusion of the war in May 2009, refuse to acknowledge thousands of ex-terrorists (of LTTE and other groups) who live overseas. Refusal on the part of Western governments to share information with Sri Lanka has deprived the country of an opportunity to address accusations of disappearances.

Sometime ago, an expensive survey carried out by the International Truth and Justice Project (ITJP), affiliated to the Foundation of Human Rights in South Africa, revealed ex-LTTE cadres taking refuge in western countries. The survey was titled ‘Forgotten Sri Lanka’s exiled victims.’

The release of the report in June 2016 coincided with the commencement of the on-going 32 sessions of the Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC). The report inadvertently revealed the existence of clandestine networks, facilitating Sri Lankans of Tamil origin, including former members of the LTTE, reaching Europe, through illegal means.

The study disclosed that LTTE personnel, including those who had been with Shanmugalingam Sivashankar alias Pottu Amman’s dreaded intelligence service, had secured citizenship in European countries, including the UK.

The report dealt with information obtained from 75 Tamils, living in the UK, France, Switzerland and Norway. Almost all of them had fled Sri Lanka after the conclusion of the war, in May, 2009. The vast majority of interviews had been conducted in London. However, an ITJP bid to include some of those ex-LTTE cadres, based in Germany, had gone awry. The report claimed that the targeted group declined to participate in the process, in protest against the role of the international community in supporting the transitional justice process in Sri Lanka.

Surprisingly, ITJP hadn’t bothered about those who took refuge in India during the conflict and post-conflict period.

A group of human rights experts, international prosecutors, investigators and transitional justice experts, who had previously served the United Nations (UN) International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the International Criminal Court (ICC), produced the report under the guidance of Yasmin Sooka, one of the three persons on UNSG Ban Ki-moon’s PoE on Sri Lanka. Sooka teamed up with Marzuki Darusman and Steven R. Ratner to produce a Report of the Secretary General’s Panel of Experts on Accountability in Sri Lanka. Sooka functions as the executive director of the Foundation as well as ITJP

According to the report: “She is a former member of the South African & the Sierra Leone Truth and Reconciliation Commissions and was a legal advisor to Ban Ki-moon on Sri Lanka. She was the Soros inaugural Chair at the School of Public Policy and recently sat on the Panel investigating sexual violence by French peacekeeping troops in the Central African Republic.”

The writer sought a clarification from UNSG’s deputy spokesperson, Farhan Haq, regarding Sooka’s tenure as a Legal Advisor to UNSG on Sri Lanka. The Island received the following response from Haq: “Yasmin Sooka has been on high level panels, including on Sri Lanka, but she has not been the legal adviser to the Secretary-General.”

Unfortunately, Sri Lanka never really bothered to conduct a comprehensive investigation into unsubstantiated allegations taking into consideration all available facts. Thereby Sri Lanka deprived itself an opportunity to set the record straight, even 17 years after the conclusion of the conflict.

Wartime GoC of the celebrated 58 Division Shavendra Silva, who retired on Dec. 31, 2024, after serving the military for over four decades on the eve of 16th anniversary of triumph over the LTTE, squarely blamed successive governments of failing to counter war crimes accusations. In his exclusive interview with Derana anchor Chathura Alwis the Gajaba Regiment veteran held the governments, including the war-winning Mahinda Rajapaksa administration, of failing to clear the armed forces of false allegations.

Isn’t it an indictment on the entire political party leadership of this country?

 

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Midweek Review

Jairam Ramesh’s “THE LIGHT OF ASIA: the poem that defined THE BUDDHA” – II

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(Continued from Monday 12th May 2025)

Light of Asia’s ‘stunning impact in Ceylon’ forgotten and the ‘Uncrowned King’ buried

One of the dozen of books that Nehru got from his father, when he was imprisoned in a Lucknow jail by the British in 1922, was a copy of The Light of Asia. Eighteen years later, in February 1940, Nehru himself sent his daughter (Indira), who was convalescing in a hospital in Switzerland, ‘Arnold’s two little books The Light of Asia and The Song Celestial’ to keep her company’. (The Song Celestial was Edwin Arnold’s 1885 English translation of the Sanskrit language ‘Bhagavad Gita’ or literally ‘Song of the Lord’. Arnold’s choice of ‘Celestial’ as an English equivalent to Sanskrit ‘Bhagawad’ in the title reflects his deep insight into the Hindu sacred text which, A.C. Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada called, in 1984, ‘a definitive guide to the science of self-realization’.)

No doubt, The Light of Asia was Edwin Arnold’s most inspired poetic work. He drew upon many previously existing sources and his own personal interactions with the scholars as well as the ordinary people of India whom he loved. The inscription set up at the university chapel at Oxford where his ashes were deposited after his death contained the following information: Born June 10th, 1832, Died March 24th 1904. Newdigate Prizeman. (While a student at Oxford he won this prestigious prize for his poem ‘The Feast of Belshazzar’) These lines were inscribed there, too:

‘He found his sympathy with – Eastern religious thought

Inspiration for his great –

Poetical gifts.

Arnold had a strong moral character, a sharp intellect, a deep commitment to family and work, and meticulously cultivated social graces that enabled him to navigate interactions with people of high society as well as the common masses.That is why Jairam describes him as ‘a quintessential Victorian in every way’. He was a dedicated servant of the Empire, who was compassionate towards the subject people; he believed the British imperial system to be a protector and promoter of civilisation. A polyglot of rare ability, he was conversant in at least ten foreign languages (and indeed quite knowledgeable in some of them): Greek, Latin, Arabic, Turkish, French, German, Japanese (His third wife Tama Kurokawa, born in 1869 and hence less than half his age, was from Japan), Hebrew, Persian, Sanskrit and Marathi. Arnold’s remarkable multilingual capabilities stood him in good stead in serving the Empire in the cultural sphere through his translations between languages, thereby supporting mutual understanding among imperial subjects of different linguistic and religious cultures.

In a passing reference to Edwin Arnold’s The Light of Asia, reputed Indian historian A. L. Basham, in his 1954 book ‘The Wonder that was India’, mentioned that it was based on the Lalitavistara (a Mahayana Sutra in Sanskrit that describes the life of Gautama Buddha from his descent from Tushita heaven to his first sermon in the Deer Park at Sarnath near Varanasi or Baranas Nuwara as it is known among Sinhala speaking Buddhists. A different scholarly proposal mooted in 1960 was that Arnold’s principal source for his epic poem was Professor Samuel Beal’s translation of the Abhinishkramana Sutra (1875) combined with lesser borrowings from Spence Hardy and Arnold’s firsthand experience of Buddhism and his life in India. The year 1972 saw the emergence of yet another conclusion according to which he drew upon the knowledge he had gathered before 1879 by reading books, and also through his contact with sources of Theravada Buddhism in Ceylon (Sri Lanka).

There is lexical evidence of Arnold’s probable contact with Sinhala literary sources in the book. This is my supposition based on the fact that he was a language genius. Although Arnold had not been to Sri Lanka before 1886, he definitely had learned some Sinhala (though Jairam doesn’t mention this). When I read The Light of Asia as a teenager, I was fascinated by the fact that Edwin Arnold uses a few words of Sinhala (my native tongue) as substitutes for the Pali words which the context demands, for maintaining the metrical consistency of the lines, such as ‘sakwal’ or universes (for Pali ‘cakkavala’), ‘Seriyut’ (for the Pali name ‘Sariputta’) “Mugalan’ (for the Pali name ‘Moggallana’, ‘gow’ for Pali ‘gavuta’, and ‘dasa sil’ (for Pali ‘dasa sila). Jairam probably has no knowledge of Sinhala to have detected these Sinhalised Pali terms.

But Jairam’s apparent unfamiliarity with Sinhala has not been an impediment to his understanding of ‘the stunning impact in Ceylon’ that Arnold’s epic poem generated there, a mark of which was the annual ‘Light of Asia oratory contest’ for school children that had been conducted in Colombo for a long time. Incidentally, Jairam’s mention of this event brought to my mind the late Lakshman Kadirgamar. My article is a memorial tribute paid to him on the Vesak Day that, in Sri Lanka, fell on May 12, 2025. Though he was born into a traditional Christian family and had remained a Christian for most of his life until, in his senior years, he became an interfaith person who was, nevertheless, deeply inclined towards Buddhism (as his daughter Ajita says in her biography of her father ‘The Cake that Was Baked at Home’ (2015).

Ajita Kadirgamar mentions a little-known fact about her father’s school days at Trinity College, Kandy, which is that he took pride in having won the Light of Asia contest organised by the Colombo Young Men’s Buddhist Association as a student of that Christian school. She gives some information about the contest. The particular contest was inaugurated under the leadership of the then Governor of Ceylon Herbert Stanley in 1925 and was ‘dedicated to developing oratory skills in English and inculcating Buddhist ethics and values among the younger generation of the country’. The contestants were required to recite some verses from the Edwin Arnold classic ‘Light of Asia’ and give an explanation in English in their own words. “Thus”, Ajita adds, “one sees that LK’s great interest in Buddhism began while still a schoolboy and continued throughout his lifetime to be a topic close to his heart”. This interactional contact with The Light of Asia, as in the case of Swami Vivekananda, Anagarika Dharmapala, and many other renowned personalities of the past earlier mentioned in this article, must have had its characteristic developmental impact on the formation of Lakshman Kadirgamar’s noble personality. It was not for nothing that his schoolmates at Trinity called him ‘P of P’ ‘Personification of Personality’ as Ajita mentions in her book on her father. On his brutal assassination in 2005 at the age of 73, he came to be celebrated by journalists as ‘the Uncrowned King of Sri Lanka’, as the Editor of The Island newspaper eulogised him on his death in a front page editorial as another journalist named Arjuna Hulugalle later remembered in an anecdote (that Ajita records on pp.178-9). “To many he (Lakshman Kadirgamar) was also ‘the noblest son of Sri Lanka in recent times”, Arjuna Hulugalle added. That exalted image of Kadirgamar epitomises the influence that The Light of Asia had on the thinking minds of the culturally literate intelligent Sri Lankan youth of his time.

Ajita also records something that she heard from Ajith Samaranayake, a veteran journalist and newspaper editor (who was himself no more among the living at the time she was writing ‘The Cake that …’) about her father’s humility and generosity. Samaranayake was one of the journalists included in the entourage that accompanied Kadirgamar on his first official tour abroad as the newly appointed Foreign Affairs Minister in president Chandrika Bandaranayake’s government in 1994. They were on a visit to India. Kadirgamar was accommodated in the Hyderabad House, the Government of India’s State Guest House, along with High Commissioner for India designate Mangala Moonasinghe, and Jayantha Dhanapala (formerly of the UN, and later to become the Secretary General of the Peace Secretariat). Kadirgamar arranged for the journalists also to be accommodated and to have their meals in the same hotel. What was more, on his express request, the Indian government put an Air Force helicopter at their disposal for visiting sacred sites associated with the Buddha, including Buddhagaya (Bodh Gaya). This was a double privilege (as Ajita says) for the state visitors from Sri Lanka, for Mangala Moonasinghe was a descendant of Anagarika Dharmapala, well known in Sri Lanka and other Buddhist countries like Burma (Myanmar), Thailand, China, Japan, etc., for having made concerted efforts with the help of the likes of Sir Edwin Arnold to reclaim the sacred Buddhagaya site for the global Buddhists.

In fact, The Light of Asia author was the virtual progenitor of the very idea of reclaiming Bodh Gaya for world Buddhists. The famous Panadura Vadaya (Panadura Debate) between some members of the local Christian clergy and some Buddhist monks in 1873, in which the leading debater on the Buddhist side, a learned Buddhist monk by the name of Migettuwatte Gunananda Thero, well versed in English and Latin, in addition to Sinhala, Pali and Sanskrit, who, with his advanced knowledge of Buddhism and the Bible, and his superior oratorical skills, convincingly beat his Catholic opponents. The news of the debate was widely reported in newspapers circulated in Europe and America. This drew the attention of orientalist scholars and theosophists in the West like the American Colonel Henry Steel Olcott (a veteran of the American Civil War of 1861-65), Madame Blavatsky, and others, to the fact that Buddhist monks were challenging intrusive anti-Buddhist Christian missionary activity in Ceylon (Sri Lanka). The arrival of Olcott, Blavatsky, and others in Ceylon in 1880 and their passionate activism accelerated the pace of the burgeoning local Buddhist revivalist movement. Sixteen-year-old David Hewavitarana joined them, originally as their translator. In 1885, David changed his name to Dharmapala and took the Buddhist religious vow of ‘homelessness’ with his parents’ permission and became known as Anagarika Dharmapala (Dharmapala the Homeless). (To be concluded)

by Rohana R. Wasala

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Midweek Review

Journalistic Brilliance Joins Humanity

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For the late Louis Benedict who blazed a quiet trail,

In the fast paced Sri Lankan newspaper world,

Journalism was not just a job but a great calling;

An elixir which gave his life full meaning,

And when he penned his thoughts,

The results were things of exceeding beauty,

Because with clear-water clarity did he unravel,

The most complex of realities, so much so,

If there ever was a Golden Pen, it was Louis’,

But name and fame sat lightly on him,

For in humility, he took after ‘The Man from Galilee’.

By Lynn Ockersz

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