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A school for the elite or a school for the best?

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The Cotta Institution

Some more reflections on secularism

By Uditha Devapriya

When I wrote that I felt discussions about secularism seemed inadequate, I did not mean that we weren’t talking enough about it. I simply meant that the discussions we are having now have not accounted for certain important cultural and historical factors. There is no point dwelling on secularism if, for instance, it is seen by a certain community as hostile to their values. In Sri Lanka secularism is perceived as being antithetical to Buddhist interests. This is, at one level, a misperception. But perceptions feed into narratives, and the result has been to give secularism a bad name and bad press.

More problematically, and particularly in public spaces like schools, secularism is seen as a “bourgeois” luxury, having almost no relevance for working class or lower middle-class communities. That is again a misperception, but it should not be brushed aside. This is especially so given that secularism has an innate class dimension. Ethnic and religious conflicts are driven by cultural differences, and our refusal to see beyond those differences. Class struggle, on the other hand, focuses on productive relations, on issues of relative advantage. Secularism provides an antidote in that it enables us to see privilege as having to do with social class rather than ethnicity or religious affiliation.

The problem in our schools, however, goes deeper than this. Take a simple yet persistent issue: our history textbooks. The official history taught to us tells us almost nothing of the atrocities visited on our minorities. This is not peculiar to Sri Lanka. In the US, too, hardly anything is mentioned about how indigenous communities were exterminated and slavery was legitimised for centuries. Once you ringfence such narratives with an aura of religious dominance, schools turn out to no more than factories for religious apologists. This is why, especially in schools historically reputed for their secular character, such tendencies must be addressed. But to address them, we must examine their causes.

The elite response to these developments, predictably, has been to invoke the “good old days” and wish for us all to return to them. This is a problematic if inadequate response, not least because we can never go back to those days – or because they never existed in the first place. As Regi Siriwardena has aptly noted, when the elite recall their halcyon days at these schools, where ethnic differences supposedly never existed, they overlook the fact that their social class was what made them forget such differences.

It was their class that dominated these institutions, making them elite enclaves: a point that should render their observations irrelevant at once. The transformations that we have been seeing in these institutions since the 1950s cannot be reversed. Nor should they: for all its regressive aspects, 1956 enabled a section of the underprivileged to enter these spaces.

However, I would not be so hasty as to discount and dismiss the elite response. What we have been seeing since the 1950s, in secular institutions and public spaces, has been the replacement of one mode of social differentiation – class – with another – ethnoreligious identity. Both should be combated and done away with. But the tactics we can use in one are not necessarily valid for the other.

In the case of class stratification in schools, legislation and education commissions have proved to be more than adequate, especially since there was popular support for broadening class participation in these institutions. In the case of ethnoreligious stratification, however, mere laws will not suffice, because there is no similar support for secularisation. The solution appears self-evident: legitimise such campaigns in the eyes of ordinary children, including the underprivileged.

I realise this is a difficult proposition. These institutions have transformed so much as to make it impossible to get such a campaign going, still less popularise it. If I may invoke Marxist analysis here, in our public spaces including our schools the bourgeoisie have given way to a petty bourgeoisie, a rural suburban middle class whose affinity for ethnoreligious identity is sharper, and more pronounced, than the bourgeoisie.

It is for this reason that the most avowedly secular schools have become breeding grounds for the most insidious religious agendas. In any case, these places are no longer the preserve of a secular crowd. Therein lies their paradox: while becoming more inclusive in terms of social class, they are becoming more exclusivist in terms of ethnic identity.

We cannot resolve these paradoxes by building a time machine and returning to the past. This country is not the country that existed before 1956. Despite their chauvinist tendencies, the rural suburban middle classes are here to stay and to dominate in elite institutions. Mostly Sinhala speaking and Buddhist, they can harbour the most insular sentiments.

Yet they also harbour a progressive potential, a desire to see things differently. I know this is putting things a little too abstractly. But if we are to secularise our schools, including those that have got a reputation for their secular character, we should channel the progressive potential of the communities which populate these spaces. Of course, we cannot do so by appeasing these groups. Yet nor can we do so by alienating them.

In times like this I prefer to rely on the insights of some of my proteges. Pondering on how elite schools have transformed and on whether they are losing their secular character, a student of one eminently secular institution argued,

“Is X a school for the elite or a school for the best? We are moving from A to B and as a result more rural beliefs are getting installed [sic] here.”

This is as profound a statement as any I have heard, full of sociological and I daresay anthropological meaning. Civil society activists campaigning for secularism in our public spaces, including our schools, should listen to it and take heed.

The writer is an international relations analyst, independent researcher, and freelance columnist who can be reached at .

udakdev1@gmail.com.



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From stabilisation to transformation without delay

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At a symposium on reconciliation organised by the National Peace Council last week, more than 250 religious clergy, civic activists and political representatives from different communities gathered to discuss the country’s future. Speaking at the event, Minister Bimal Rathnayake explained the government’s approach to national reconciliation. He said the government viewed the country’s recovery in terms of a three stage process. The first stage was stabilisation, the second was development and the third was transformation. Reconciliation, he implied, would come in that final stage. The participation of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa at the same symposium, and the constructive nature of his comments, strengthens that hope.

When the present NPP government took office in 2024, the country was emerging from one of the gravest crises in its post Independence history. The economic collapse of 2022 had led to shortages of fuel, food, medicines and electricity. Inflation soared, foreign reserves disappeared and long queues became part of daily life. The political upheaval that followed culminated in the resignation of former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa after mass public protests under the banner of the Aragalaya movement. The country was then governed by a leadership that spoke the language of reform and reconciliation but was widely perceived as lacking a direct popular mandate.

Sri Lanka’s past experience suggests that stabilisation and transformation cannot be treated as entirely separate stages. Postponing reconciliation until some future moment risks repeating the failures of the past. If transformation is endlessly delayed until a supposedly perfect moment arrives, there will always be new crises and new reasons for postponement. Minister Rathnayake’s contention that the government’s immediate priority has necessarily been stabilisation flows from the government’s awareness of the precarious situation the country is. Over the past two years, the government has succeeded to a significant extent in restoring economic and political stability. Inflation has reduced, shortages have ended and public institutions have regained a degree of functionality.

Guaranteed Changes

On the other hand, the country’s development continues to face challenges due to adverse global conditions, including disruptions caused by conflict in the Middle East and extreme weather events that have affected tourism, trade and the cost of living. The danger is that reconciliation may be indefinitely postponed in the name of stabilisation. This danger can be reduced if the government works proactively with the opposition and civil society to commence practical measures of transformation now rather than later. The participation of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa at the symposium, and the constructive nature of his comments, has strengthened the sense that bipartisan engagement on reconciliation may now be possible.

The urgency of transformation came through strongly in the presentations made by representatives of the Sri Lanka Tamil and Malaiyaha Tamil communities. ITAK parliamentarian S.Shritharan spoke of the frustration caused by unresolved post war issues in the north and east. He referred to disputes regarding land occupied during the war years, including controversies linked to Buddhist temples and state sponsored settlement activity in areas claimed by local communities. He also pointed to the continuing large scale presence of the security forces in the north and east nearly two decades after the end of the war. These grievances have remained central to Tamil political discourse since the end of the armed conflict in 2009. Families displaced by war continue to seek the return of ancestral lands. Civil society organisations in the north have repeatedly called for greater civilian control over local administration and a reduction in military involvement in civilian life.

Academic research and practical work on the ground have shown that reconciliation cannot be separated from questions of dignity, equality and justice. Former minister Mano Ganesan, leader of the Democratic People’s Front, focused on the longstanding problems faced by the Malaiyaha Tamil community. He spoke passionately about continuing housing shortages, landlessness and economic marginalisation, issues that have persisted since Independence. He also highlighted the devastating impact of recent extreme weather events on estate communities that remain socially and economically vulnerable. The condition of the Malaiyaha Tamil community remains one of the enduring social justice issues in Sri Lanka.

After Independence in 1948, a large proportion of them were denied citizenship and voting rights through legislation that rendered them stateless. Though citizenship rights were eventually restored, the social and economic consequences of exclusion continue to be felt generations later.

Many families still lack secure housing and land ownership despite their immense contribution to the country’s plantation economy. Minister Rathnayake’s responses to both these concerns were politically significant. He argued that recent political developments, including the declining influence of narrow ethnic politics across communities, indicated a major shift in public attitudes. According to him, the political ground has changed in ways that make it increasingly difficult for politicians who rely primarily on ethnic division and communal insecurity to retain public support.

Inter-Connected

There is evidence to support the assessment about the changing political grounding which sees future prospects in the resolution of long standing problems. . The economic collapse of 2022 affected all communities alike and generated a new politics centred on governance, anti corruption, accountability and economic justice. The Aragalaya protests brought together Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims in a common demand for political change. Although ethnic grievances have not disappeared, the crisis created space for a broader understanding that the country’s future depends on cooperation rather than division. Opposition Leader Premadasa’s comments at the symposium reflected this changing political climate. He emphasised that national reconciliation could not be separated from economic justice and the need to address disparities between regions and social classes.v He also mentioned the need for civil society organisations to take this message to the community. This wider understanding of reconciliation is important because ethnic inequality and economic inequality have often reinforced each other in Sri Lanka’s history.

Academic studies have identified the denial of citizenship rights after Independence as a historic injustice that set back the Malaiyaha community for decades. The challenge now is to ensure that transformation becomes part of the stabilisation and development process itself. Practical first steps are both possible and necessary. The release of civilian lands still under state control, greater devolution of administrative authority, reduction of military involvement in civilian affairs, language equality in public administration and accelerated housing and land ownership programmes in the plantation sector are all measures that can begin immediately without waiting for a final stage of transformation.

The government’s recent commitment that provincial council elections will finally be held this year is therefore significant. These elections have been repeatedly postponed by successive governments. Holding them would not solve the ethnic conflict by itself. But it would signal a willingness to restore democratic institutions and share power in a meaningful way.

Sri Lanka has repeatedly postponed difficult reforms in the hope that a more convenient political moment would eventually arrive. But opportunities are invariably created and fought for instead of being provided as a gift by a benevolent government.

The present moment, shaped by the economic crisis and public demand for accountable government, offers a rare opportunity to move simultaneously towards stability, development and reconciliation. Provincial council elections can be the first meaningful step. But they must not be the last.

by Jehan Perera

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Researchers to shape new environmental policy framework

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Some of the researchers at the meeting

In a significant move aimed at steering Sri Lanka’s environmental governance towards a more science-based and evidence-driven path, the Ministry of Environment has initiated a new collaborative mechanism to integrate leading researchers into national policy formulation and conservation planning.

The initiative was discussed at a high-level meeting chaired by Dr. Dammika Patabendi at the Ministry of Environment on Tuesday, where top environmental scientists, wildlife experts and researchers were invited to contribute towards what officials described as a “strategic transition” in the country’s environmental management framework.

The discussions focused on strengthening the scientific basis of environmental conservation programmes and national policy decisions while creating a more research-friendly environment for academics and field scientists engaged in biodiversity and ecological studies.

Particular attention was paid to long-standing concerns raised by researchers regarding procedural and operational difficulties encountered when conducting studies in collaboration with the Department of Wildlife Conservation and the Forest Department.

Minister Patabendi stressed the need for environmental policies to be guided by credible scientific data rather than ad hoc administrative decisions, ministry sources said.

Among the key proposals discussed was the establishment of a streamlined mechanism that would reduce bureaucratic obstacles faced by researchers in obtaining approvals, accessing field sites and sharing scientific findings with state institutions.

The Minister highlighted the importance of building stronger partnerships between policymakers and the scientific community at a time when Sri Lanka is grappling with escalating environmental challenges including deforestation, biodiversity loss, human-elephant conflict, climate-related disasters and ecosystem degradation.

Environmentalists attending the meeting had also highlighted the urgent necessity of incorporating empirical research into national decision-making processes to ensure long-term ecological sustainability and better resource management.

The meeting brought together several of Sri Lanka’s leading environmental researchers and academics including Rohan Pethiyagoda, Saminda Fernando, Sewwandi Jayakody, Samantha Gunasekara, Dinidu Devapura, Himesh Jayasinghe, Manoj Prasanna, Mendis Wickramasinghe and Suranjan Karunarathna.

Director General of Wildlife Conservation Ranjan Marasinghe also participated in the deliberations.

Officials said the proposed framework is expected to pave the way for a more transparent, data-oriented and scientifically credible environmental governance structure capable of addressing emerging conservation challenges more effectively.

The government expects the new mechanism to support the implementation of practical and scientifically robust programmes aimed at safeguarding Sri Lanka’s ecological future while enhancing cooperation between state agencies and the country’s growing community of environmental researchers.

 

By Ifham Nizam

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Back home … for a special occasion

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Seven Notes: Sri Lankans based in Dubai – with Niluk (second from left)

Niluk Uswaththa, of Seven Notes fame, based in Dubai, surprised many when he and his wife Apeksha, turned up in Colombo, last week … unannounced.

Yes, they had a purpose in their surprise visit … to wish Apeksha’s mum for her birthday, which was on Monday, 18th May, and what a surprise it turned out to be!

In an exclusive chit-chat with The Island, Niluk said that the scene in Dubai is improving and Seven Notes do have work coming their way.

Since the members of Seven Notes are all employed (doing day jobs), they operate only on Saturdays and Sundays.

Niluk: Didn’t come prepared to perform, but obliged
friends in Galle

In fact, to get to Colombo for the birthday surprise (on Monday, 18th May), the band had to skip their 17th May, Sunday gig.

“Although it’s a short vacation, my wife and I are enjoying the setup here,” said Niluk, adding that they spent two days in Galle and that their next destination is Anuradhapura.”

Niluk didn’t come prepared to perform, but he obliged the crowd present, at a friend’s birthday celebrations, in Galle, singing and playing guitar.

They are scheduled to leave for their home, in Dubai, in the first week of June.

Seven Notes is an outfit made up of Sri Lankans and the band has been around for almost nine years.

Niluk came into their scene nearly seven years ago.

“When I went to Dubai, I had offers coming my way but it was Seven Notes that impressed me because of their acoustic style.”

The Dubai’s entertainment scene is showing clear signs of bouncing back and even levelling up in the next few months.

Niluk and Apeksha: Enjoying their short vacation

After a slowdown earlier this year due to regional tensions, shows and festivals are back on the calendar, and organisers say late 2026 could be the busiest concert season in years.

Time Out Dubai says “the 2026 concert calendar is filling up nicely” and “the city is ready to party once again” after some reschedules.

Dubai Summer Surprises in July brings retail activations, comedy nights, and indoor art exhibitions.

Organisers point to a backlog of postponed events that are being rescheduled for late 2026 and early 2027.

Yes, Dubai is calm on the surface but on alert. Life is mostly normal in the city, but there’s a “balancing act” as people watch for escalation.

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