The usual way to describe something like what passes for the parliament in the pearl would be a nest of vipers. Vicious, small-brained, reptiles attacking everything in sight and concentrating only on their survival and propagation of their species. Judging by recent comments by an eternally unashamed former leader of the Opposition and now “chit” MP, it seems that even this person’s standards have been violated. I beg to differ. I would describe the present house of representatives as a bed of earthworms. Feeding off the rotting compost that is what remains of their country. Totally blind and unable to see a way out for the country and not having the thinking power to even venture into any area except their own survival. They are crawling around in this compost heap and not even their excreta (read as words that emanate from their mouths) serve any purpose, unlike the humble earthworm. In fact, even this description may be taken as an insult to the earthworm! The present parliament serves only as a source of cheap entertainment for those who bother to follow its episodes and treat it as something to publish in the reams of newsprint that is wasted on it.
The real nest of vipers seems to be all those billionaires and millionaires who have been hiding their wealth and spending it on giving themselves and their families a great time at the expense of the majority of the populace who slave for them. Now, this is not the first time such antics have hit the headlines. It will also not be the last. A furore of sorts is created, and it quickly dies down to nothing because it is money that creates power and power is what runs the world. I seem to recall that a certain Thirukumar was exposed last time in the Panama Papers as well as this time in Pandora Papers. Absolutely nothing was done last time but this time since the need for sacrificial lambs may be a little more urgent maybe, just maybe another retired judge will be commissioned with the responsibility of conducting an inquiry that has a predetermined verdict. Meanwhile, others who bear such names continue swathed in sheep’s clothing while harbouring the ideologies of vipers and even some other mammalian predators with stripes.
You may observe, dear readers, that this week’s missive bears many innuendoes. Not my usual style but in these days of increased intimidation of the fourth estate, innuendoes may be a way of sparing my editor the charms of the 4th floor and also getting something of what I have to say published.
What of the millionaires and billionaires most of them in mere rupee terms but some actually in hard currency terms, who are squirming around in the great compost heap? How to deal with them was told to me over 40 years ago by the father of a great friend of mine. That gentleman a well-established businessman (who paid his taxes) and a very keen golfer once told me (he may recognise himself or his son may) “All the tax department has to do is raid the huge mansions that these people live in and ask them how they paid for them”. Another even simpler way would be to stop the multimillion-rupee limousines they go about in and ask for proof of legitimate income that was used to pay for them. There is no need for tax returns and the “disappearing” tax files that plague such investigations. Simply look at the house from outside (and the cars parked in the driveway) and invite the owner to prove his credentials. Is that really so hard to do? Maybe in a truly democratic country with a strong human rights base but in the Pearl of today, no way. It is the will that is lacking, not the way.Moving onto cricket, the only sport that has brought us world acclaim (except for a couple of sprint silver medals in the Olympics over the ages) and the picture of one of our best cricketers with his shirt off that adorned the sports page of The Island. Now, I wonder if this picture was published just to show this person’s atrophied muscles and bulging belly or as a sarcastic reminder to all fans. (The latter I think, judging by what little I know of the possible perpetrator of the publication). Is this the level of body conditioning and fitness that is expected of our prime professional athletes? I know that some of our superstars of the past had rotund figures but that was not in the days of professionalism when players are paid millions and have nothing to do but play cricket. What’s more those rotund players have records that today’s “stars” can never match and they certainly didn’t get injured as often.
Back to Aotearoa – New Zealand, where we poor denizens of the largest city Auckland, have endured six weeks of the most stringent lockdown conditions in a two ponged attempt by the Government to get as many people vaccinated as possible and reduce case numbers while doing that. The case numbers refuse to go below an average of about 20 new cases a day. The vaccination statistics are interesting. The Asian (this includes South Asian and Chinese) population has a 98% vaccination rate. The Maoris and Pacific Islanders lag far behind with only around 60%. I did not see any statistics for the “Pakeha” (white population) but I presume it is high. Another interesting statistic is that the infection rate among members of motorcycle gangs is one of the highest. Probably an indicator of their total disregard for any and all lockdown rules. It is the Maori first and then the Pacific Islanders’ who claim the right to run this country. The former say they came first, and latter say NZ is in their backyard (the Pacific Ocean). Can you imagine what would have happened to this country if it was governed by these “indigenous” people? A nest of earthworms springs to mind. I can use less innuendo here as no one in this country of a mere five million people reads anything written by this scribe. Although the audience covered by the newspaper, I write to (The Island) covers a population of over five times that number it seems that no one without a Pakeha name can qualify to be published in the hallowed tomes of Aotearoa. Some bitterness, a little self-pity and frustration you may say, true but alas the just desserts of those living as second-class citizens in other countries due to their own country being ruled by mostly earthworms and a few vipers.
Dominances, hegemonies and diversities
by Nicola Perera
What spaces exist for students and staff of ethnic and religious minorities, within the university? Do students and staff in these groups have the liberty and security to openly identify themselves, claim their identities, be visible? Do either university structures and policies or the culture and attitudes within the university community, ensure a lack of discrimination, with the same rights, privileges and opportunities, for such persons to live, work, and study in an environment of acceptance, without hostility or marginalisation? I speak of the ethos of majoritarianism, located in a university of the south, which is predominantly the normative of education in the country.
If I were to ask students, staff, or administrators how persons of ethnic and religious minorities are treated in the university, I suspect they would immediately point to the existence of cultural groups that have long been established in university culture. Most universities and faculties will have a Tamil Society, a Hindu Students’ Society, a Muslim Majlis, various Christian groupings, and so on. Each will organise various cultural festivals, such as carols for Christmas, Ifthar, etc. At first glance, there appears to be representation and accommodation of ethnic and religious minorities, and this is institutionalised within the university.
But this accommodation is superficial and tokenistic. Against the existence of these various groups, consider the Student Union itself, which formally represents the entire student body. Who do they actually represent? The Student Union in the Faculty of Arts organises Buddhist festivals, pinkamas, and all-night piriths at the beginning of the year, as well as inviting Buddhist monks for Poyas, like Vesak and Poson. The major event of the year for the Student Union is the Sahithya Ulela, for which the Union goes all out: portraits of the greats of Sinhala literature adorn the pillars of the Faculty, together with quotations from their works. The drama festival is a huge part of the Sahithya Ulela, during which hugely popular Sinhala plays are performed.
This is the way things have always been in the university’s framework of majority default and minority tolerance. There are religious and cultural student societies to represent and take care of non-Buddhist and non-Sinhala students, representing deviations from the norm, while the Student Union itself, regardless of its political/ideological tendency, firmly represents and centres Sinhala-Buddhist religious and cultural concerns instead of the diverse student body as a whole. The majority culture is dominant to the point where it is the ubiquitous default, and all minority positions are tokenised into tolerated representations. It is a system and space that privileges my ethnic background, where my presence goes unquestioned, unremarked upon and unmarked.
On the other hand, what discriminations, aggressions, and microaggressions do students and staff of ethnic and religious minorities face in and outside class? What could they tell us, if we could only assure them of the security to openly talk about such things without fear of retaliation? What is our role as academic staff, regardless of discipline, to initiate difficult conversations about inclusion, acceptance, to challenge the biases, prejudices, absences? What microaggressions, hostilities, subtle or overt othering do we as staff and administrators perpetrate? What is the culture that we create in university?
What of the class of Muslim students who were told that they can keep their cultural identity but should wear colourful abayas and hijabs, instead of the dark colours they preferred? What of the Muslim staff member who was requested to come and speak to these students, to present herself as a role model who chose to wear colourful shalwars while covering her head? Is it in any way relevant that these requests were made by a staff member clad in Kandyan sari? Of course, it is: the representation of Sinhala Buddhist culture as the university’s default makes its aesthetics and preferences the standard, which apparently Sinhala individual staff members feel empowered to enforce.
What of the Muslim women students who were stopped at the entrance of the university after the Easter bombings? The security guards told them to wear their hijabs in such a way as to show their ears. Is the university capable of recognising this harassment as harassment? Was this an officially-sanctioned policy that required the security guards to act this way? Or were they merely empowered to perform this harassment in that moment by the long-established practice of treating Sinhala culture, dress, and presentation as normal and default, with all marked minority cultures as suspicious deviations? Would the existence of the Muslim Majlis be sufficient to let these students agree with the common perspective that the university – by policy or practice – does not discriminate on the basis of religious/ethnic grounds? Could these students have gotten away with showing impatience, even a touch of hauteur (as I did when I produced my ID card for inspection) at the guards’ power to remark on their ethnicity, police their attire – in myriad small ways to let them know that their presence in the university space was under surveillance, at the majority’s sufferance?
It is not enough for the university to complacently point at tokenistic student groups as evidence of non-discrimination. Even the simple representation of diversity, at which the university is already failing, would still not be enough: including Tamil-language plays at the Sahithya Ulela and making sure to include the portraits of Tamil and Muslim writers as well is necessary, but far from sufficient. What we need is active anti-discrimination, in both word and deed, to identify these situations and contexts in which staff and students of religious and ethnic minorities in our universities are harassed, othered, and discriminated against every day, and to figure out ways to end those practices and prevent them from recurring, through policy, through education, and through our own efforts as the people who uphold and perpetuate university culture.
Nicola Perera is attached to the Department of English Language Teaching, University of Colombo.
Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.
Prevent growth of extremism through stronger institutions
By Jehan Perera
The killing of a Sri Lankan, in Pakistan, by a frenzied mob, who accused him of committing an act of blasphemy, serves as a grim reminder of the ever-present danger of pent-up emotion exploding in society. Over the eons, religion has served to humanize the more primitive nature, lurking within human beings. “Be kind to the stranger in your midst, because you were once strangers in the land of Egypt,” is the biblical injunction too often ignored by the very people who profess to follow its teachings. It is not only in Pakistan that such inhuman acts have occurred, especially when there has been a failure of national leadership to instill a higher ethos of morality in the people, too often for the sake of electoral gain.
Prime Minister Imran Khan of Pakistan has been accused of defending Pakistan’s blasphemy law and promoting Islamic fundamentalism to come to power and now to shore up support for his government that is failing to solve the problems of the people. A clause of the constitution mandates the death penalty for any “imputation, insinuation or innuendo” against the Holy Prophet. Presently Pakistan faces economic sanctions by the EU, as does Sri Lanka, due to its adherence to this law and other human rights issues. The EU has raised issues related to the protection of journalists, religious extremism, misuse of blasphemy laws, and forced conversion in some parts of the country. A compromised political environment in which there is impunity leads people to take the law into their own hands according to their notions of what is right and wrong.
Mobilising the emotions of people, whether by religion or ethnic nationalism, to gain and retain power, is like sowing the wind and reaping the whirlwind. President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and other members of the Sri Lankan government have expressed their strong condemnation of the heinous crime against its citizens and demanded justice. Prime Minister Khan has pledged justice and referred to the “day of shame” for Pakistan. More than a hundred alleged participants in the crime have been arrested. There have also been images of Pakistani civil society groups saying sorry for what has happened. Likewise, Sri Lankan civil society will also recall the support that Pakistan gave to Sri Lanka during the years of war and, diplomatically, on the issues of human rights violations raised by sections of the international community.
It is also necessary for Sri Lankans to be mindful about what has happened within Sri Lanka itself during the JVP insurrection, the 1983 riots, and, more recently, in Aluthgama, Digana and Kurunegala. In all of these instances, there was a measure of state complicity, or inaction, which is worse than the savage deeds of a mob as the state represents the civilization of the country. This state failure has been on account of the over-politicisation of the state machinery to the point where senior officers of the state, most of whom have joined the state for idealistic reasons, cannot and do not perform their duties due to political interference. In a manner similar to Prime Minister Khan, President Rajapaksa, and the current government, won elections by catering to the nationalism and fears of the ethnic majority, with some of its allies spewing hatred towards the ethnic and religious minorities.
There are disturbing signs that the situation of state failure is growing more serious in Sri Lanka. The release of former Governor Azath Salley after he had been in remand jail for eight months on charges that the court said were not sustainable. All charges against him by the Attorney General were dismissed as they lacked merit. The injustice done to him and his family, the loss of eight months of his life and his reputation, require reparations which may be forthcoming as he is a person of stature. There will be countless others who are less able to fight their cases, like the former Governor did. In addition, there have been several killings in police custody of prisoners who are alleged to have tried to escape when taken to find their store of weapons or in cross fire or by suicide. Making matters worse is that in some of these cases the families and lawyers of the imprisoned persons have given advance warning that those held in custody are scheduled to be killed, but nothing is done and the deaths take place.
The same inability or unwillingness to ensure accountability can be seen at multiple levels, be it in relation to the manner in which the three-decade long war ended, or the Easter Sunday bombings, or the Central Bank bond scandal, or the sugar tax scandal, the Yugadanavi Power Plant issue and, most recently, the explosion of large numbers of cooking gas cylinders which have led to deaths and burning down of people’s homes. In none of these cases has investigations led to the masterminds being found and meted out justice. With time, the cases might be forgotten and the wrongdoers get away with their crimes. Perhaps it is in apprehension of the potential crisis situation in the country that the Supreme Court has written a strong judgement in a case that is representative of the people’s sense of compassion and care for all living beings as directed by the sacred religious texts. This was with regard to whether elephants captured from the wild and taken to homes and temples as objects of social prestige should be returned to their supposed owners or released to the wild or sent to protected sanctuaries.
In a decision that can have far reaching ramifications for the rule of law, and for the system of checks and balances, and wisely in a case that is less politically controversial, the Court cited a famous judgement by Lord Denning in the English Courts where he said, “It is settled in our constitutional law that in matters that concern the public at large the Attorney General is the guardian of the public interest. Although he is a member of the government of the day, it is his duty to represent the public interest with complete objectivity and detachment. He must act independently of any external pressure for whatever quarter it may come.” The Court said that “these observations aptly apply to the role of the Attorney General of Sri Lanka.” Notably the respondents in this case were the Prime Minister and Minister of Wildlife.
If positions, such as the Attorney General, are to be filled with persons who will make decisions in line with the Court judgement above, it is necessary that they should be persons with integrity and competence. They also need the space to be able to do their work without political interference. It was to achieve this objective that two different governments, headed by two different political leaders from two different political parties took steps to ensure the passage of the 17th and 19th amendments in 2001 and 2015 respectively. These two amendments had the common feature of reducing the President’s powers and seeking to increase the independence of state institutions from political interference. A police force that is independent of political influencers, who act behind the scenes, is more likely to act with integrity in dealing with the impunity that is growing in the country.
The government’s pledge of a new draft constitution, before the end of the year, provides an opportunity to reform the system of governance and put an end to the multifarious violations and weaknesses in it that breeds impunity and resentment which is the fuel for extremism of all sorts. The political space should be kept secular, unlike in the case of Pakistan with its religious law, and kept free from religious or ethnic nationalist biases. The reintroduction of the scheme of appointment of higher officials of state, through a multi-partisan constitutional council consisting of members of government, Opposition and civil society, would lead to better appointments than the President alone making the appointments. The members of the constitutional council would together select the most appropriate persons to high offices of state and to insulate them from politically-motivated interference. This is particularly important in the case of the higher judiciary, the last bastion of freedom in a democracy that is going wrong. The present deterioration in the integrity and quality of decision-making at multiple levels and in multiple institutions highlights the need for a strong system of government, based on checks and balances–real good governance.
Action…in the coming weeks
The lead up to Christmas, and the New Year, certainly doesn’t look ‘blue,’ in any way.
Initially, I was thinking of Elvis Presley’s ‘Blue Christmas’ – what with the pandemic, and the new variant, creating chaos…everywhere.
But…yes, the showbiz scene here seems to have changed, for the better.
On December 8th (that’s tomorrow), ‘The Legends of Ceylon’ is the title of a musical evening, that will take place, from 7.00 pm onwards, at the Irish Pub, in Colombo, featuring Geoffrey Fernando, Mignonne, Noeline, Sohan, Dalrene, and Manilal, backed by the group Mirage.
Sohan & The X-Periments, a name associated with sing-along events, will be involved in two sing-alongs this month – on December 12th at The Grand Kandyan Hotel, and on December 17th at the BMICH Banquet Hall.
The Christmas Sing-Along, in Kandy, commencing at 7.00 pm, will have, in the vocal spotlight, Corrine, Clifford Richard, Sohan, and Trishelle, along with The X-Periments.
The 17th event, at the BMICH, from 7.30 pm onwards, will also feature Corrine, Clifford Richard, Sohan, and Trishelle, with guest stars Falan Andrea and Radika.
Sohan indicated to us that the festive scene seems to be brightening up, a bit, and that he and his band do have work coming their way,
“We are going to be pretty busy for the next few weeks.”
Two-year reconciliation project spurns Lord Naseby’s disclosure
Dominances, hegemonies and diversities
Prevent growth of extremism through stronger institutions
7-billion-rupee diamond heist; Madush splls the beans before being shot
The Burghers of Ceylon/Sri Lanka- Reminiscences and Anecdotes
Unfit, unprofessional, fat Sri Lankans
Features4 days ago
Muslim divorce law in Sri Lanka
Sports1 day ago
Private jet for Wanindu
Sports5 days ago
Mickey’s ‘sloppy cricketers’ hand Windies the edge
news4 days ago
Salley acquitted and released
news3 days ago
Countrywide power outage act of sabotage, claim TU, officials
Features2 days ago
Solving Tamil problem is the way out of economic crisis: Rasamanickam
news4 days ago
Gas explosions: ‘Criminal negligence on the part of ministers, CAA’
Features5 days ago
Imagining Minister Basil Rajapaksa in India