Midweek Review
21st A: Split SLPP loses ground, BR suffers setback

The founder of the Pohottuwa party, Basil Rajapaksa, has suffered a severe setback. All political parties, represented in Parliament, sunk their differences to bring back constitutional impediment that prevents Basil Rajapaksa’s return to Parliament. The UNP’s only MP, Wajira Abeywardena, and the vast majority of the145-member SLPP parliamentary group, voted for 21st Amendment that would thwart Basil Rajapaksa for the time being. UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe wouldn’t have secured the presidency on July 20 to complete the remainder of ousted President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s five-year term, without Basil Rajapaksa’s blessings. At the behest of the strongman, the SLPP voted for Ranil Wickremesinghe. The UNPer won at the expense of Dullas Alahapperuma, who obtained 82 votes, mostly SJBers, whereas Wickremesinghe secured 134. The enactment of the 21st Amendment seemed to have stalled Basil Rajapaksa, on his tracks, having aspired to be national leader at any cost.
By Shamindra Ferdinando
Former Health Minister Pavitradevi Wanniarachchi recently declared that regardless of who served as the President, that person should abide by the decisions taken by twice President Mahinda Rajapaksa.
Ratnapura District SLPP (Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna) lawmaker emphasized that Mahinda Rajapaksa’s word, on whatever matter, should be accepted by all, including the President, regardless of the consequences.
Ever the blind Mahinda Rajapaksa loyalist, Wanniarachchi said so at the launch of the SLPP campaign meant to revive the party, amidst continuing deterioration of its position, both in and outside Parliament. The declaration was made at the meeting chaired by Mahinda Rajapaksa, at Kalutara, on Oct 08, close on the heels of calling off the vote on the 21st Amendment to the Constitution. The vote that was to be taken in the first week of October had to be put off due to the warning issued by the SLPP.
MP Wanniarachchi faulted ousted President Gotabaya Rajapaksa for the heavy setbacks suffered by the SLPP. Declaring that only those with political background should have been given top posts in their government, the Ratnapura District MP alleged that the SLPP suffered as a result of its pathetic failure to provide jobs.
Turning towards Mahinda Rajapaksa, and sounding more like a frivolous schoolgirl, rather than the Attorney-at-Law she is, Wanniarachchi recalled how she, in her capacity as Minister of Youth Affairs and Samurdhi, provided jobs for her supporters in the public sector. Appreciating the support extended by the then President Mahinda Rajapaksa for her endeavours, MP Wanniarachchi lashed out at President Gotabaya Rajapaksa for depriving her of that opportunity.
Exposing more of her immature and selfish thinking, despite the terrible situation the country is facing, the former Health Minister alleged that she couldn’t recruit even one supporter, during her tenure as Health Minister whereas her predecessors, Maithripala Sirisena, and Nimal Siripala de Silva, recruited 10,000 each. Obviously, she hadn’t heard, or taken any notice of the ongoing debate over how massive expansion of the public service contributed to the unprecedented economic fallout.
Public Administration Secretary Priyantha Mayadunne, in late May this year, didn’t mince his words when he warned political parties, represented in Parliament, state and private sector trade unions, and the civil society, that they would soon be categorized as traitors unless they agreed to a far reaching economic reforms agenda.
In late August, the Governor of the Central Bank, Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe, vigorously assailed the political party system when he was invited by Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena to address the members of Parliament. Soft spoken Dr. Weerasinghe dealt with the current situation, and related issues at hand. The CB Governor flayed those who governed the country, including the present lot, for bankrupting the country.
Obviously, MP Wanniaarachchi didn’t care or seemed to have conveniently turned a blind eye to ground realities. Otherwise she wouldn’t have blamed Gotabaya Rajapaksa for not allowing her, as well, to further expand the public service, now an unbearable burden on the taxpayer. She had also forgotten the daunting challenge posed by Covid-19, at that time, and the national economy was in such a precarious state a large scale recruitment campaign would have been unthinkable.
A week later, the SLPP followed up with the second meeting of its propaganda campaign. The second meeting, held at Mahindananda Aluthgamage’s Nawalapitiya stronghold, was meant to consolidate the SLPP. However, last week it, and the man who behaved as its godfather, dual citizen Basil Rajapaksa, may have suffered an irreparable setback when the Parliament overwhelmingly voted for the 21st Amendment. A staggering 179 members voted for the new amendment, during the division held at the end of the second reading, whereas just one SLPP, MP Rear Admiral Sarath Weerasekera, voted against it. Subsequently, at the third reading of the Bill, 174 voted in favour, and Sarath Weerasekera again voted against the Bill. Of the 179, who voted for the new law, five refrained from doing so in the third division. Weerasekera had the guts to stand by his principles and voted against the 19th Amendment.
The Navy veteran declared, in Parliament that he couldn’t vote for the 21st Amendment that was meant to revive the 19th Amendment that he then, too, opposed it alone. His stand should be applauded as no other MP, serving the current Parliament, had the strength to take a principled stand. On that day, during the crucial vote, 45 lawmakers hadn’t been present.
A large section of the Rajapaksa Camp abstained, though Chamal Rajapaksa, his son Shasheendra Rajapaksa, and Namal Rajapaksa, voted for it. Among those who skipped the vote was the chief organizer of the Kalutara public rally, MP Rohitha Abeygunawardena and Pavitradevi Wanniarachchi. However, in spite of being dubbed as a staunch Rajapaksa loyalist, Mahindananda Aluthgamage voted for the 21st Amendment. The following is the list of government MPs, not present in Parliament, on that day: Mahinda Rajapaksa, Pavitra Wanniarachchi, Gamini Lokuge, Sanath Nishantha, Sagara Kariyawasam, Jayantha Ketagoda, Sanjiva Edirimanne, Prasanna Ranatunga (overseas), Mahinda Amaraweera (overseas), Prameetha Bandara Tennakoon (overseas), Anuradha Jayaratne (overseas), Siripala Gamlath (overseas), Dr. Seetha Arambepola (overseas), Rohitha Abeygunawardena (overseas), S.M.M. Mushraff (overseas), Maj. Pradeep Udugoda (overseas), Nipuna Ranawaka (overseas), Wimalaweera Dissanayake (hospitalized), Sahan Pradeep Withana (hospitalized), Jayantha Weerasinghe (sick), Janaka Bandara Tennakoon (sick), S.M. Chandrasena (State funeral of Ven. Pallegama Siriniwasa), Johnston Fernando (have to attend Court) and Nalaka Bandara Kottegoda (wedding of his brother)
Jathika Jana Balavegaya (JJB) lawmakers, Anura Kumara Dissanayake, Vijitha Herath and Dr. Harini Amarasuriya voted for the new law, while four out of the10 Tamil National Alliance (TNA) MPs skipped the vote. Rebel SLPP MP Prof. G.L. Peiris was out of the country whereas his group voted for the new amendment. The former Foreign Minister would have definitely voted for the new law if he was present in Parliament, on Oct 21. Other notable absentees were Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena, Chief Government Whip Prasanna Ranatunga, Johnston Fernando and Sagara Kariyawasam. As party General Secretary Attorney-at-law Kariyawasam wielded immense power being close to Basil Rajapaksa.
Of the 40 parliamentarians, who abstained, approximately 30 skipped the vote over the following issues: (a) With the passage of the new Amendment, anyone who is a dual citizen will no longer be allowed to be a member of Parliament, and present dual-citizen MPs will also lose their seats (b) The constitutional amendment also allows the President to dissolve the Parliament after two and a half years of a Parliament being elected.
In addition to the above-mentioned issues that infuriated former Finance Minister Basil Rajapaksa, the new law also ensured a role for the Opposition Leader in the appointment of civil society members to the constitutional council.
Prez consolidates his position
President Ranil Wickremesinghe has consolidated his position at the expense of the SLPP. At the time the then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa invited Wickremesinghe to accept the premiership, on May 12, he wouldn’t have envisaged losing the presidency to the UNP leader. The SLPP, too, wouldn’t have realized the consequences of electing Wickremesinghe, on July 20, to complete Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s term. The SLPP voted for Wickremesinghe, at the expense of Dullas Alahapperuma, who managed to poll 82 votes, while the winner obtained 134. The SLPP’s strategy caused another split in the party as 13 of its members broke ranks. The SLPP dismissed the challenge posed by the dissidents. They were denied the opportunity to speak in Parliament. Key members were also deprived of positions in the coveted parliamentary committees.
Friday’s vote proved that of the 145-member SLPP parliamentary group, elected at the 2020 August parliamentary election, it has been reduced to between 20 to 30. The Rajapaksas, who voted for the 21st Amendment, are among that group. Chamal Rajapaksa, his son Shasheendra Rajapaksa, holding state ministerial post, and Namal, aspiring to re-join the Cabinet, move can be safely described as a precautionary measure. The SLPP is in a dilemma. The once powerful political grouping is now in a political minefield. But, the Rajapaksa group should never be underestimated to prevent unnecessary complications.
It would be pertinent to mention that a section of the SLPP parliamentary group (Vasudeva Nanayakkara, Wimal Weerawansa, Udaya Gammanpila, Gevindu Cumaratunga et al) vigorously campaigned to retain the 19th Amendment provision on dual citizenship. The 19th Amendment, enacted in 2015, disallowed dual citizens from contesting parliamentary or presidential elections. They refused to vote for the 20th Amendment over the discarding of that provision. But, they changed their stand after getting an assurance from President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, that provision would be included in the proposed new Constitution. The new Constitution project never materialized, though a nine-member expert team, led by President’s Counsel Romesh de Silva ,drafted a new Constitution.
Although many asserted that the enactment of the 21st Amendment diluted executive powers, the incumbent President retained sufficient powers to face political challenges. Contrary to speculation, President Wickremesinghe is very much unlikely to exercise conditional authority to dissolve Parliament, two and half years after the first meeting of the incumbent Parliament. Wickremesinghe is expected to complete the remainder of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s five-year term. The UNP leader wouldn’t, under any circumstances, explore the possibility of holding early parliamentary elections as his party wouldn’t be able to take any advantage from it in the current state of the country.
With just one seat in Parliament, the UNP is not in a position to face early elections at a time the country is experiencing severe economic difficulties. Chances of re-unification with the main Opposition, Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB), their erstwhile colleagues at the moment, also seem unworkable, unless the UNP can engineer a mass exodus from the SJB.
The Thilini-Janaki affair reverberates
Before the vote on the 21st Amendment, Justice Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakse, PC, raised a privilege issue over the reportage of Thilini Priyamali’s case, by a section of the media. Denying a statement attributed to Maithree Gunaratne, PC, that the alleged fraudster was represented by lawyers from Wijeyadasa Rajapaksa’s chambers, an angry Minister alleged that some journalists could be bought for two bottles of arrack. Gunaratne appeared for businessman Abdul Sakthar who had been defrauded to the tune of Rs 226 mn. Minister Rajapaksa requested Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena to direct the House privileges committee to initiate an inquiry into the alleged unfounded allegations directed by the media. The Minister, who is also the Chairman of the House privileges committee, said that he would step down from his post, temporarily, to allow another member to lead the investigation.
Wijeyadasa Rajapaksa, who first entered Parliament in May 2004 and served different political parties, alleged that some media believed they could manipulate and influence governments. The Minister warned that the media would be appropriately dealt with for propagating lies. Wijeyadasa Rajapakse declared that the day he received a ministerial appointment he closed down his Chambers.
In the wake of the Justice Minister declaration in Parliament, Maithree Gunaratne, in an interview with Chamuditha Samarawickrema (Truth with Chamuditha on social media) said that having seen Attorney-at-Law Dasun Nagasena (Coordinating Secretary to the Justice Minister) and Rakitha Rajapaksa (Justice Minister’s son) at the Fort Magistrate Court, representing Thilini Priyamali, he quipped that the Justice Minister’s full team was here.
Gunaratne said that the media had picked up the conversation between him and the lawyers representing Thilini. Responding to another query, Gunaratne declared that had he served as the Justice Minister he wouldn’t have his sons to represent an accused in such a controversial case.
Gunaratne, no stranger to controversies, questioned the failure on the part of law enforcement authorities so far to apprehend CEO and Director of The One Transworks Square (Pvt) Ltd. Janaki Siriwardena, whose name transpired in the Fort Magistrate Court, and in police investigations. Alleging that a lawmaker in the current Parliament protected Siriwardena and interfered with investigations, Gunaratne said that the matter was brought to the notice of the Fort Magistrate Court. The lawyer asserted that The One Transworks Square (Pvt) Ltd., or Krrish project, built on a five acre land, provided by the Urban Development Authority (UDA), is the eye of the storm. Reference was made to those who had invested in that particular project.
Responding to Chamuditha Samarwickrema’s questions, Gunaratne said that his client invested Rs 226mn with Thilini Priyamali’s Thico Investments based at the World Trade Center on the advice of former Western Province Governor Azath Sally. Gunaratne acknowledged that his client made the investment on the basis of the assurance given by Azath Sally, who is believed to have known Janaki Siriwardena for nearly 20 years.
Gunaratne speculated that the total amount of money collected by Thilini Priyamali and Janaki Siriwardena duo could be as much as Rs 6 to 7 billion though at the moment they estimated the misappropriated sum at Rs 3 bn. The President’s Counsel stressed that an impartial investigation couldn’t be possible as long as Janaki Siriwardena remained free. They discussed whether among those who received calls from Thilini Priyamali after her arrest was Janaki Siriwardena. They also deliberated on the suspect requesting Rs 30 mn from a person to secure bail/release.
Gunaratne questioned the culpability on the part of the Central Bank and the banking system. How could they have failed to detect the transfer of extraordinarily large sums of money within a short span of time?
The Fort Magistrate court was told last week how Rs 3 bn deposited and withdrawn from an account belonging to Thilini Priyamali between January and June this year. Gunaratne disclosed that Thilini Priyamali’s luxurious office at the WTC had been opened by a senior official of the Sampath Bank.
Referring to the yahapalana government allowing the Easter Sunday carnage (April 2019) to take place by ignoring specific intelligence received from India, Gunaratne pointed out that the police and the Attorney General Department pursued an agenda meant to protect the wrongdoers. The lawyer cited the failure on the part of the police and the Attorney General to arrest senior DIG Deshabandu Tennakoon who failed to prevent May 09 attacks on Galle Face protesters in spite of specific directive from the then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, a glaring case of inaction. Gunaratne acknowledged that he couldn’t say where the embessled money had been secreted to, but expressed the strong belief such a vast amount of money couldn’t have been spent.
Gunaratne asserted that perhaps the Thilini Priyamali-Janaki Siriwardena duo carried out the ‘operation’ within a couple of months.
Over a week ago SJB MP Hesha Vithanage, too, raised the issue at hand. The MP questioned the circumstances under which some interested party posted a list naming several Opposition MPs, including him as investors in the Thico project. The lawmaker questioned the rationale in naming them when former first lady Shiranthi Rajapaksa accepted an invitation from Thilini Priyamali to attend the launch of a movie in March last year. MP Withanage said that former President Maithripala Sirisena, too, had been among the guests. Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s Office has denied links between Mrs. Shiranthi Rajapaksa and Thilini Priyamali and also the family.
The Rajapaksas are in a bind, struggling to cope up with new political alliances in the making. The decision for three Rajapaksas to vote for 22nd Amendment and the rest, including Mahinda Rajapaksa to abstain appears to be nothing but a desperate measure that further undermined the party. However, such measures are unlikely to help the Rajapaksa camp to regain lost ground. The SLPP seems unlikely to recover heavy damages suffered with the constitutional impediment imposed on dual citizen Basil Rajapaksa with the passing of 21A.
Midweek Review
Vanni war and killing of Gazan civilians at food distribution sites

Hundreds of Palestinians died in the recent past while trying to obtain food in the Gaza strip. Al Jazeera, in a 05 July, 2025, online report, quoted the Gaza Health Ministry as having stated that at least 743 Palestinians had been killed and more than 4,891 wounded while seeking humanitarian aid at Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) distribution sites.
Al Jazeera pointed out that GHF is a project backed by the US and Israel. The international media have reported that GHF staff used live ammunition and stun grenades against those desperately trying to get some food against the backdrop of punitive Israeli blockade. It would be pertinent to mention that GHF came into being in May this year for the sole purpose of operating Gaza food distribution sites. GHF is a private organisation, fully backed by the US and Israeli Defence Forces (IDF)
Reportage of the ongoing violence at GHF sites emphasised that the whole project that had been cleared by the US and Israeli governments undermined the Gaza population. In other words, the so-called humanitarian project aided the overall US-Israeli strategy meant for Gaza where over 50,000 perished in Israeli attacks so far.
There is also a serious allegation that wheat flour, provided by the US for distribution among Palestinian refugees in Gaza, is spiked by Israel with prescription opioids.
Unparalleled Hamas attack on Israel on 07 October, 2023, triggered a spate of comments on Sri Lanka’s war against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) that was brought to a successful end in May 2009. But, no one, so far, has bothered to compare the barbaric situation in Gaza and how Sri Lanka, with limited resources, dealt with a complex and difficult situation in a far more humanitarian way in order to minimise casualties among Tamil civilians.
Sri Lanka sustained offensive action over a period of two years and 10 months but throughout this period the wartime Mahinda Rajapaksa government ensured the proper distribution of humanitarian aid. The plan involved the Colombo-based diplomatic community, the UN, as well as other reputed international groups, such as the International Committee of the Red Cross and the World Food Programme (WFP).
In addition to the above-mentioned grouping, President Rajapaksa directly involved India in the humanitarian project, thereby giving New Delhi direct access to the war wounded. In fact, if the wounded LTTE cadres sought transfer from Puthumathalan to the India-run emergency medical facility at Pulmoddai, about 55 km north of Trincomalee, in a ship carrying ICRC flag they could have done so.
Swamy’s comment
M.R. Narayan Swamy, discussed the similarities of Sri Lanka’s conflict and the ongoing Israel-Gaza war. New Delhi based Swamy, who had served the UNI and the AFP during his several decades long career, discussed the issues at hand while acknowledging no two situations were absolutely comparable. Swamy currently serves as the Executive Director of IANS (Indo-Asian News Service) and he dealt with the Gaza war soon after the Israeli invasion.
‘How’s Hamas’ attack similar to that of LTTE?’ and ‘Hamas’ offensive on Israel may bring it closer to LTTE’s fate dealing with the issues involved. Let me reproduce Swamy’s comment: “Oct. 7 could be a turning point for Hamas similar to what happened to the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam in Sri Lanka in 2006. Let me explain. Similar to Hamas, the LTTE grew significantly over time eventually gaining control of a significant portion of Sri Lanka’s land and coast. The LTTE was even more formidable than Hamas. It had a strong army, growing air force and a deadly naval presence. Unlike Hamas the LTTE successfully assassinated high ranking political figures in Sri Lanka and India. Notably LTTE achieved this without any overt direct support from any country unlike Hamas that received military and financial backing from Iran and some other States. The LTTE became too sure of their victories overtime. They thought, they could never be beaten and that starting a war would always make them stronger. But in 2006 when they began Eelam War 1V, their leader Velupillai Prabhakaran couldn’t have foreseen that within three years he and his prominent group would be defeated. Prabhakaran believed herding together tens of thousands of hapless Tamil civilians as a human shield during the last stages of the war would protect them and Sri Lanka wouldn’t unleash missiles and rockets. Colombo proved him wrong. They were hit. By asking the people not to flee Gaza, despite Israeli warnings, Hamas is taking a similar line. Punishing all Palestinians for Hamas’ actions is unjust, just like punishing all Tamils for LTTE’s actions was wrong. The LTTE claimed to fight for Tamils, without consulting them, and Hamas claimed to represent Palestinians, without seeking the approval for the Oct. 07 strike. Well, two situations are not absolutely comparable. We can be clear that Hamas is facing a situation similar to what the LTTE faced shortly before its end. Will Hamas meet a similar fate as the LTTE? Only time will answer that question.”
Of course, as Swamy said two situations are not absolutely comparable. The IDF invaded Gaza whereas the Sri Lankan military battled terrorists on home soil. While referring to Hamas being an Iranian proxy, Swamy conveniently forgot how India set up a massive terrorist project in Sri Lanka in the early ’80s. It ended up with the LTTE assassinating Rajiv Gandhi in May 1991, a year after India pulled out its Army from Sri Lanka where over 1,300 officers and men perished in the hands of those who had been trained by India.
Let me get back to humanitarian operations here, particularly during the 2008-2009 period. Whatever those who cannot bear up the LTTE’s annihilation say now, Sri Lanka can be proud of how the displaced population was treated. Of course there had been instances of excesses on the part of the government security forces and police but that was never the state policy.
Vanni humanitarian project
Against the backdrop of continuing killing of hungry Palestinians waiting to collect food, we can examine a high profile operation carried out by Sri Lanka to provide food for the Vanni population during the war. President Mahinda Rajapaksa ensured that those who had been trapped in the war zone received not only food but the best possible medical care in spite of the raging battles.
The President never hesitated to involve foreign governments and international organisations in the Vanni humanitarian project. Regardless of the military reporting some elements positioned themselves within the international grouping involved in the humanitarian work that provided support to the LTTE, the government continued to involve international groups. Unlike the controversial Gaza humanitarian operation, Sri Lanka never handed over the mission to the private sector.
Contrary to accusations that Sri Lanka waged a war without witnesses, the ICRC had been in Puthumathalan till the second week of February 2009 but even after their pullout the governmentled system ensured the evacuation of those wounded in the LTTE-controlled areas and continuously ensured food and other essential supplies to the war zone. The operation involved the ICRC and the WFP.
As the Army advanced further into the fast dwindling LTTE-held territory, the ICRC international staff, who had been in the Vanni, west and east, throughout the offensive, were evacuated by ship flying the ICRC flag on 10 February, 2009. ICRC ships evacuated hundreds if not thousands of wounded civilians, as they were held by the Tigers at gun point as a human shield, beginning 10 February, 2009, till 09 May, 2009, the last voyage before the conclusion of the war. On 16 occasions, ICRC flagged ships arrived at Puthumathalan during this period, ICRC international staff were allowed to visit Puthumathalan each time the vessels came.
Would a country perpetrating genocide, as Canada alleged, allow ICRC international staff to visit Puthumathalan, permit transfer of the war wounded out of the battle zone or positioned Indian medical relief team between Puthumathalan and Trinomalee? Actually, if Velupillai Prabhakaran and his family wanted they could have given themselves up to the ICRC at Puthumathalan and brought the war to a faster conclusion. Instead, Prabhakaran sought to negotiate an arrangement that allowed him to survive while the armed forces were prevented from achieving their final objective. The wartime Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa and three service commanders, Vice Admiral Wasantha Karannagoda, Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka, and Air Marshal Roshan Gunetilleke, were solidly behind the President.
Visit to Pulmoddai
The writer was one of the few journalists allowed to observe the transfer of people from Puthumathalan to Pulmoddai from a SLN Fast Attack Craft (FAC) positioned off the Puthumathalan coast, in the last week of April 2009, and then visited Pulmoddai where the wounded were handed over to the Indian medical team based there. That had been a very worthy move on the part of President Rajapaksa. The deployment of an Indian medical team to treat the wounded countered lies propagated by various interested parties. Those who faithfully believed in the LTTE’s invincibility couldn’t bear up the beating the group was receiving at the hands of the Sri Lankan military. Admiral of the Fleet Karannagoda’s memoirs ‘The Turning Point’, the English version ‘of Adhistanaya’ is a must-read for those interested in the Sri Lanka conflict. Published by Penguin Random House, India, the book dealt with the overall Navy’s role with the focus on the destruction of the LTTE’s floating warehouses that hastened the collapse of the fighting cadre. How the US provided specific intelligence to destroy four floating warehouses in September and October 2007, against the backdrop of the Army depriving the Navy of an opportunity to listen to LTTE communication, due to petty rivalries, is perhaps the most single significant help provided by a country by way of intelligence.
Having liberated Kilinochchi, in January, Sri Lanka intensified operations on the Vanni east front. Amidst the collapse of LTTE defences, Sri Lanka in February 2009 requested India to send an emergency medical team to Sri Lanka and the actual deployment took place at Pulmoddai on March 09, 2009. Following our request, New Delhi established an emergency field hospital where a 62-member Indian medical team worked until the conclusion of operations. Over 3,000 people, who had been wounded during the battles, were treated by the Indians over a period of two months and soon after the conclusion of the war, the team moved to Menik Farm refugee camp where the group treated over 25,000 people by the second week of July 2009. India pulled out its team by the end of August 2009. By then, Sri Lanka stabilised the situation and, contrary to some claims, the LTTE couldn’t revert to hit-and-run attacks.
The small group of journalists was allowed into the Indian medical facility. At the time of our visit, more wounded were brought in by the ICRC flagged ship.
UN report
The UN Secretary General’s Panel of Experts (PoE) report acknowledged that altogether 2,350 tonnes of food had been delivered to Mullivaikkal, from 10 February, 2009, to 09 May, 2009, and 14,000 wounded civilians and their relatives evacuated during this period (Paragraph 108).
The government knew of the danger in some of them disappearing but still they were allowed into the south.
The ICRC made a bid to bring in supplies and evacuate the wounded on 15 May, 2009, but couldn’t do so due to heavy fighting. The bottom line is that the ICRC had access to Puthumathalan till 09 May, 2009, just 10 days before the SLA killed LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran.
Sri Lanka’s continuing failure to set the record straight, in spite of having all required information/evidence is a mystery. In fact, successive governments never bothered to examine WikiLeaks revelations and use them to clear the country’s name from wild accusations of war crimes, emanating from the West, in support of the separatist cause. In one leaked document alone, a top ICRC official was quoted as having said that the Army paid a heavy price for taking civilian factor into consideration during the final phase of the offensive.
International organisations, including the UN, had access to the Northern and Eastern provinces. The bottom line is that the ICRC operated in Vanni east till late January 2009, though the UN pulled out of Kilinochchi in September 2008. However, the PoE report admitted that UN international staff were allowed entry to the Puthukkudiyiruppu Hospital, following the 29 January-04 February, 2009. artillery barrage directed at the facility by the Army.
Wartime MP Mano Ganesan had been one of those who alleged that Sri Lanka received the blessings of the international community to conduct a war without witnesses. Let me discuss the MP’s allegation, taking into consideration the PoE report on Accountability in Sri Lanka.
During high intensity battles in the Vanni east, the only permanent hospital functioning in that region was at Puthukkudiyiruppu. Regardless of government denials, that hospital had been hit repeatedly by artillery, including Multi Barrel Rocket Launchers (MBRLs) during the 29 January-04 February, 2009, period. There is absolutely no point in denying that fact. But it would have been more a scare tactic to speed up the end of the fighting, as if the SLA had wanted, it could have easily flattened the hospital with MBRL fire.
According to the PoE report that had been officially released on 31 March, 2011, the SLA granted UN international staff access to the hospital, damaged due to attacks during 29 January- 04 February, 2009. The report also disclosed that there had been two ICRC international members at the hospital when it was hit on 04 February. (Paragraph 91).
Therefore, there is no basis for MP Ganesan’s malicious claim that Sri Lanka conducted a war without witnesses. The UNSG’s report also acknowledged that LTTE cadres, who had been wounded in fighting in the nearby frontline, were brought to the Puthukkudiyiruppu Hospital where the organisation maintained a ward for them. (Paragraph 94).
The international community never gave Sri Lanka the go ahead for an all-out war in 2006. In fact, Western powers constantly put pressure on Sri Lanka to continue negotiations in an obvious attempt to help the Tigers, regardless of grave provocations by LTTE terrorists. There couldn’t be a better example than the assassination of Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar, at his Bullers Lane residence, in August 2005. The assassination had been carried out just four months before the presidential poll, regardless of the Norway arranged Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) that was really meant to destabilise the country in the guise of working for peace.
LTTE surrender
UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk appeared to have ignored Sri Lanka’s efforts to provide relief for all affected parties, including the ex-LTTE, as soon as the war was brought to an end.
The Tamil community immensely benefited from the post-war rehabilitation of the ex-LTTE cadres. The government rehabilitated nearly 12,000, while child soldiers were simply released. But the likes of retired Supreme Court justice C.V. Wigneswaran brazenly sought to take the shine out of Sri Lanka’s genuine efforts to bring about reconciliation, by falsely claiming that the Army poisoned over 100 ex-LTTE combatants held in rehabilitation camps. He ended up with egg on his face but he never bothered to acknowledge his blatant lie. Sri Lanka never pursued the matter. Wigneswaran lie is far worse than unsubstantiated allegations, propagated by various interested parties, as he once was a member of the country’s apex court. We can imagine how he dispensed justice as a sitting judge in the lower courts for decades, even prior to being elevated to the highest court.
Sri Lanka should have used the high profile post-war IOM (International Organisation for Migration) project to help ex-LTTE, as well as members of the breakaway Karuna faction, to prove her efforts. Unfortunately, Sri Lanka never had a cohesive plan to counter lies. The situation remains the same as interested parties continue to humiliate the warwinning country. Let me end this piece by underscoring the importance of establishing the total number of ex-LTTE and members of other violent groups who received citizenship in the West. They are now all over the world. General Secretary of the British Tamil Forum (BTF) V. Ravi Kumar is an ex-LTTE cadre from Jaffna. Australian-born Adele Balasingham, widow of the late LTTE theoretician Anton Balasingham, lives in the UK. What is Turk’s position on this woman, who, while wearing the LTTE uniform, handed over cyanide capsules to female LTTE cadres, some of whom were child soldiers? Perhaps Sri Lanka should raise the issue as part of its overall defence against wild war crimes accusations still being dished out against the country from the West.
By Shamindra Ferdinando
Midweek Review
‘Masterpiece: The Origin and Evolution’ – II

(Part 1 of this article was published in Midweek Review on 25 June 2025.)
French sculptor and painter Marcel Duchamp say, “a Masterpiece is created by the viewer, not by the artist”. He highlights the idea that the interpretation as well as deriving meanings of art are subjective and embedded within the viewer’s experience, rather than being solely determined by the discretion of the artist. Former Director of the Louvre Museum Henri Loyrette once stated, “It became evident that it is extremely difficult, if not impossible, to articulate a definition of masterpiece that could be accepted universally”.
In terms of body of work, three conducive elements exercise a significant influence over recognising and positioning a creative work in the realm of art as a ‘Masterpiece’.
Firstly, a work of Art which showcases technical and artistic innovation is indelible from history books and capable of earning substantive accolades from the spectators. These conditions entitle a work of Art to continue to endure as a ‘Masterpiece’.
Created in 1872, Impressionist painter Claude Monet’s ‘Impression Sunrise’ is a work of art which received universal recognition as a ‘masterpiece’ for its innovative artistic and conceptual approach and technical amelioration. The ‘Name’ of this artistic tradition derives from the title of Monet’s ‘Impression Sunrise’. The name was coined by French art critic and journalist Louis Leroy, referring to the Impressionist style in a derisory manner at the first Impressionist exhibition in Paris in 1874. Monet’s ‘Impression Sunrise’ was accompanied by remarkable technical advancement which resulted from research in Optics. Eugene Chevre, a French chemist, discovered that optical illusions could be created by placing certain colors next to each other. Taking advantage of this finding, Impressionists combined visible, short and thick brush strokes with glowing vibrant colors to create a sense of light and darkness, movement of objects and sense of distance.

Tomoko in Her Bath
Another key example of the innovative application of technical and artistic developments is D.W. Griffith’s silent cinematic anthology ‘The Intolerance’. Released in September 1916, with an enormous production cost of 2.5 million dollars, it is considered to be a bold step by a filmmaker in the history of creative filmmaking. Despite the movie’s commercial failure, considering its narrative style, sophisticated editing techniques, innovative cinematography, expensive costume design, massive set designs and 3000 extra cast, it consistently receives appraisal and recognition as a benchmark in film history. Many European and Soviet filmmakers drew inspiration from its unconventional editing and historical storytelling. In 1989, the American Library Congress recognized ‘Intolerance’ as “a film with lasting social and cultural significance”.
Russian filmmaker Sergei Eisenstein’s silent film ‘Battleship Potemkin’ (1925) continues to be recognized as a cinematic ‘Masterpiece’ and persists as one of the greatest even to this day for its groundbreaking editing technique. The ‘Soviet Montage Theory’ developed by Eisenstein highlights the power of editing to create meanings and evoke audience’s emotional response. The essence of the theory suggests the juxtaposition of distinct shots to create a new meaning or effect, often conveying a specific meaning or emotion more powerfully than the individual shots alone.
Secondly, an artistic work with a strong emotional appeal tends to endure, transcending the spatial and temporal boundaries as a Masterpiece. A work of Art which evokes strong emotions in the human mind never fades away from the person’s emotional sphere. Profound human dynamics depicted in an artistic composition prompt the spectator to reflect on their own personal human dynamics. A work of art interacts with the viewer using a visual language. This enables the viewer to perceive and interpret the ideas as well as emotions that might be difficult to articulate through words.
The poignant historical photographic essay ‘Tomoko in Her Bath’, captured by American photojournalist Eugene Smith, manifests a strong emotional statement of profound love, tenderness and compassion between a mother and her child who is severely paralyzed and deformed, being bathed in a bath tank . The photographic composition, reminiscent of Michelangelo’s Pietà, reveals the traumatic story of Tomoko, who lived in the Minamata fishing Village in Japan and was crippled by mercury poisoning after consuming contaminated fish. The fish were contaminated with tonnes of industrial wastewater containing mercury dumped into the marine area of Minamata Bay by a chemical factory between the period of 1932 and 1968. Smith’s artistic and symbolic expression of the dimensions of human suffering caused by the devastating industrial pollution elevated this powerful image to the status of a ‘Masterpiece’.
The aesthetically expressed subliminal human conditions in cinema continue to endure in the human sphere, transcending all boundaries. They provide a strong catalyst for the viewer to be companionate, empathetic and humane towards the ‘other’. One such example is the outstanding cinematic expression Red Beard (1965) by Akira Kurosawa, who reflects the importance of empathy and compassion to the greatest extent possible. Kurosawa’s incomparable humanistic approach in this movie contemplates a simple humanist gesture of kindness that could give solace to humans who are bereft of attention, love and respect. This in turn awakens a profound sense of compassion and sympathy in the viewer.

The Green Mile
“I am always hungry, so are my siblings. I wish I was a horse. Horses eat grass; we have plenty of that”. These heart-wrenching words were from the outspoken little one called ‘Chobo ’in the movie. The character of ‘Chobo’ who is driven by hunger steals food for him and his family, reflects the magnitude of human suffering, helplessness and the depth of human misery in a poverty-stricken social backdrop. The weight of the humanist theme of the movie enables the viewer to deeply immerse and resonate with the narrative and characters, which eventually ensures the cinematic expression lasts as long as a ‘Masterpiece’.
Another cinematic creation which delves deeper into themes such as compassion, injustice and empathy is Frank Darabont’s ‘The Green Mile’ (1999), which signifies the importance of being humane towards the ‘other’ at any moment in life. The execution of wrongly convicted ‘John Coffey’, a man with a physically imposing figure and a childlike gentle soul, by electrocution is one of the most powerfully constructed and poignant scenes in cinema history. This scene made the audience deeply saddened and sustained a lasting impact on the human mind, making ‘The Green Mile’ stay among the most emotionally impactful movies of all time.
Thirdly, the ‘Creative Excellence’ reflected by a Work of Art holds authority to declare itself a ‘Masterpiece’. Such ‘Masterpieces’ shine bright as ‘Artistic Exceptions’. These exceptional works have a unique way of initiating an impressive conversation with the viewer using their iconic visual language enriched with aesthetic elements. These extraordinary pieces of Art possess a certain charisma to attract the viewer while allowing the viewer to find meanings and insights through interpreting them over time. Some of the prime examples found in the global realm of art include ‘David’ by Michelangelo, Leonardo da Vinci’s ‘Mona Lisa’ (1503-1506), Johannes Vermeer’s ‘Girl with a Pearl Earring’ (1665) and ‘Guernica’ (1937) by Pablo Picasso. And powerful cinematic expressions such as ‘Doctor Zhivago’ (1965) by David Lean, a movie based on the novel by Boris Pasternak of the same name ‘Doctor Zhivago‘ (1957), ‘The Mirror’ (1975) by Andrei Tarkovsky, Terrence Malick’s ‘The Tree of Life’ (2011) and Christopher Nolan’s “Oppenheimer” (2023) continues to carry a powerful artistic charisma and enduring influence and considered masterpieces, regardless of critical acclaim or widespread criticism. These masterpieces often inspire prospective artists, while remaining inimitable and irreplaceable. The confluence of the extraordinary creativity of the artist and the unparalleled creative appeal reflected in the work elevate it to the state of eternity. The visual language of artistic creations, which is considered eternal, encompasses multiple inherent ambiguities. They evoke mystery, enigma and sense of wonder in the viewer and never allow the viewer to interpret or comprehend it extensively. The intriguing and enigmatic portrayal of visual symbolism in such masterpieces reflects the hidden mysteries of human nature which trigger curiosity in the spectator.
Leo Tolstoy, in one of his diary notes on May 17, 1896, writes ” the principal aim of art, if there is art, and if it has an aim, is to manifest and express the truth about man’s soul, to express those mysteries which it is impossible to express simply by speech. From this spring’s Art. Art is a microscope which the artist fixes on the mysteries of his soul and shows to people those mysteries which are common to all”.
The meaning of ‘Masterpiece’ evolved through temporal stages, from a term devised within Craft Guilds in the 12th century to a modern definition encompassing a wider range of creative genres in the subjective space. The possibility for a work of Art to reign in authority as a masterpiece is determined by the amplitude of recognition, appreciation and its ability to resonate deeply with the viewer’s artistic and emotional perceptions, otherwise it is bound to fade into oblivion. The creative work’s visual power is a crucial factor for fostering an interrelationship with the viewer. This interrelationship could last for centuries. British historian and broadcaster Kenneth Clarke, in his 1979 book’ What is a Masterpiece’, mentioned the “extraordinary fact that they can speak to us, as they have spoken to our ancestors for centuries”.
by Bhagya Rajapakse
bhagya8282@gmail.com
Midweek Review
Steadfast Helmsman

Deshamanya Bradman Weerakoon,
Whose absence will be keenly felt,
Chose simplicity as his forte,
And skipped the glare of cheap publicity,
Instead worked silently behind the scenes,
And placed duty above self-glorification,
A quality that served him in good stead,
During that fateful year of 1983, for instance,
When he ensured Sri Lanka’s sustenance,
But this about him was most striking –
He served the state to the best of his ability,
But was not at the behest of Political Masters.
By Lynn Ockersz
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