Features
1988 Presidential election amidst turmoil
(Continued from last week)
Ranasinghe Premadasa President of Sri Lanka (1989 – 1993)
The presidential elections were fixed by J R for 19 December 1988. I was in London at the time, almost at the end of my five-year contract as secretary-general with the IPPF. I had followed the course of political events in Sri Lanka during the past year and on the basis that our voters usually threw out the government in power every five years and this-one had now been in for almost ten, I did not rate Premadasa’s chances highly.
Moreover, he was being opposed by Sirimavo who was yet immensely popular as a person, although the SLFP, her party, had lately gone through some organisational problems. There were also many who had thought that the imposition of civic disability for seven years by J R had been unfair and were sympathetic to her. In fact, I recall telling Dulanjali, Premadasa’s daughter who was now with IPPF as an internee, that she should prepare herself for her father’s defeat in the face of the difficult situation for the UNP prevailing in the country.
The 19 December elections were conducted in extraordinarily disturbed circumstances. The state of emergency declared years earlier covered the entire country. In the Northern and Eastern Provinces the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) dominated the towns of Jaffna, Batticaloa and Trincomalee, but LTTE ambushes continued in much of the countryside. The LTTE who had established a complex of bases in the mainland Wanni jungles after their eviction from the Jaffna Peninsula in October 1987, operated their hit and run raids, virtually without hindrance. The Sri Lanka security forces, such as they were in the north and east, had been `confined to barracks’ in terms of the Indo-Sri Lankan Accord of 1987 and had played no active adversarial role against the LTTE ever since.
In the south, the JVP had commenced its campaign of destabilizing the government, especially after the signing of the accord. Their activities were focused particularly in the Southern. Central and North-Central Provinces.
It was in the midst of all this turbulence that Premadasa planned his strategy for the election helped by his loyal friend Sirisena Cooray. Their campaign focussed on the image of Premadasa as a man of action. “Who is he? What is he doing”?’ became the catchy and intriguing question they set before the electorate.
The two anti-systemic insurgencies of the LTTE in the north and the JVP in the south, although unconnected, had at least two common goals.
The first was-the virulent opposition of both to the presence of the IPKF in Sri Lanka. The LTTE had not been part of the IndoSri Lanka Accord of 1987, which was essentially between the two governments. There had been a much publicized surrender of arms to the IPKF in the presence of the Sri Lankan army but this had been only symbolic. They remained deeply suspicious of India and its motives. The IPKF had initially come in to protect the Tamil people from the depredations of the Sri Lankan army.
They had in fact been initially received with garlands by the Tamil people. But after Thileepan’s fast-unto-death in protest at the non-implementation of the terms of the accord in September, and the capture’ of 10 of the LTTE’s senior commanders at sea by the IPKF, they were being looked on more and more as a hostile force. By October 1987 the situation had deteriorated into open war. Similarly the LTTE were strongly opposed to the UNP government of J R Jayewardene.
He had brokered the Indian army into the north, assisted the EPRLF to form the civil administration in the North East Provincial Council (NEPC) and had earlier been the man responsible for initiating the 1983 pogrom against the Tamils throughout the country.
The JVP too had two common enemies – the UNP of J R Jayewardene and the IPKF. From the viewpoint of the JVP, it was J R’s UNP that had unfairly proscribed their party in 1983, persecuted and hunted down its members since then, and had in July 1987 committed the unpardonable sin of permitting the violation of Sri Lanka’s sovereignty through its tame accession to the secret, one-sided, Indo-Lanka accord. To them, the IPKF was the aggressor who had invaded Sri Lanka and had to be driven out. To the JVP it was a plot or ploy between J R and Rajiv with the final aim of dividing the country.
Premadasa, in his own ‘street smart’ manner, had made his personal evaluation of the complex situation that had evolved. He figured out that since one of the common goals of the two groups of insurgents was the IPKF, he would first need to get the IPKF out of the country as fast as possible. That would remove the irritant. As for the second common goal, the shared hatred towards J R, Premadasa had resolved that he was going to employ a different stroke in the manner in which he would deal with insurgency and revolt. It would not be by hitting back but by talking. Not by war but by peace. The strategy he would employ, and the phrase he coined to address the evolving situation (he was prone to be fond of alliterative phrases) was what he called the 3-C’s – ‘Consultation, Compromise and Consensus’. He moved into the campaign with these strategic thoughts in mind.
The Presidential Election of 1988
Three candidates presented themselves before the electorate for election. Premadasa (UNP), Sirimavo Bandaranaike (SLFP) and an outsider representing the SLMP (the Sri Lanka Mahajana Pakshaya) – Oswin (Ossie) Abeygoonesekera. The SLMP was the party created by Vijaya and Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga in 1977 but had broken up after Vijaya’s assassination and Chandrika’s departure for London to escape the terror which had resulted in her husband’s death. Many people believed that the SLMP’s putting forward a contestant, was a tactical move by the UNP election strategists — among whom Premadasa himself was pre-eminent — to spoil Sirimavo’s chances by taking away votes from the SLFP. In the way the election turned out, the presence of the SLMP candidate may have been the critical factor that swung the election Premadasa’s way.
The JVP had contested the 1982 presidential elections putting forward Rohana Wijeweera, its leader, and received 273,423 votes, 4.19 per cent of the total polled. It decided to boycott this presidential poll demanding that the presidential and parliamentary elections be held simultaneously. It had in fact served the public notice that they would put to death anyone who attempted to vote. Reports indicate that in some instances the threat was carried out. The fear syndrome so created may have had the desired effect because the total numbers polled declined to 55.32 per cent’ of the total electorate. Compared with the first presidential election of 1982, it represented a massive drop of over 25 per cent. Not only the voters but the public servants who were necessary to man the polling booths, and help in counting votes, etc were extremely reluctant to perform their official duties. The following extract from the report of the commissioner of elections on the 1988 presidential election confirms this:
It was not at all surprising that the public service, which forms part of this society, suffered the same fear psychosis and pleaded that the elections be not held, or if they were to be held and they were to participate, that they be provided with heavy security. No one could convince the public service the situation was not so alarming because, both as householders in their areas of residence as well as officers in the public institutions, they had the occasion to hear, see and sometimes experience the dangers of this situation. This attitude of alarm and desperation on the part of the public servants cast an absolutely gloomy shadow on our capacity to man the 8060 polling stations.
Premadasa only narrowly defeated Sirimavo at the election receiving 50.43 per cent of the vote. Sirimavo polled 44.945 per cent and Ossie 4.426 per cent. Since he had won more than 50 per cent of the total vote Premadasa was declared elected. But it had been a very close call. If he had not got the magic 50 per cent and secured say 49 per cent, according to the law, the second preferences at the third candidate, Ossie, would have come into play. This was the complicated ‘single transferable vote’ concept that had been introduced into the law governing the election of the president by J R in 1981.
Prernadasa. Faces an Election Petition
With such a close result there was no doubt that the election would be challenged. Sirimavo petitioned the courts on the grounds that a large number of her supporters had not been able to vote because of widespread harassment and intimidation by the other side. The election petition inquiry took over three years to be determined. The inquiry commenced in June of 1989 and the decision was delivered in September of 19’92. Almost 1000 witnesses gave evidence for the petitioner Sirimavo and the respondent Premadasa. While Sirimavo’s legal team was led by H L de Silva, P C, who had earlier handled her civic disability case, Premadasa too assembled a formidable group of lawyers under Kasi Choksy, PC, to prepare his defence.
The petition was decided in favour of Premadasa on the court accepting Choksy’s eminently logical argument that although many may not have voted, there was no way of saying for sure which candidate they would finally have cast their vote for. The argument was so fool-proof that in a reversed situation a few years later in 1999, when Ranil Wickremesinghe petitioned the court on the grounds that a large number of his known supporters had been similarly deprived of the opportunity to cast their votes for him and which would have altered the final result, the court citing the 1988 case as a precedent rejected the appeal offered by Choksy. The legal team for President Chandrika Kumaratunga in 1999, was led by none other than the redoubtable H L de Silva.
(Excerpted from Rendering unto Caesar, autobiography of Bradman Weerakoon) ✍️
Features
Buddhist Approach to Human Challenges
Life, by its very nature, invariably presents a myriad of challenges that are fundamental to the human experience. The various social ills that afflict humanity cannot be understood without recognizing the profound human dynamics at play. Navigating these challenges according to Buddhism involves shifting from attempting to control external circumstances to mastering one’s internal responses. Central to these challenges are certain detrimental drives stemming from pernicious distortions in the functioning of the human mind.
According to Buddhism, human suffering—both on a personal and societal level—arises from three unwholesome roots: greed, hatred, and ignorance or delusion. These roots manifest primarily as the unbridled proliferation of these negative states, serving as the foundation for our conduct. The Buddhist perspective offers profound insights for confronting these difficulties by emphasizing the nature of suffering, known as dukkha. Buddhism teaches that suffering (dukkha) is an inevitable part of life and is fueled by greed, hatred, and ignorance or delusion. This approach promotes mental transformation through mindfulness, ethical living, and the cultivation of wisdom, empowering individuals to confront their struggles with clarity and resilience.
Furthermore, accepting that suffering and difficulty are inherent parts of the human experience—while expecting life to be free of challenges—is, in itself, a cause of suffering. It is also important to recognize that all situations, whether good or bad, are temporary. This understanding helps reduce anxiety when facing difficult times, as these will eventually pass, and it prevents possessiveness during happy moments. Cultivating mindfulness (sati) and living in the present moment without dwelling on the past or worrying about the future is essential.
Understanding that all things—emotions, situations, relationships, and physical bodies—are constantly changing and in a state of flux helps reduce the fear of loss and provides comfort during difficult times, ensuring that we know pain will pass. Moreover, recognizing that the self, or ego, is not a fixed entity minimizes selfish grasping, arrogance, and the tendency to perceive challenges as personal attacks.
At the core of many human challenges lie the three unwholesome mental qualities identified by Buddhism: greed (raga), hatred (dovesa), and ignorance or delusion (avijja or moha). These states of mind serve as obstacles to spiritual progress and underlie a spectrum of harmful thoughts and actions. The Buddha employed powerful metaphors to illustrate these forces, referring to them as the three poisons or fires that ignite suffering and trap beings in the cycle of samsara.
Greed leads to insatiable desires that obscure our awareness of others’ needs, creating a cycle of frustration. Greed encompasses all forms of appetite, such as desire, lust, craving, and longing, manifesting in both physical and mental forms. It embodies the concept of grasping, leading to clinging and an inability to let go. As an unwholesome mental state, greed can become insatiable and inexhaustible. People are often drawn to pleasant things, and no amount of forms, sounds, smells, tastes, tangibles, or mental objects can satisfy their desires. In their intense thirst for possession or gratification of desire, individuals may become trapped in the wheel of samsara, overlooking the needs of marginalized groups based on religion and ethnicity (as noted by Piyadassi Thera). Those who overcome greed realize that all mundane pleasures are fleeting and transient. In a society driven by consumerism, people may find themselves endlessly chasing after things of little value, becoming enslaved by them.
Hatred is another unwholesome mental state that fosters division and conflict, distancing us from genuine relationships. It encompasses unwholesome mental states such as ill will, enmity, hostility, and prejudice. Hatred can be subtle, lying dormant in a person’s mind until it finds expression in unexpected moments. This destructive emotion can degenerate into mass-scale violence and bloodshed within society. Today, hatred and hostility against minorities based on religion and ethnicity are prevalent in many countries. People are often targeted by bigotry and hate, leading to a rise in antagonistic and derogatory behavior toward certain religious and ethnic groups. Hatred, enmity, and retaliation do not foster spiritual well-being; rather, they vitiate our own minds. Buddhists are encouraged to cultivate metta (loving-kindness). Greed and hatred, coupled with ignorance, are the chief causes of the evils that pervade this deluded world. As noted by Narada, “The enemy of the whole world is lust (greed), through which all evils come to living beings. This lust, when obstructed by some cause, transforms into wrath.”
The most profound of these afflictions, ignorance (avijja) or delusion (moha), clouds our judgment and obscures our capacity for understanding, causing us to harm ourselves and others through misguided actions. Addressing bhikkhus, the Buddha declared, ” I do not perceive any single hindrance other than the hindrance of ignorance by which mankind is obstructed, and for so long as in samsara, it is indeed through the hindrance of ignorance that humankind is obstructed and for a long time runs on, wanders in samsara. No other single thing exists like the hindrance of ignorance or delusion, which obstructs humankind and make wander forever. This unwholesome mindset generates negative speech, actions, and thoughts, perpetuating our own suffering. As stated in the Dhammapada, “All mental phenomena have mind as their forerunner; if one speaks or acts with an evil mind, suffering follows.”
Buddhism urges us to go beyond merely addressing the symptoms of our problems. Instead, it invites us to explore the roots of our suffering and examine how greed, hatred, and ignorance manifest in our lives. By uncovering these sources of distress, we can cultivate essential qualities such as compassion, loving-kindness (metta), and acceptance. These virtues are crucial for ethical engagement with significant societal issues, including environmental challenges and social inequality.
In a world marked by material prosperity and emotional chaos, many individuals may feel lost or overwhelmed. The teachings of the Buddha remain relevant today, reminding us that the origins of our struggles often reside within our own minds. By practising ethical self-discipline and steering clear of destructive emotions like jealousy, anger, and arrogance, we can transform our experiences and relationships.
Buddhism teaches that cultivating wholesome mental qualities is essential for spiritual advancement. The positive counterparts to the three unwholesome states are non-greed (alobha), non-hatred (adosa), and non-delusion (amoha). These virtues represent not merely the absence of negativity but also the active presence of beneficial qualities such as generosity (dana), loving kindness (metta), and wisdom (panna). Each of these six mental states serves as a foundation for both personal growth and societal harmony.
Human beings are often tempted by moral transgressions rooted in unwholesome qualities. Actions driven by greed, hatred and ignorance require wisdom and mindful awareness to overcome them, allowing us to see the interconnectedness of all beings and act accordingly.
As we strive to abandon these unwholesome states of mind and cultivate awareness, we contribute positively to our lives and the broader world. By embracing Buddhist teachings, we learn that transforming our minds can significantly impact our experiences and the lives of those around us. Through this mindful practice, we can aspire to create a more compassionate, harmonious existence, transcending the limitations of unwholesome mental states and fostering a deeper connection with ourselves and others.
by Dr. Chandradasa Nanayakkara
Features
How does the Buddha differ?
Buddhism, perhaps, is not a religion if the definition of religion is strictly applied. However, by an extension of that definition, as well as by consensus, Buddhism is considered a religion and is the fourth largest religion with about half a billion followers worldwide. Of the four great religions in the world, Christianity is still way ahead with 2.6 billion adherents, followed by Islam with 1.9 billion and Hinduism with 1.2 billion followers. In most Western Christian countries church attendances are on the decline whilst the numbers following Islam are increasing with Islamic youth displaying signs of increasing religious ardour. There are recent reports that Buddhism has also joined the ranks of shrinking religions. Is this cause for concern? Is this happening by the very nature of Buddhism?
Hinduism, the world’s oldest living religion rooted in the Indus Valley Civilization and dating back at least four millennia, is considered to have evolved from ancient cultural and religious practices than being founded by a single individual, unlike the other three religions. The Buddha differs from Jesus Christ and Prophet Mohammed in many ways, the most important being that there is no higher power involved in what the Buddha discovered.
Jesus Christ is considered the ‘Son of God’ and Christianity is built on the life, resurrection and teachings of Christ with emphasis on the belief in one God expressed through the Trinity: God the Father, Jesus the Son and the Holy Spirit. Therefore, there is no room for questioning the words of the Almighty passed through the Son.
Islam, with its Five Pillars of faith, frequent daily prayers, charity, fasting during Ramadan and pilgrimage to Mecca, is founded on revelations made by Almighty God, Allah, to Mohammed, the last of his Prophets, which are recorded in verse in the Holy Book, Quran. Muslims consider the Quran to be verbatim words of God and the unaltered, final revelation. This leaves even less room for questioning.
In contrast, the Buddha achieved everything by himself with no help from any higher source. Rebelling against some of the practices in the religion to which he was born and seeking a solution to the ever-pervading sense of dissatisfaction, Prince Siddhartha embarked on a journey of discovery that culminated in Enlightenment, under the Bodhi tree on the full moon day of the month of Vesak.
Hinduism, or Sanatana Dharma as traditionally referred to by followers, encompasses the concepts of Karma, Samsara, Moksha and Dharma with a creator Brahma, preserver Vishnu and destroyer Shiva. In addition, there are multitudes of gods serving various functions and there are ritual practices of Puja (worship), Bhakti (devotion), Yajna (sacrificial rites) in addition to meditation and Yoga. The one thing that has blighted Hinduism, on top of sacrifices, is the caste system. The uncompromising attitude of Brahmins led to the formation Sikhism as well, long after the establishment of Buddhism.
Prince Siddhartha studied under eminent teachers of the day, of which there were many, but realised the limitations of their knowledge. Having already given up the extreme of luxury, he went to the other extreme of self-deprivation which after a search for six years, he realised also was not the solution to the problem. Exploring through his mind he realised the truth and came up with the Four Noble Truths and the Noble Eightfold Path. He shunned extremes and proposed the Middle Path which seems to hold sway in many spheres of life, even today.
Buddha’s greatest achievement was the analysis of the mind and scientists are only now establishing the accuracy of the concepts the Buddha elucidated, not with the help of supernatural powers or sophisticated machinery at the disposal of modern-day scientists but by the exploration of the mind by turning the searchlight inwards.
Having discovered the cause of universal dissatisfaction and the path to overcome it, the Buddha walked across vast swathes of India, most likely barefoot, preaching to many, in terms they could understand, as evidenced by the different suttas illustrating the same fact in different ways; to the intelligent it was a short explanation but for others it was a more detailed discussion.
In sharp contrast to all other religious leaders, the Buddha encouraged discussion and challenge before acceptance. What the Buddha stated in the Kalama Sutta, acceptance only after conviction, laid the foundation for scientific thinking.
The Buddha, being a human not supernatural, never claimed infallibility as evidenced by his agreement with his father King Suddhodana that ordaining his son Rahula without permission was a mistake and took steps to ensure that this did not happen again. In fact, the entire Vinaya Pitaka is not an arbitrary rule book laid down by the Buddha, but are the rules the Buddha laid down for the Sangha, based on errant actions by Bhikkhus. Long before the legal concept of retroactive justice was established, the Buddha implemented it in the Vinaya Pitaka.
In an interesting video on YouTube titled “Nature of Buddhism”, Bhante Dhammika of Australia (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KY8WfGJq2FI) discusses some unique aspects of Buddhism. Some religions are ‘high demand’ religions where the followers are required to strictly adhere to certain rules which is not the case in Buddhism and he opines that this has led to the gentleness of Buddhists, at times leading to even being lackadaisical! Interestingly, as a widely travelled person, he describes his personal experience of the change of people’s attitudes on going from places with Buddhist influence to others. Speaking of Sri Lanka, where he spent many years, he commends the traditional hospitality as well as lack of cruelty to animals. He refers to “Law based religions” where some things are compulsory whereas in Buddhism there is no compulsion. Buddha was not a lawgiver but recommended good behaviour, giving reasons why and encouraged thinking. Some religions are exclusivist, claiming that there is nothing in other religions. Buddhism is not and Bhante Dhammika refers to an incident where the Buddha encouraged a disciple who converted from Jainism to continue to give alms to his former Jain colleagues.
Have all these strengths of Buddhism become its weakness and the reason for the shrinking number of followers? Had Buddhism demanded more from followers would it have flourished better? Is the numbers game that important? These are interesting questions to ponder over and I am sure, in time, researchers would write theses on these.
Whilst total numbers may diminish in traditional Buddhist areas, more people in the West are recognising the value of the philosophy of Buddhism. Mindfulness, a concept the Buddha introduced is gaining wide acceptance and is increasingly applied in many spheres of modern life. Perhaps, what is important is not the numbers that practise Buddhism as a religion but the lasting influence of the Buddha’s concepts and foundations he laid for modern scientific thinking and analysis of the mind!
By Dr Upul Wijayawardhana
Features
Political violence stalking Trump administration
It would not be particularly revelatory to say that the US is plagued by ‘gun violence’. It is a deeply entrenched and widespread malaise that has come in tandem with the relative ease with which firearms could be acquired and owned by sections of the US public, besides other causes.
However, a third apparent attempt on the life of US President Donald Trump in around two and a half years is both thought-provoking and unsettling for the defenders of democracy. After all, whatever its short comings the US remains the world’s most vibrant democracy and in fact the ‘mightiest’ one. And the US must remain a foremost democracy for the purpose of balancing and offsetting the growing power of authoritarian states in the global power system, who are no friends of genuine representational governance.
Therefore, the recent breaching of the security cordon surrounding the White House Correspondents’ Dinner in Washington at which President Trump and his inner Cabinet were present, by an apparently ‘Lone Wolf’ gunman, besides raising issues relating to the reliability of the security measures deployed for the President, indicates a notable spike in anti-VVIP political violence in particular in the US. It is a pointer to a strong and widespread emergence of anti-democratic forces which seem to be gaining in virulence and destructiveness.
The issues raised by the attack are in the main for the US’ political Right and its supporters. They have smugly and complacently stood by while the extremists in their midst have taken centre stage and begun to dictate the course of Right wing politics. It is the political culture bred by them that leads to ‘Lone Wolf’ gunmen, for instance, who see themselves as being repressed or victimized, taking the law into their own hands, so to speak, and perpetrating ‘revenge attacks’ on the state and society.
A disproportionate degree of attention has been paid particularly internationally to Donald Trump’s personality and his eccentricities but such political persons cannot be divorced from the political culture in which they originate and have their being. That is, “structural” questions matter. Put simply, Donald Trump is a ‘true son’ of the Far Right, his principal support base. The issues raised are therefore for the President as well as his supporters of the Right.
We are obliged to respect the choices of the voting public but in the case of Trump’s election to the highest public position in the US, this columnist is inclined to see in those sections that voted for Trump blind followers of the latter who cared not for their candidate’s suitability, in every relevant respect, and therefore acted irrationally. It would seem that the Right in the US wanted their candidate to win by ‘hook or by crook’ and exercise power on their behalf.
By making the above observations this columnist does not intend to imply that voting publics everywhere in the world of democracy cast their vote sensibly. In the case of Sri Lanka, for example, the question could be raised whether the voters of the country used their vote sensibly when voting into office the majority of Executive Presidents and other persons holding high public office. The obvious answer is ‘no’ and this should lead to a wider public discussion on the dire need for thoroughgoing voter education. The issue is a ‘huge’ one that needs to be addressed in the appropriate forums and is beyond the scope of this column.
Looking back it could be said that the actions of Trump and his die-hard support base led to the Rule of Law in the US being undermined as perhaps never before in modern times. A shaming moment in this connection was the protest march, virtually motivated by Trump, of his supporters to the US Capitol on January 6th, 2021, with the aim of scuttling the presidential poll result of that year. Much violence and unruly behaviour, as known, was let loose. This amounted to denigrating the democratic process and encouraging the violent take over of the state.
In a public address, prior to the unruly conduct of his supporters, Trump is on record as blaring forth the following: ‘We won this election and we won by a landslide’, ‘We will stop the steal’, ‘We will never give up. We will never concede. It doesn’t happen’, ‘If you don’t fight like hell, you’re not going to have a country anymore.’
It is plain to see that such inflammatory utterances could lead impressionable minds in particular to revolt violently. Besides, they should have led the more rationally inclined to wonder whether their candidate was the most suitable person to hold the office of President.
Unfortunately, the latter process was not to be and the question could be raised whether the US is in the ‘safest pair of hands’. Needless to say, as events have revealed, Donald Trump is proving to be one of the most erratic heads of state the US has ever had.
However, the latest attempt on the life of President Trump suggests that considerable damage has been done to the democratic integrity of the US and none other than the President himself has to take on himself a considerable proportion of the blame for such degeneration, besides the US’ Far Right. They could be said to be ‘reaping the whirlwind.’
It is a time for soul-searching by the US Right. The political Right has the right to exist, so the speak, in a functional democracy but it needs to take cognizance of how its political culture is affecting the democratic integrity or health of the US. Ironically, the repressive and chauvinistic politics advocated by it is having the effect of activating counter-violence of the most murderous kind, as was witnessed at the White House Correspondents’ Dinner. Continued repressive politics could only produce more such incidents that could be self-defeating for the US.
Some past US Presidents were assassinated but the present political violence in the country brings into focus as perhaps never before the role that an anti-democratic political culture could play in unraveling the gains that the US has made over the decades. A duty is cast on pro-democracy forces to work collectively towards protecting the democratic integrity and strength of the US.
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