Features
Why South Asia should embrace climate migration
By By Mahika Khosla
When discussing the human security impacts of climate change, climate-induced migration is often viewed as a distant and intangible concern. Despite widespread consensus on “loss and damage” at COP27 in Egypt last November, climate migration in developing countries was barely mentioned. However, the reality is that climate migration is already occurring at an unimaginable scale.
The World Bank estimates that South Asia will face a crisis of 50 million climate refugees each year by 2050, resulting from both short-term natural disasters like floods and cyclones and slow-onset environmental changes such as sea-level rise, soil degradation, and desertification.
Experts suggest that climate migration is a “threat multiplier” that will result in the overcrowding of cities, conflict over land and resources, and regional instability. In other words, climate migration is viewed as a dire negative outcome of climate change, and a crisis that must be managed and minimized. However, this framing does not reflect ground realities, and migration has been a viable adaptive strategy to changing environmental conditions for decades. Nomadic pastoralism in the Himalayan-Kush region, seasonal fishing in Maldives, and circular rural-urban migration in Bangladesh are just a few examples of migration as climate adaptation in South Asia.
Migration can be an effective and sustainable climate adaptation mechanism in South Asia if supported by the necessary institutional and policy frameworks. In the face of changing environmental and resulting economic and security concerns, governments should not only facilitate safe and orderly migration where local adaptation is no longer feasible, but also incorporate migration as a climate adaptation strategy into their development agendas.
The idea of climate adaptation is becoming increasingly important as a framework to address climate change, with funding for such programs at more than $2.34 billion annually. Climate adaptation refers to the need for societies and economies to adapt to the consequences of climate change at a structural level. Making coastal cities resilient to flooding, building roads that can withstand higher temperatures, and finding salinity-resistant crops are some examples.
Three decades of literature on climate adaptation has framed migration as a last-resort response to the failure of communities to adapt to climate consequences. Multilateral institutions and development agencies view migration as a failure of the development agenda rather than a structural condition of a globalized world. In reality, mobility has always been a viable adaptation strategy for people to respond to external market shocks, conflict, and environmental changes.
In South Asia, migration is a vital rural livelihood strategy for diversifying risk, bringing in additional income, transferring knowledge and technology through remittances, creating social networks across regions, and providing better livelihood opportunities in the face of the slow-onset impacts of climate change. Therefore, a shift in the discourse from “migration as last resort” to “migration as opportunity” could be an effective policy strategy that is more reflective of ground realities.
Recent research also suggests that while reducing climate migration is necessary, governments should not encourage people to remain in deteriorating environments where their health may be affected by slow-onset climate consequences such as saltwater intrusion in drinking water and the increase of air- and water-borne diseases in warming environments. While inducing people to stay in their homes may serve urban planning and policy interests in the short-term, policymakers should find long-term sustainable solutions when in situ adaptation is no longer feasible, such as facilitating livelihood diversification strategies or planned relocation.
The World Bank estimates that 40 percent of India’s rural population will migrate to urban centers to escape climate impacts in the next 13 years. In Bangladesh, 22 percent of households affected by tidal surges have already moved to cities like Dhaka and Chittagong, which are faced with crises of overpopulation. Without the institutional frameworks to facilitate safe and orderly migration, communities impacted by climate change will move to already-overpopulated urban centers with poor basic services, or remain in hazardous environments for fear of losing social security. While there have been some policy efforts in South Asia, there has to be more planning in the pre-migration stage for effective and humane implementation.
Governments should identify in-migration hotspots, regions that are less susceptible to the impacts of climate change and that have more diverse livelihood opportunities. These regions will include the cooler Southern Indian highlands around Bangalore and Chennai and parts of the Ganga River Basin in western Bangladesh. Particularly, governments should direct resources to secondary cities and peri-urban areas, creating employment opportunities and infrastructure to attract migrants and avoid overcrowding within slums in major cities like Dhaka. The development of climate-resilient secondary cities could also be an opportunity to diversify South Asian economies and bridge the vast rural-urban divide.
Such towns are already being built in parts of South Asia. The town of Mongla in southwestern Bangladesh, about 50 kilometers inland from the Bay of Bengal, is a prime example and success story of an in-migration hotspot. An important seaport and a special economic zone, Mongla has developed several climate-resilient factories and is now being hailed as a safe haven for climate refugees from the Sundarban villages. There are now plans to build over 20 other satellite towns near economic hubs in Bangladesh, following the Mongla model. Other South Asian countries like India and Pakistan can adopt similar models for the development of secondary, climate-resilient, and migrant-friendly towns to decongest urban centers and create alternative opportunities.
Simultaneously, governments should identify climate hotspots in South Asia from where out-migration may be high. These may include the deltaic regions of the Sundarbans, coastal towns and cities like Mumbai, the semi-arid plains of Pakistan, the rice-growing areas of northeast Bangladesh, and the northern Indo-Gangetic plains between Delhi and Lahore. Governments and multilateral agencies should provide information and financial literacy programs to communities in affected regions for people to make informed adaptation decisions.
Schemes in out-migration hotspots to build professional skills in sectors beyond agriculture, horticulture, fishery, and animal husbandry will also help people effectively adapt. In this way, adequate preparation and state support will facilitate migration not just to the most convenient locations but to the most environmentally, socially, and economically appropriate ones that will benefit both migrants and host economies.
Seasonal and labor migration has been a common livelihood strategy for people in agro-based economies to find alternative sources of income in urban centers during the dry season. These patterns will be exacerbated by water scarcity and disrupted by changing seasonal patterns due to climate change. Furthermore, the COVID-19 pandemic revealed the inadequacies of the informal economy and of service accessibility for migrant workers in India.
An effective climate adaptation strategy could be to streamline and formalize seasonal labor migration for the inclusion of climate migrants in social protection schemes. This could be done by creating registration and enumeration systems for internal migrants and their informal settlements, making service delivery systems and social welfare schemes portable, and ensuring the availability of temporary employment and housing opportunities in in-migration hotspots.
Financial, technological, and informational remittances bolster local economies, contribute to building climate-resilient homes, and diversify household income in the case of environmental disasters. Internal remittances in India, for instance, come from over 100 million internal migrants each year and add up to an amount eight times larger than the government of India’s healthcare and education budgets combined. Governments should streamline the transfer of remittances by creating quicker, low-cost, and more secure channels on the sending end and supporting financial literacy programs on the receiving end, thereby securing migration as a financially secure and sustainable adaptation strategy.
Migration as climate adaptation recognizes that migrants are active social agents responding to changing environmental conditions rather than victims of external structures lacking agency. However, reframing migration as an adaptive mechanism requires a fundamental restructuring of existing urban development and economic frameworks. There is a lack of political will in South Asia to decentralize jobs away from urban centers at the federal level and a plethora of bureaucratic and administrative obstacles to implementation at the local level. Looking ahead, there must also be active coordination between national and state governments, multilateral institutions, and local NGOs on formulating and implementing a strategy to facilitate migration as climate adaptation, and the integration of migration into all facets of climate policy in South Asia. (The Diplomat)
Mahika Khosla is a junior fellow at the Stimson Center’s South Asia Program.
Features
From stabilisation to transformation without delay
At a symposium on reconciliation organised by the National Peace Council last week, more than 250 religious clergy, civic activists and political representatives from different communities gathered to discuss the country’s future. Speaking at the event, Minister Bimal Rathnayake explained the government’s approach to national reconciliation. He said the government viewed the country’s recovery in terms of a three stage process. The first stage was stabilisation, the second was development and the third was transformation. Reconciliation, he implied, would come in that final stage. The participation of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa at the same symposium, and the constructive nature of his comments, strengthens that hope.
When the present NPP government took office in 2024, the country was emerging from one of the gravest crises in its post Independence history. The economic collapse of 2022 had led to shortages of fuel, food, medicines and electricity. Inflation soared, foreign reserves disappeared and long queues became part of daily life. The political upheaval that followed culminated in the resignation of former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa after mass public protests under the banner of the Aragalaya movement. The country was then governed by a leadership that spoke the language of reform and reconciliation but was widely perceived as lacking a direct popular mandate.
Sri Lanka’s past experience suggests that stabilisation and transformation cannot be treated as entirely separate stages. Postponing reconciliation until some future moment risks repeating the failures of the past. If transformation is endlessly delayed until a supposedly perfect moment arrives, there will always be new crises and new reasons for postponement. Minister Rathnayake’s contention that the government’s immediate priority has necessarily been stabilisation flows from the government’s awareness of the precarious situation the country is. Over the past two years, the government has succeeded to a significant extent in restoring economic and political stability. Inflation has reduced, shortages have ended and public institutions have regained a degree of functionality.
Guaranteed Changes
On the other hand, the country’s development continues to face challenges due to adverse global conditions, including disruptions caused by conflict in the Middle East and extreme weather events that have affected tourism, trade and the cost of living. The danger is that reconciliation may be indefinitely postponed in the name of stabilisation. This danger can be reduced if the government works proactively with the opposition and civil society to commence practical measures of transformation now rather than later. The participation of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa at the symposium, and the constructive nature of his comments, has strengthened the sense that bipartisan engagement on reconciliation may now be possible.
The urgency of transformation came through strongly in the presentations made by representatives of the Sri Lanka Tamil and Malaiyaha Tamil communities. ITAK parliamentarian S.Shritharan spoke of the frustration caused by unresolved post war issues in the north and east. He referred to disputes regarding land occupied during the war years, including controversies linked to Buddhist temples and state sponsored settlement activity in areas claimed by local communities. He also pointed to the continuing large scale presence of the security forces in the north and east nearly two decades after the end of the war. These grievances have remained central to Tamil political discourse since the end of the armed conflict in 2009. Families displaced by war continue to seek the return of ancestral lands. Civil society organisations in the north have repeatedly called for greater civilian control over local administration and a reduction in military involvement in civilian life.
Academic research and practical work on the ground have shown that reconciliation cannot be separated from questions of dignity, equality and justice. Former minister Mano Ganesan, leader of the Democratic People’s Front, focused on the longstanding problems faced by the Malaiyaha Tamil community. He spoke passionately about continuing housing shortages, landlessness and economic marginalisation, issues that have persisted since Independence. He also highlighted the devastating impact of recent extreme weather events on estate communities that remain socially and economically vulnerable. The condition of the Malaiyaha Tamil community remains one of the enduring social justice issues in Sri Lanka.
After Independence in 1948, a large proportion of them were denied citizenship and voting rights through legislation that rendered them stateless. Though citizenship rights were eventually restored, the social and economic consequences of exclusion continue to be felt generations later.
Many families still lack secure housing and land ownership despite their immense contribution to the country’s plantation economy. Minister Rathnayake’s responses to both these concerns were politically significant. He argued that recent political developments, including the declining influence of narrow ethnic politics across communities, indicated a major shift in public attitudes. According to him, the political ground has changed in ways that make it increasingly difficult for politicians who rely primarily on ethnic division and communal insecurity to retain public support.
Inter-Connected
There is evidence to support the assessment about the changing political grounding which sees future prospects in the resolution of long standing problems. . The economic collapse of 2022 affected all communities alike and generated a new politics centred on governance, anti corruption, accountability and economic justice. The Aragalaya protests brought together Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims in a common demand for political change. Although ethnic grievances have not disappeared, the crisis created space for a broader understanding that the country’s future depends on cooperation rather than division. Opposition Leader Premadasa’s comments at the symposium reflected this changing political climate. He emphasised that national reconciliation could not be separated from economic justice and the need to address disparities between regions and social classes.v He also mentioned the need for civil society organisations to take this message to the community. This wider understanding of reconciliation is important because ethnic inequality and economic inequality have often reinforced each other in Sri Lanka’s history.
Academic studies have identified the denial of citizenship rights after Independence as a historic injustice that set back the Malaiyaha community for decades. The challenge now is to ensure that transformation becomes part of the stabilisation and development process itself. Practical first steps are both possible and necessary. The release of civilian lands still under state control, greater devolution of administrative authority, reduction of military involvement in civilian affairs, language equality in public administration and accelerated housing and land ownership programmes in the plantation sector are all measures that can begin immediately without waiting for a final stage of transformation.
The government’s recent commitment that provincial council elections will finally be held this year is therefore significant. These elections have been repeatedly postponed by successive governments. Holding them would not solve the ethnic conflict by itself. But it would signal a willingness to restore democratic institutions and share power in a meaningful way.
Sri Lanka has repeatedly postponed difficult reforms in the hope that a more convenient political moment would eventually arrive. But opportunities are invariably created and fought for instead of being provided as a gift by a benevolent government.
The present moment, shaped by the economic crisis and public demand for accountable government, offers a rare opportunity to move simultaneously towards stability, development and reconciliation. Provincial council elections can be the first meaningful step. But they must not be the last.
by Jehan Perera
Features
Researchers to shape new environmental policy framework
In a significant move aimed at steering Sri Lanka’s environmental governance towards a more science-based and evidence-driven path, the Ministry of Environment has initiated a new collaborative mechanism to integrate leading researchers into national policy formulation and conservation planning.
The initiative was discussed at a high-level meeting chaired by Dr. Dammika Patabendi at the Ministry of Environment on Tuesday, where top environmental scientists, wildlife experts and researchers were invited to contribute towards what officials described as a “strategic transition” in the country’s environmental management framework.
The discussions focused on strengthening the scientific basis of environmental conservation programmes and national policy decisions while creating a more research-friendly environment for academics and field scientists engaged in biodiversity and ecological studies.
Particular attention was paid to long-standing concerns raised by researchers regarding procedural and operational difficulties encountered when conducting studies in collaboration with the Department of Wildlife Conservation and the Forest Department.
Minister Patabendi stressed the need for environmental policies to be guided by credible scientific data rather than ad hoc administrative decisions, ministry sources said.
Among the key proposals discussed was the establishment of a streamlined mechanism that would reduce bureaucratic obstacles faced by researchers in obtaining approvals, accessing field sites and sharing scientific findings with state institutions.
The Minister highlighted the importance of building stronger partnerships between policymakers and the scientific community at a time when Sri Lanka is grappling with escalating environmental challenges including deforestation, biodiversity loss, human-elephant conflict, climate-related disasters and ecosystem degradation.
Environmentalists attending the meeting had also highlighted the urgent necessity of incorporating empirical research into national decision-making processes to ensure long-term ecological sustainability and better resource management.
The meeting brought together several of Sri Lanka’s leading environmental researchers and academics including Rohan Pethiyagoda, Saminda Fernando, Sewwandi Jayakody, Samantha Gunasekara, Dinidu Devapura, Himesh Jayasinghe, Manoj Prasanna, Mendis Wickramasinghe and Suranjan Karunarathna.
Director General of Wildlife Conservation Ranjan Marasinghe also participated in the deliberations.
Officials said the proposed framework is expected to pave the way for a more transparent, data-oriented and scientifically credible environmental governance structure capable of addressing emerging conservation challenges more effectively.
The government expects the new mechanism to support the implementation of practical and scientifically robust programmes aimed at safeguarding Sri Lanka’s ecological future while enhancing cooperation between state agencies and the country’s growing community of environmental researchers.
By Ifham Nizam
Features
Back home … for a special occasion
Niluk Uswaththa, of Seven Notes fame, based in Dubai, surprised many when he and his wife Apeksha, turned up in Colombo, last week … unannounced.
Yes, they had a purpose in their surprise visit … to wish Apeksha’s mum for her birthday, which was on Monday, 18th May, and what a surprise it turned out to be!
In an exclusive chit-chat with The Island, Niluk said that the scene in Dubai is improving and Seven Notes do have work coming their way.
Since the members of Seven Notes are all employed (doing day jobs), they operate only on Saturdays and Sundays.

Niluk: Didn’t come prepared to perform, but obliged
friends in Galle
In fact, to get to Colombo for the birthday surprise (on Monday, 18th May), the band had to skip their 17th May, Sunday gig.
“Although it’s a short vacation, my wife and I are enjoying the setup here,” said Niluk, adding that they spent two days in Galle and that their next destination is Anuradhapura.”
Niluk didn’t come prepared to perform, but he obliged the crowd present, at a friend’s birthday celebrations, in Galle, singing and playing guitar.
They are scheduled to leave for their home, in Dubai, in the first week of June.
Seven Notes is an outfit made up of Sri Lankans and the band has been around for almost nine years.
Niluk came into their scene nearly seven years ago.
“When I went to Dubai, I had offers coming my way but it was Seven Notes that impressed me because of their acoustic style.”
The Dubai’s entertainment scene is showing clear signs of bouncing back and even levelling up in the next few months.

Niluk and Apeksha: Enjoying their short vacation
After a slowdown earlier this year due to regional tensions, shows and festivals are back on the calendar, and organisers say late 2026 could be the busiest concert season in years.
Time Out Dubai says “the 2026 concert calendar is filling up nicely” and “the city is ready to party once again” after some reschedules.
Dubai Summer Surprises in July brings retail activations, comedy nights, and indoor art exhibitions.
Organisers point to a backlog of postponed events that are being rescheduled for late 2026 and early 2027.
Yes, Dubai is calm on the surface but on alert. Life is mostly normal in the city, but there’s a “balancing act” as people watch for escalation.
-
Features7 days agoOctopus, Leech, and Snake: How Sri Lanka’s banks feast while the nation starves
-
Sports7 days agoSri Lanka women’s volleyball team ready for Central Asian challenge
-
Opinion6 days agoMurder of Ehelepola family, Bogambara Wewa and Sightings of Wangediya
-
Business5 days agoHistoric launch of CCWE Fashion Week & International Summit 2026
-
News6 days agoSteps underway to safeguard Sri Lanka’s maritime heritage
-
News2 days agoPolice probe underway to ascertain links between criminals deported from UAE and local politicians
-
Features3 days agoThe NPP’s pivot to the past
-
Editorial6 days agoA play without its protagonist
