Opinion
Why Harsha should have been Opposition Leader
by Chethana Ranathunga and
Yasu-e Karunaratne Edussuriya
A coalition that previously held only three parliamentary seats has achieved a sweeping victory in Sri Lanka’s recent parliamentary elections. The JVP-led NPP coalition now has a two-thirds parliamentary majority. This political shift positions the leftist alliance to implement widespread policy changes, potentially offering the stability that many Sri Lankans have long been yearning for. Yet, Sri Lanka now stands at a critical juncture where the presence of a strong opposition is not merely desirable; it is absolutely essential!
Regardless of which party holds power, unchecked authority poses inherent risks. A vigilant opposition that maintains checks and balances is fundamental. An effective opposition serves to expose legislative loopholes, identify critical areas of concern, and provide a vital check on the majority’s power. As a driving force with 159 seats, the NPP government will steer policy and reform, but to govern effectively, they must have a strong yin to their yang.
An opposition is only as effective as the leadership that guides it. Sri Lanka has a history of opposition parties that have resisted policies and reforms simply for the sake of opposition. Is this the political culture and path we wish to continue? An effective opposition leader holds the government accountable, challenging proposed legislation to protect the interests of the people rather than the party. Such a leader acts as a bridge, channelling public concerns into meaningful political discourse and refining legislative measures to benefit the nation as a whole. Sri Lanka’s democratic future depends not solely on the strength of the ruling coalition but on an empowered opposition ready to engage, challenge, and elevate governance.
On 21 November 2024, Sajith Premadasa was appointed the leader of the opposition. While his political prominence cannot be denied, the question is whether he is the most qualified person for the role? In contrast, de Silva stands out as a compelling alternative for opposition leadership.
Throughout his tenure in Parliament, Dr. de Silva has consistently been a voice of reason, advocating for economic stability, fiscal responsibility, and transparent governance. His contributions to major legislative reforms demonstrate a commitment to policies that prioritise national welfare over partisan gain. His engagement with international bodies, including the International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, and the Asian Development Bank has showcased his ability to navigate complex economic challenges with strategic foresight.
While Premadasa remains a prominent figure, securing 145,611 preferential votes in the most recent elections—more than Dr. de Silva’s 81,473—voter dynamics reveal deeper trends. Unlike many of his colleagues, Dr. de Silva achieved a remarkable 17.72% increase in preferential percentage gain, signalling growing public support. This contrast becomes more striking when considering that many in the SJB.
experienced declines in voter preference, including Premadasa himself, who saw a 9.05% drop.
The data points to a shift in voter sentiment and highlights Dr. de Silva’s appeal as a leader who resonates with evolving public expectations. His ability to secure increased support, even in challenging political climates, displays his potential to lead a strengthened, purpose-driven opposition.
Dr. de Silva also has an impressive academic and career background. He is a highly respected economist and has built a career that spans both the private and public sectors. Educated at Royal College Colombo, Dr. de Silva earned his BS in Business Management from Truman State University in 1988 before completing his MA and PhD in Economics at the University of Missouri in 1993. He also furthered his expertise in social programme evaluation through an executive programme at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 2006, as part of the prestigious Eisenhower Fellowship.
Dr. de Silva’s career in economics is distinguished by his tenure at DFCC Bank, where he served as Chief Economist and Treasurer, and his role as a co-founder and Joint Managing Director of The Nielsen Company. His rich experience in both banking and market research has given him a nuanced understanding of economic systems, making him a key figure in shaping policy decisions.
Though Dr de Silva is in the opposition, he has emphasised his commitment to supporting policies that benefit the country, regardless of political affiliation. He has made it clear that his role is not to oppose for the sake of opposition but to contribute constructively to national growth. His leadership approach focuses on ensuring that policies are in the best interest of the people of Sri Lanka.
Further, Dr. de Silva’s economic blueprint for Sri Lanka, which has been updated through three distinct editions, stands as a comprehensive and strategic plan for the country’s growth and development. Each iteration has built upon the last, adapting to the evolving challenges and opportunities facing the nation. The blueprint focuses on key areas such as economic diversification, fiscal discipline, social welfare, and enhancing Sri Lanka’s global competitiveness. His plan offers concrete solutions for boosting sustainable growth, tackling inequality, and ensuring that the benefits of economic progress reach all segments of society.
Dr. de Silva’s constructive approach to governance highlights why he is the ideal candidate to lead the opposition in Sri Lanka. While he holds a position in the opposition, he has consistently supported and actively contributed to positive government policies that promote the country’s long-term stability and development. Notably, Dr. de Silva backed crucial reforms like the Central Bank Act of 2023, which strengthened the independence of the Central Bank by removing the Finance Secretary from its board, as well as the Public Finance Management Act, the Public Debt Management Act, and the Parliamentary Budget Office Act. When the opposition leader Premadasa considered opposing key bills like the Central Bank Act, Dr. de Silva successfully persuaded them to abstain, recognising the vital importance of these reforms for the country’s stability. His support has gone beyond mere endorsement; as Chairman of the Committee on Public Finance (COPF), he has worked alongside the government to refine and improve these laws, offering valuable suggestions to make them even more effective.
Dr. de Silva has also demonstrated foresight in addressing pressing issues such as the fertiliser crisis. Recognising the problem early on, he raised alarms in COPF regarding the government’s decision to lift the ban on chemical fertiliser imports, questioning the potential implications of such a move. His proactive stance in highlighting potential risks, even when it involved challenging government policies, showcases his commitment to the country’s well-being over political rivalry
Dr. de Silva’s leadership as Chairman of the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) has not only demonstrated his exceptional ability as a “doer,” but also highlighted his success in building consensus and driving meaningful reforms across political divides. Under his guidance, COPF has tackled a range of critical issues with determination and a commitment to transparency and accountability. One of the most significant achievements of COPF during his tenure was the investigation into the irregularities surrounding Sri Lanka’s visa outsourcing contract. The decision to bypass competitive bidding, which led to a sharp increase in visa fees from USD 1 to USD 25, was uncovered by COPF. This raised serious concerns over the government’s failure to protect public funds and ensure the best value for money. Dr. de Silva’s insistence on thorough scrutiny ultimately led to a Supreme Court ruling in August 2024, which suspended the controversial contract and restored the previous, more affordable visa system managed by Mobitel.
Another pivotal moment under Dr. de Silva’s leadership was his intervention to reduce milk powder prices. Recognising the undue financial burden placed on Sri Lankans due to high taxes on imported milk, Dr. de Silva pointed out the discrepancy in the government’s handling of local and imported milk powder tariffs. His advocacy for revisiting the tax structure resulted in an overnight reduction in milk prices nationwide, directly benefiting consumers.
Dr. de Silva’s commitment to social issues was also evident in his leadership on alleviating period poverty. Following discussions with civil society organisations post-Budget 2024, Dr. de Silva championed a proposal to provide free sanitary napkins to schoolgirls. His initiative led to the allocation of underutilised funds from the Ministry of Education to create a voucher system, benefiting 800,000 schoolgirls across the country.
These milestones, from exposing visa system corruption to driving significant social change and tackling economic inefficiencies, emphasise his effectiveness in promoting good governance. His work within COPF has not only saved public funds but also ensured that government policies are scrutinised for their impact on the people. His leadership in COPF is a clear demonstration of why he is the right choice to lead the opposition, advocating for a government that serves the people with integrity and transparency.
Outside his work in the Committee on Public Finance, Dr. Harsha De Silva has been instrumental in shaping one of Sri Lanka’s most impactful public health initiatives: the Suwa Seriya Ambulance Service. Established in 2016 following a proposal by Dr. de Silva, Suwa Seriya addresses a critical gap in the country’s healthcare system and has been recognised by the World Bank as one of the world’s most efficient public services. Prior to this initiative,
Sri Lanka lacked an organised ambulance service capable of responding to urgent medical emergencies, especially in rural areas.
Dr. de Silva’s leadership and accomplishments clearly demonstrate that he was the ideal candidate to lead Sri Lanka’s opposition. His record of driving critical reforms as Chairman of the Committee on Public Finance and his instrumental role in establishing the Suwa Seriya Ambulance Service highlight his ability to turn vision into impactful action. Dr. De Silva’s pragmatic approach, focus on transparency, and commitment to the nation’s long-term development made him the strongest, most qualified individual to hold the opposition’s reins.
At a time when Sri Lanka’s political landscape requires a strong, constructive opposition to maintain democratic checks and balances, Dr. de Silva’s leadership is essential. He has shown time and again that his priority is not partisan politics but the welfare of the people. As Sri Lanka’s ruling coalition embarks on sweeping reforms, Dr. de Silva’s ability to challenge, scrutinise, and improve policies will be vital for ensuring accountability and protecting the interests of the public. The country needs a leader like Dr. de Silva in the opposition—someone who will not only hold the government to account but also actively shape policies for a better, more inclusive Sri Lanka.
Chethana Ranatunga has a B.A. Economics (Specialised in Banking and Finance) from the University of Colombo and is reading for her MPP at the University of Oxford (2024-25). She also worked as an Economist at the Interim Parliamentary Budget Office and the Committee of Public Finance Sri Lanka
Yasu-e Karunaratne is a lawyer and economist with a BBA in Business Economics (Special) from the University of Colombo and LLB (London). She also worked as an Economist at the Interim Parliamentary Budget Office and the Committee of Public Finance Sri Lanka.
Opinion
The eternal pilgrimage of Hajj: A journey through faith, sacrifice and humanity
Every year, the spiritual compass of the Muslim world turns towards the holy city of Makkah, where millions of pilgrims gather for Hajj — one of humanity’s oldest and most profound journeys of faith.
This year, too, the sacred valleys of Saudi Arabia are filled with the echoes of “Labbaik Allahumma Labbaik” — “Here I am, O Allah, here I am” — as Muslims from every continent respond to a divine call that dates back thousands of years to Prophet Ibrahim (Abraham).
Among them are thousands of Sri Lankan pilgrims, dressed in simple white garments, leaving behind worldly status, wealth and identity in pursuit of spiritual purification and closeness to God.
According to Muslim Affairs authorities, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has allocated a Hajj quota of 3,500 pilgrims for Sri Lanka for Hajj 2026, enabling devotees from across the island to undertake the sacred pilgrimage. The annual allocation is determined through agreements between Saudi Arabia and Muslim-majority and minority nations worldwide.
Since early this month at the Bandaranaike International Airport in Katunayake, emotional scenes unfolded as families bade farewell to departing pilgrims with tears, embraces and prayers.
Elderly parents clutched prayer beads, children waved anxiously, while relatives sought blessings from loved ones embarking on the once-in-a-lifetime spiritual journey.
For many Sri Lankan Muslims, performing Hajj is not simply travel — it is the fulfilment of a lifelong dream nurtured through years of prayer, sacrifice and savings.
In villages, towns and cities across Sri Lanka, preparations for Hajj often begin months or even years in advance. Some families save gradually over decades, while elderly pilgrims regard the journey as the culmination of a lifetime of devotion.
Hajj is the fifth pillar of Islam and is obligatory for every financially and physically able Muslim at least once in a lifetime.
Yet the pilgrimage is far more than a religious obligation.
It is a journey deeply rooted in the story of Prophet Ibrahim, known as Abraham in Christianity and Judaism, and revered across the Abrahamic faiths as a towering symbol of faith, obedience and sacrifice.
Islamic tradition recounts how Prophet Ibrahim was commanded by Allah to leave his wife Hajjar and infant son Ismail in the barren desert valley of Makkah. With unwavering faith in God’s wisdom, Ibrahim obeyed.
Left in the scorching desert with little water or food, Hajjar desperately searched for water for her thirsty child, running seven times between the hills of Safa and Marwa.
Her determination, courage and trust in God are immortalised in the rituals of Hajj today.
Pilgrims reenact Hajjar’s desperate search by walking between Safa and Marwa, symbolising perseverance, faith and hope even in moments of despair.
According to Islamic belief, Allah answered Hajjar’s prayers by causing the miraculous Zamzam well to spring forth beneath baby Ismail’s feet — a well that continues to provide water to millions of pilgrims centuries later.
Another defining moment in Ibrahim’s story is commemorated during Hajj and Eid-ul-Adha — the willingness of the Prophet to sacrifice his beloved son in obedience to God’s command.
As Ibrahim prepared to carry out the sacrifice, Allah replaced Ismail with a ram, signifying that faith, sincerity and submission were greater than the act itself.
The symbolic stoning of the devil during Hajj recalls Ibrahim’s rejection of Satan’s temptations that sought to discourage him from obeying God.
Thus, every ritual of Hajj carries profound historical and spiritual meaning.
The pilgrimage is not simply movement through sacred spaces; it is a reenactment of timeless lessons in obedience, sacrifice, patience and devotion.
One of the most remarkable aspects of Hajj is the extraordinary equality it represents.
Pilgrims, regardless of nationality, race, language or social class, wear the same simple white attire, known as Ihram.
Presidents, businessmen, labourers and farmers stand side by side in prayer, under the blazing Arabian sun, erasing worldly distinctions and affirming the Islamic belief that all human beings are equal before God.
Religious scholars often describe Hajj as the world’s greatest annual demonstration of unity and humility.
The spiritual climax of the pilgrimage occurs at the plains of Arafat, where pilgrims spend hours in prayer and repentance seeking divine forgiveness.
Many Muslims believe that a sincerely accepted Hajj cleanses a believer of past sins and marks the beginning of a spiritually renewed life.
Upon returning home, pilgrims are honoured with the title “Hadji” or “Hajji,” a distinction that carries immense respect within Muslim communities, including in Sri Lanka.
Traditionally, a Hadji is viewed as someone who has fulfilled one of Islam’s most sacred obligations and returned with heightened spiritual responsibility.
However, Islamic scholars emphasise that the title is not merely ceremonial.
“The true significance of becoming a Hadji lies in personal transformation,” a Colombo-based Islamic scholar said.
“A pilgrim is expected to return with greater humility, compassion, honesty and social responsibility. Hajj is not about status; it is about becoming a better human being.”
Across Sri Lanka, mosques have been conducting special prayers for pilgrims, while families gather to seek blessings before departure.
The pilgrimage season also creates a unique emotional atmosphere within Muslim communities, where neighbours visit departing pilgrims and homes become centres of prayer and reflection.
Saudi Arabia has introduced extensive arrangements this year to facilitate the pilgrimage, including digital crowd management systems, improved transport networks, upgraded accommodation and enhanced healthcare services.
Sri Lankan diplomats and officials, stationed in Saudi Arabia, have been coordinating closely with Saudi authorities to ensure the welfare and smooth movement of Sri Lankan pilgrims throughout the pilgrimage period.
Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to Saudi Arabia, Ameer Ajwad, recently inspected facilities in Mina, prepared for Sri Lankan pilgrims, and reaffirmed efforts to provide a safe and spiritually fulfilling Hajj experience.
As millions circle the Holy Kaaba in prayer, Hajj continues to stand as one of the most extraordinary gatherings on Earth — a timeless spiritual movement connecting humanity across borders, cultures and generations.
For Sri Lanka’s pilgrims, the sacred journey is not merely a passage to Makkah.
It is a journey into the soul — a return to the eternal lessons of Prophet Ibrahim, Hajjar and Ismail — lessons of sacrifice, endurance, obedience and unwavering faith that continue to inspire humanity centuries later.
By Ifham Nizam
Opinion
Remembrance Day, 19 May 26: Was it traduced?
‘Ferocious in battle, Magnanimous in victory (Col Tim Collins- Brit Army)
Sri Lanka commemorated the 17th anniversary of the end of the 30-year Eelam conflict with a moving War Heroes Remembrance Day ceremony on 19 May 26 at the monument on the Parliament grounds. It was a solemn occasion when the Nation paid tribute to over 29,000 Defence and Police people (women and men) who died in the conflict. Sadly, politics, aberrations and theatrics were also on display.
The gravity of the sacrifices made and consequences of the Eelam war and two Southern terrorist insurgencies (1971 and 1988-9), are felt mostly by those who lost their loved ones in the conflicts as the nation mourns with them. Any hesitation to pay tribute belittle the fallen.
It was regrettable to see that the ceremony was also political. Why were the general public excluded from honouring the fallen? It defies understanding that such actions could take place at an event held sacred by the nation. Is there any other country where citizens are prevented from laying wreaths at a National Remembrance monument?
In the UK, from where this ceremony originates, 10,000 veterans (of an army of 109,000 -just half of Sri Lanka’s) take part in the march past every November. They are selected by their regimental associations from thousands of applications on a first come first served basis. Public access is unrestricted with numbers attending being the only barrier to viewing.
It is shocking that in Sri Lanka while public access is denied (selectively?), ‘invitations’ are given to attend a national Remembrance Day. They were restricted to just three government nominees! Who made this unwise decision and why?
Did the other government cohorts object to being invited? Would they have been embarrassed to come? Is the purpose of this to prevent prominent actors in the victory from receiving overwhelming accolades if they attended? Was there a fear of gate crashing? Perish the thought.
What is the need to make political speeches at an event to honour the nation’s dead? Couldn’t the speeches be made in Parliament or broadcast the day before? Seeing VIPs enjoying a joke at this ceremony hurts.
When laying wreaths at the monument, national customs should be followed by all, as in the past. A traditional low bow with hands clasped humbly, as at funerals, should be the form. In the West the head is bowed. It is unnecessary to imitate Americans by placing one hand over the heart when bowing, as on CNN. Bringing the other hand over the midriff elaborates but is an awkward addition.
The dress for all civilians attending should be similar, respectful and appropriate as for formal events and uniform, matching that of the retired military.
This is the time for the nation to remember and reflect for a moment on the dead in conflict, not only of the Military and Police who sacrificed their lives in thousands doing their duty but also of the innocent civilians who died in tens of thousands. Or, is it that some, other than the NOK, who survived in the North and South, have become hardened to death and do not wish to recall how appalling the losses were? Has death lost its meaning if also not its sting?
During 1988-9, when 60,000 died in 13 months (over 100 a day), a tea planter in Bandarawella was shot dead by Southern terrorists for hoisting the national flag on Independence day.
In the Eelam conflict just one regiment, (regiments are the core and heart of the Army), Gemunu Watch, lost 3,424 KIA and 4,272 WIA. The Imperial British Army after WWII lost 2551 (just over half of the Gemunu Watch number) in war in Korea (1949-51), Falklands (1982), Iraq, Afghanistan (20 years) and 40 years of insurgency in Northern Ireland. (SL Army infantry regiments (SL Light Infantry, Sinha, Gemunu, Gajaba and Vijayba) had about 19,000 of 21,000 of the Army KIA. That is the enormity of the sacrifices made by our indomitable military. Who then struggled to find heroes in the military?
Fisher Weerasuriya from Matara and farmer Vernugopal from Jaffna who never knew each other were brought to a place hundreds of miles from their villages, to blow each other’s brains out. ‘Had they a quarrel? Busy as the devil is, not the smallest. Their political leaders had fallen out; and instead of shooting one another had the cunning to get these blockheads to shoot each other’ (transcribed from ‘Sartor Resartus’ – Carlyle). Do Sri Lankan politicians who stirred the pot not know this when they fervently say they hope to prevent conflict in the future?
Is it correct then to exult that 6,000 troops died in the last phase of the war? Is that an achievement? As FM Montgomery said of the WW1 British Army “Good fighting Generals of the war appeared to have complete disregard for life’.
Reparations are claimed by the winners in wars between nations. After civil conflicts there should be reconciliation. There should be no humiliation. When will commemoration of the dead be national in Sri Lanka? How many from communal minorities attend this ceremony? Every citizen from North to South should be welcomed to attend Remembrance ceremonies in the future. That will hopefully help to sow unity.
The military died without a murmur for their companions so that the nation would survive. Let next year’s commemoration be a truly national event where the focus is on those who died while veterans in large numbers and the next of kin together with the general public, are warmly welcomed.
“If it be life that awaits, I shall live forever unconquered: If Death I shall die at last strong in my pride and free”. – Scottish National Memorial
by Old Soldier
Opinion
Undermining the democratic political framework
Aragalaya betrayed? ‘The treason of the intellectuals’ in the age of populism – Part II
The JVP/NPP conceptualisation of the ‘Jathika punarudaya’ (national renaissance) interpreted the Sri Lankan Renaissance as the aspiration to regain the moment we lost in the global modernisation project, which is believed to have emerged in the twentieth century as a result of the Western European Renaissance and Enlightenment imagination. Jathika punarudaya values modernity as the era of citizens based on a representative democratic model founded on a common social contract. It values human rights, civil rights, and political rights as the core of modernity. It values social interventions based on the values of social justice and collectivism. But is the current government acting on the basis of those renaissance beliefs that they claim to believe in?
This government came to power within the framework of bourgeois parliamentary democracy. However, the opposition alleges that the government is working to limit the right of the opposition to question the government’s actions within that framework, and within Parliament itself. The continued postponement of provincial council elections by the government has been criticized as a delay in the implementation of decentralised political power, especially in provinces inhabited by Tamils and Muslims.
The promise to abolish the executive presidency and restore a parliamentary-based political power structure continues to be postponed. This has drawn attention as a possible way to suppress trade union activities and intimidate political activists through repressive laws such as the Public Security Act and the Emergency Law, which are continuously implemented through the authoritarian use of the power of the executive presidency.
‘Honest party leadership,’ not the institutional system
The JVP, the core political party of the current government, which insists that its members are honest, claims that even if they violate certain rules and regulations in the course of governing, there is nothing wrong with it because it is not done for personal interest but for the common good. This implies that this government does not rely on rules, regulations, and a system of institutions built to last, but rather on the leaders of its own party, the JVP, whose leaders believe themselves to be honest. The system of institutions established on rules and regulations is for the rest of the people.
Attempts to subjugate institutions and public opinion to the government’s opinion
It is apparent that the government wants to implement its pre-designed agenda without any hindrance. To that end, the government is trying to subjugate all institutions and public opinion to its sole opinion. The most striking example of this approach is the government’s attempt to implement, without any genuine public discussion, neoliberal reforms formulated by previous governments regarding national education, which will have a decisive impact on the future of the country. The leadership brags that the proposed education reforms will be implemented as originally designed, regardless of any criticism or objections.
The government sets up committees at the local level claiming to represent the public, but people complain that they exclude anyone who does not conform to their way of thinking.
Freedom of expression
Civil rights activists say the current government’s continued use of the Online Safety Act, which was passed by the previous government despite public opposition, poses a serious threat to freedom of expression. Freedom of expression has been suppressed under the guise of legality. The government has made it a policy to summon and question individuals who criticise the government—even national-level politicians—at the CID. This amounts to intimidating its critics.
The government has not only broken its promises by failing to repeal the existing PTA but is also attempting to pass a new anti-terrorism law that local and international civil rights organizations have unanimously condemned as even more repressive. It has been stated that there is scope for the proposed new law to intensify the current use of anti-terrorism law as a weapon to suppress freedom of expression.
“The Arts Council has become an arts police!”
The latest instance of the government’s attempt to curb freedom of expression that has come under serious public criticism is the detention of four books by a Sri Lankan writer, Theebachelvan, who writes in Tamil, by Sri Lankan Customs when they were brought into the country from India. Later, a statement issued by the Director of Customs said that two of the novels would be released based on recommendations issued by the National Arts Council and the Literary Council, while the other two would not be released based on the recommendations of those boards and the Ministry of Defense.
The statement that “The Arts Council has become an arts police!” sums up the public protest that arose questioning the “legal and moral rights of the members of the Arts Council and the Literary Council who have received political appointments” to “measure and mark the boundaries of freedom of speech and expression at their own discretion” by giving such recommendations and assuming a power that they do not have.
Going beyond this general situation, the serious question that has been raised is: on what basis did Customs consider the views expressed in the two books by Theebachelvan that have been censored to be equivalent to the crime of ‘sedition’ under Section 120 of the Penal Code, which was cited as the reason for the detention? A related question is whether there is a connection between the allegation of sedition and the fact that the writer is a Tamil from Kilinochchi.
The irony here is the intervention of the current government’s Minister of Culture, the heads of the Arts Council under the Ministry of Culture, and its own literary sub-council in deciding this matter, along with the follow-up statements defending the government’s decision made by the same authorities, as well as by writers, artists, intellectuals, and academics who have been holding positions under the current government and those who have not.
There was strong public criticism that these individuals—who were believed to have held radical, liberal views on freedom of expression and ethnic rights before the current government came to power—have been appointed to various positions under the current government and now approve its repressive decisions in the name of ethnic reconciliation.
The following sentiments extracted from the comments made by Sumathy Sivamohan on her FB page, expressing her shock at a statement made by one of the leading Sinhala writers involved in making such statements, encapsulate the essence of the public criticism of the issue:
” I am shocked at [name of the person]’s words on the detainment of Theebachelvan’s works by Customs. … The radicalness, the liberalness, are just thin veneers of their Sinhala-only stances. …. Now, they talk of Reconciliation. Reconciliation via Repression. …. Reconciliation, my foot! …. reconciliation is in your head, I think …. [I am] outraged. But now, [I] am certain of one thing. This is the bluff and bluster of liberals. …. That [name of the person] and others think, when Sinhala people think there’s reconciliation, there’s reconciliation, smacks of very deep-rooted racism
I don’t understand the argument, ‘we have to protect this government’ sentiment, touted by many liberals, who in intimate circles voice criticism. And these are the same people who supported the LTTE too, when it suited them—their liberal Sinhala agendas. … Now, they are blubbering …. it is shocking, for it whisks the mask off the faces of these liberal faces. There is a side of Sinhala liberalism that slavishly supports sentiments pertaining to the LTTE. They are the same, they are all the same. Those radicals, those liberals, those everybody, who think because they are Sinhala they have superior knowledge of matters. Sickening.” (reproduced with permission). (To be continued)
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