Midweek Review

Why bring science into Buddhist discourse?

Published

2 years ago

2024/03/20

by Geewananda Gunawardana, Ph.D.

A flurry of newspaper articles on Buddhism and Science appearing in recent times suggests an apparent interest in seeing the religion from a distinct perspective. However, if the intention of such commentaries is to find affirmation of Buddhist concepts based on science, to gain a deeper understanding of complex phenomena using science, or merely to impress the reader is not clear from these writings. Western scholars have been on a mission to evaluate the scientific validity of Buddhism for over 150 years.

Exploration of this vast literature shows that Buddha Dhamma, does not need any affirmation as it is ahead of modern science. In a world dominated by science, the pragmatic purpose of comparing Buddhism and science is to use the current scientific knowledge to relate or interpret hard to grasp phenomena that are transmitted to us in a language that went extinct hundreds of years ago. And thereby dispel any misconceptions and mysticism surrounding Buddha Dhamma.

The traditionalists insist that science and religions are incompatible, and comparisons are meaningless. They are right; a religion, by definition, is based on a belief system, not amenable to science. However, as Buddhism, which is a religion by any standards, and Dhamma are two different things (see Buddhism Sans Rituals, The Island, 19 Dec 2023), there should be no such obstacle to mixing the latter with science. The goal of this write up is to explore the utility of using science to understand the complex phenomenon of Dukkha, which is central to Buddha Dhamma.

According to literature, Prince Siddhartha was well educated in traditional academic disciplines befitting a royal, including the Vedas and Upanishads. Later, he studied the teachings of six other thought leaders who opposed the Brahminic tradition. He was not satisfied with the dualistic nature and the reliance on mysterious or metaphysical entities such as atman, soul, svabhava, Brahma, and gods in the explanation of life and liberation in all religious traditions. He went on his own and discovered the middle way and the principle of Codependent Genesis (paticcasamupada) in repudiation of those existing views.

Another way to describe the goal of Buddha Dhamma is to “see things as they have become” (yathabhutha nanadassana) or understand the nature of the universe and the humans’ place in it, without subscribing to superhuman powers or mysticism (Kalupahana 1992). This is the same goal that science strives to achieve.

Early Buddhits theory and knowledge

According to the early Buddhist theory, knowledge depends on perception, inference, and, to a certain extent, pragmatism; therefore, Buddha is considered an empiricist (Jayatileke 1963). The Buddhist empiricism is experiential while science depends on experimentation. The Buddhist theory also emphasizes that there are limits to human perception and inference. It is this inherent limitation in understanding the universe that causes human affliction to mysticism. What follows is a scientific exploration of these limitations and their consequences.

The analysis of human psychology forms a major part of Dhamma. Whereas scientific understanding lags the Buddhist theory in some respects as scientific investigation of mind did not begin until the late 19th century. It was considered a metaphysical phenomenon not amenable to science. However, recent scientific findings are in remarkable concordance with Buddhist interpretations.

I will discuss what science knows about perception using human vision as an example and compare it with the Buddhist version. However, it should be noted that accurate translation of Pali words used in Dhamma into English can be difficult. For example, Vinnana is translated as consciousness, which is defined as the state of being awake and aware of one’s surroundings. On the other hand, eighty-nine classes of vinnana are described in the Pali canon. However, both Buddhist and scientific descriptions of the process of perception are remarkably similar.

Nobody would argue that a rainbow has colors. It may come as a surprise, but neither the rainbow nor the light that causes that phenomenon has any colors; color is a mental construct. Electromagnetic radiation consists of waves, and they are characterized by wavelengths, frequencies, and energy, but color is not among their properties. The human eye is sensitive to about 0.0035% of electromagnetic radiation only, and this fraction, ranging from 380 to 750 nanometers, is referred to as the visible spectrum. (See diagram 1)

The retina of the human eye has two types of photoreceptors responsible for vision: cone cells and rod cells. There are three types of cone cells that are sensitive to long, medium, and short wavelength light. The rod cells are sensitive to light, darkness, and motion. For example, when sunlight, which consists of the entire spectrum, falls on a rose, except for the radiation ranging from 620 to 750 nm wavelength, all visible light is absorbed by pigments present in the petals. The light that was not absorbed is reflected. When this reflected light reaches the cone cells on the retina of the eye, they undergo chemical changes and generate an electrical signal. This process of sensation is identified as Vedana in Pali.

The signal generated is transmitted to the brain through neurons, a special type of cell that makes up the nervous system. The neurons form chains or networks by connecting with each other through structures known as synapses (see illustration). These connections can be opened and closed by changing the chemistry at the junctions, and thereby controlling the flow of the electrical signal. In fact, which is how the signal is processed in the brain. Buddha called the organ (Indiya) that performs these functions the mind (manas), the sixth sense faculty, and the perception of the electrochemical signal form the eye at the brain is called Sanna. (See diagram 2)

Complex phenomenon

What happens next is complex: first, all the information contained in that signal is saved as a neural map constructed using synaptic connections, akin to a three-dimensional QR code. If this is the first time someone, say a toddler, sees a rose, the signal received from the eye, or the neuronal map formed have no meanings on their own. It is a set of data that is enough to recreate the same sensation in her mind. However, if an adult around her explained to her that it was a “rose” and its color is “red,” that information received from the auditory signals coming from the ear are also saved as neural maps.

The brain constantly scans these maps in the background, just like the autonomous beating of the heart. And this activity enables the brain to collate the information received from all sensory organs and constructs a meaningful mental image: what is seen is a “red rose.” This process of cognizing is called Mental Formations (Sankhara). This is the activity that leads to mental processes, or volitions (karma), which precede actions.

Next time when light having 620 to 750 nm wavelength reflected from any object falls on the child’s eyes, and the signal reaches the brain, the brain notes that there is a neural map already saved, containing the same data, and that sensation is named ‘red.’ As a result, the brain re-cognizes the new sensation as red, and the child may be able to express her perception verbally using this convention. If the child were not taught that this sensation is called red, the concept of redness would not exist in her mind. In other words, nowhere in this entire process does an actual thing called “red” exist, not in the light or on the rose. The concept of red is a mere mental construct.

The brain sits in a dark sealed chamber with no access to the outside world. Therefore, our perception of the world is a mental construct based on the signals sent to it by the sensory organs. All sensory information is processed by the brain in the same way. As a result, just like there is no color in light, there is no sound in disturbances of air, no smell in perfumes, or sweetness in sugar. They are all mental constructs. It goes for touch as well. The enormous repulsion between the electrons on the atoms on our fingertips and whatever object we wish to touch, does not let them make contact no matter how hard we try. What we feel is the force of that repulsion. Therefore, we cannot know how something feels to the touch. It is difficult to come to terms with but the entire world as we experience it is a mental construct.

Skepticism

Despite the skepticism among some religious groups, the theory of evolution remains the best explanation of the anatomy and molecular biology of living organisms. According to this theory, our sensory organs are evolved for the sole purpose of survival under changing conditions, but not for understanding the universe. Not only they are unable to see or feel the reality, but they also have major inherent limitations. For example, we cannot see things that are too small or too far and cannot feel electromagnetic radiation outside of the visible range. Even though the skies are filled with all manners of radiation, we would not know their presence without radios, TVs, or infrared cameras.

Before the scientific revolution, humans attributed unseen things to superpowers: infectious diseases, for example, were considered caused by unhappy spirits, and appeasing them with prayer, offerings, and sacrifices were believed to be the answer. The germ theory changed all that. Science and technology helped us overcome some of the limitations of our sensory system: the microscope, telescope, and spectrometers are some examples. Even with tremendous technological advancements, there are more unknowns about us and the universe. About 95% of the universe is estimated to be made up of dark matter and dark energy, but science does not know much about them.

Science acknowledges that we do not know much, and technological advancement is the way to expand our knowledge. But science does not advocate attributing unknowns to mysticism or superpowers and returning to prayer, rituals, or sacrifices as our ancestors did. Over two and a half millennia ago, Buddha taught the same thing: there is no mysterious entities or superpowers that can save or harm humans, and the human mind can be developed to better understand the nature and the humans’ place in it, or to “see things as they have become.” According to the teaching, seeing that at the highest level is nibbana.

Despite the late start, science is making good inroads to understanding consciousness. What is interesting is that they are discovering that the Buddha was right. For example, one of the problems they have trouble explaining is the “subjective experience.” Buddha had the answer. Buddha explained two more items in the process of human perception: vinnana and nama-rupa. The repository of neural networks representing our experience, or the knowledge base, is referred to as vinnana. It is translated as consciousness, but caution is warranted as the Pali word has broader meanings than the dictionary definition of consciousness.

The other process has to do with the subject object relationship of perception. All objects that are perceived by the sensory organs and the sensory organs themselves, that are made up of matter, are referred to as Form (rupa). Interestingly, mental objects are also added to this group, and the two together are referred to as Name and Form (Nama-rupa).

Human personality

The Buddha explained that the human personality is nothing more than a collection of these material and mental processes that keep the human conscious, and he called it the Five Clinging Aggregates (Panchupadanakkhandha): Form (Rupa), Sensations (Vedana), Perceptions (Sanna), Mental Formations (Sankhara), and ‘Consciousness’ (Vinnana). Science has analyzed these processes down to atomic level and beyond. They are all physio-chemical processes, and there are no mysteries. There are some gaps in our knowledge, especially surrounding consciousness, but our understanding will continue to grow.

Based on this knowledge, it is possible to deduce three features of life: Since these are all processes, they are in a state of constant change, or flux. Buddha had explained this, and he called it anicca. For the same reasons, there cannot be anything permanent, or have any substance associated with life. Any process is dependent on other processes and conditions, and as a result, they are not owned or controlled by an individual or a superpower.

Buddha called this property anatta. That gave the answer to the eternal quest for solving the mystery surrounding the self or athman. The declaration by Buddha that the notions of mine, me, and self are also mere mental constructs, was a first in human history. Therefore, according to Dhamma, the subject-object dilemma of modern science is also a mental construct. A difficult concept to accept due to our evolutionary history.

Human condition

The Buddha described a third quality of life: the human condition, or the life itself. All life processes are in flux, and they are beyond control. The sensory apparatus humans have is inadequate to see the real environment which they must inhabit and navigate. That is the reality of life, the human condition. The Buddha described this imperfect, uncontrolled, and unsatisfactory condition that humans must deal with as dukkha. Sadly, the Pali word dukkha has been misinterpreted as suffering ever since the Westerners encountered the word in the late 17th century. Legend has that a European who learned Sinhala thought the Pali word means the same as the similar sounding Sinhala word. And that translation has stuck.

This misinterpretation gives the impression that Buddhism is a pessimistic tradition. It is far from the truth, if anything, Buddha teaching is realistic (Rahula 1959). The term dukkha includes all human experiences, ranging from mundane happiness of householders to the supramundane happiness experienced by those who enter higher mental states, dhyana, not just the negative ones. Therefore, giving a negative connotation to life, i.e., dukkha, is meaningless. It is life as we know it, and without it, there would be no life. There are several theories of consciousness, and most of them agree that consciousness exists as a continuum.

That is, human consciousness is more advanced than that of animals. Similarly, some humans have more advanced consciousness than the average human. This is a ‘skill’ that can be improved or cultivated by training. In the Fourth Noble Truth, the Buddha described the way to develop the mind to above normal levels. The premise is that those who have developed the mind will better understand dukkha and be able to skillfully navigate it, leading to a happy and harmonious life.

A short article like this cannot provide an adequate interpretation of Dhamma from a science perspective or help comprehend the complex concepts like anicca, dukkha, and anatta. In fact, if one were to endeavor to digest what was discussed here, by most accounts, which would equate to insight meditation. However, it should be possible to see that just like in science, there is no place or need for mystery or belief in the teaching of Buddha (Kalama sutta). Unfortunately, the same mysticism and beliefs that Buddha dispelled two and a half millennia ago have crept back into Buddhism.

It is true that some of it has cultural, artistic, or sentimental values. But if the human affliction for beliefs and mysticism, or the shortcomings in our sensory apparatus, are used to exploit the innocent and waste valuable resources that could be put into better use, that would be an insult to Dhamma, its author, and purveyors. The preferred outcome of comparing Buddhism and science would be to enable science savvy young generations to relate to Buddha Dhamma and prevent falling prey to mysticism.

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Midweek Review

Fonseka clears Rajapaksas of committing war crimes he himself once accused them of

Published

5 days ago

2026/02/25

Sahan Weerasooriya

With Sri Lanka’s 17th annual war victory over separatist Tamil terrorism just months away, warwinning Army Chief, Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka (Dec. 06, 2005, to July 15, 2009) has significantly changed his war narrative pertaining to the final phase of the offensive that was brought to an end on May 18, 2009.

The armed forces declared the conclusion of ground operations on that day after the entire northern region was brought back under their control. LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran, hiding within the secured area, was killed on the following day. His body was recovered from the banks of the Nanthikadal lagoon.

With the war a foregone conclusion, with nothing to save the increasingly hedged in Tigers taking refuge among hapless Tamil civilians, Fonseka left for Beijing on May 11, and returned to Colombo, around midnight, on May 17, 2009. The LTTE, in its last desperate bid to facilitate Prabhakatan’s escape, breached one flank of the 53 Division, around 2.30 am, on May 18. But they failed to bring the assault to a successful conclusion and by noon the following day those fanatical followers of Tiger Supremo, who had been trapped within the territory, under military control, died in confrontations.

During Fonseka’s absence, the celebrated 58 Division (formerly Task Force 1), commanded by the then Maj. Gen. Shavendra Silva, advanced 31/2 to 4 kms and was appropriately positioned with Maj. Gen. Kamal Gunaratne’s 53 Division. The LTTE never had an opportunity to save its leader by breaching several lines held by frontline troops on the Vanni east front. There couldn’t have been any other option than surrendering to the Army.

The Sinha Regiment veteran, who had repeatedly accused the Rajapaksas of war crimes, and betraying the war effort by providing USD 2 mn, ahead of the 2005 presidential election, to the LTTE, in return for ordering the polls boycott that enabled Mahinda Rajapaksa’s victory, last week made noteworthy changes to his much disputed narrative.

GR’s call to Shavendra What did the former Army Commander say?

* The Rajapaksas wanted to sabotage the war effort, beginning January 2008.

* In January 2008, Mahinda Rajapaksa, Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Navy Commander VA Wasantha Karannagoda, proposed to the National Security Council that the Army should advance from Vavuniya to Mullithivu, on a straight line, to rapidly bring the war to a successful conclusion. They asserted that Fonseka’s strategy (fighting the enemy on multiple fronts) caused a lot of casualties.

* They tried to discourage the then Lt. Gen. Fonseka

* Fonseka produced purported video evidence to prove decisive intervention made by Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa on the afternoon of May 17. The ex-Army Chief’s assertion was based on a telephone call received by Maj. Gen. Shavendra Silva from Gotabaya Rajapaksa. That conversation had been captured on video by Swarnavahini’s Shanaka de Silva who now resides in the US. He had been one of the few persons, from the media, authorised by the Army Headquarters and the Defence Ministry to be with the Army leadership on the battlefield. Fonseka claimed that the videographer fled the country to escape death in the hands of the Rajapaksas. It was somewhat reminiscent of Maithripala Sirisena’s claim that if Rajapaksas win the 2015 Presidential election against him he would be killed by them.

* Shanaka captured Shavendra Silva disclosing three conditions laid down by the LTTE to surrender namely (a) Their casualties should be evacuated to Colombo by road (b) They were ready to exchange six captured Army personnel with those in military custody and (c) and the rest were ready to surrender.

* Then Fonseka received a call from Gotabaya Rajapaksa, on a CDMA phone. The Defence Secretary issued specific instructions to the effect that if the LTTE was to surrender that should be to the military and definitely not to the ICRC or any other third party. Gotabaya Rajapaksa, one-time Commanding Officer of the 1st battalion of the Gajaba Regiment, ordered that irrespective of any new developments and talks with the international community, offensive action shouldn’t be halted. That declaration directly contradicted Fonseka’s claim that the Rajapaksas conspired to throw a lifeline to the LTTE.

Fonseka declared that the Rajapaksa brothers, in consultation with the ICRC, and Amnesty International, offered an opportunity for the LTTE leadership to surrender, whereas his order was to annihilate the LTTE. The overall plan was to eliminate all, Fonseka declared, alleging that the Rajapaksa initiated talks with the LTTE and other parties to save those who had been trapped by ground forces in a 400 m x 400 m area by the night of May 16, among a Tamil civilian human shield held by force.

If the LTTE had agreed to surrender to the Army, Mahinda Rajapaksa would have saved their lives. If that happened Velupillai Prabhakaran would have ended up as the Chief Minister of the Northern Province, he said. Fonseka shocked everyone when he declared that he never accused the 58 Division of executing prisoners of war (white flag killings) but the issue was created by those media people embedded with the military leadership. Fonseka declared that accusations regarding white flag killings never happened. That story, according to Fonseka, had been developed on the basis of the Rajapaksas’ failed bid to save the lives of the LTTE leaders.

Before we discuss the issues at hand, and various assertions, claims and allegations made by Fonseka, it would be pertinent to remind readers of wartime US Defence Advisor in Colombo Lt. Col. Lawrence Smith’s June 2011 denial of white flag killings. The US State Department promptly declared that the officer hadn’t spoken at the inaugural Colombo seminar on behalf of the US. Smith’s declaration, made two years after the end of the war, and within months after the release of the Darusman report, dealt a massive blow to false war crimes allegations.

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, in 2010, appointed a three-member Panel of Experts, more like a kangaroo court, consisting of Marzuki Darusman, Yasmin Sooka, and Steven Ratner, to investigate war crimes accusations.

Now Fonseka has confirmed what Smith revealed at the defence seminar in response to a query posed by Maj. General (retd.) Ashok Metha of the IPKF to Shavendra Silva, who had been No 02 in our UN mission, in New York, at that time.

White flag allegations

‘White flag’ allegations cannot be discussed in isolation. Fonseka made that claim as the common presidential candidate backed by the UNP-JVP-TNA combine. The shocking declaration was made in an interview with The Sunday Leader Editor Frederica Jansz published on Dec. 13, 2009 under ‘Gota ordered them to be shot – General Sarath Fonseka.’

The ‘white flag’ story had been sensationally figured in a leaked confidential US Embassy cable, during Patricia Butenis tenure as the US Ambassador here. Butenis had authored that cable at 1.50 pm on Dec. 13, 2009, the day after the now defunct The Sunday Leader exclusive. Butenis had lunch with Fonseka in the company of the then UNP Deputy Leader Karu Jayasuriya, according to the cable. But for the writer the most interesting part had been Butenis declaration that Fonseka’s advisors, namely the late Mangala Samaraweera, Anura Kumara Dissanayake (incumbent President) and Vijitha Herath (current Foreign Minister) wanted him to retract part of the story attributed to him.

Frederica Jansz fiercely stood by her explosive story. She reiterated the accuracy of the story, published on Dec. 13, 2009, during the ‘white flag’ hearing when the writer spoke to her. There is absolutely no reason to suspect Frederica Jansz misinterpreted Fonseka’s response to her queries.

Subsequently, Fonseka repeated the ‘white flag’ allegation at a public rally held in support of his candidature. Many an eyebrow was raised at The Sunday Leader’s almost blind support for Fonseka, against the backdrop of persistent allegations directed at the Army over Lasantha Wickrematunga’s killing. Wickrematunga, an Attorney-at-Law by profession and one-time Private Secretary to Opposition Leader Sirimavo Bandaranaike, was killed on the Attidiya Road, Ratmalana in early January 2009.

The Darusman report, too, dealt withthe ‘white flag’ killings and were central to unsubstantiated Western accusations directed at the Sri Lankan military. Regardless of the political environment in which the ‘white flag’ accusations were made, the issue received global attention for obvious reasons. The accuser had been the war-winning Army Commander who defeated the LTTE at its own game. But, Fonseka insisted, during his meeting with Butenis, as well as the recent public statement that the Rajapaksas had worked behind his back with some members of the international community.

Fresh inquiry needed

Fonseka’s latest declaration that the Rajapaksas wanted to save the LTTE leadership came close on the heels of Deputy British Prime Minister David Lammy’s whistle-stop visit here. The UK, as the leader of the Core Group on Sri Lanka at the Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council, spearheads the campaign targeting Sri Lanka.

Lammy was on his way to New Delhi for the AI Impact Summit. The Labour campaigner pushed for action against Sri Lanka during the last UK general election. In fact, taking punitive action against the Sri Lankan military had been a key campaign slogan meant to attract Tamil voters of Sri Lankan origin. His campaign contributed to the declaration of sanctions in March 2025 against Admiral of the Fleet Wasantha Karannagoda, General (retd) Shavendra Silva, General (retd) Jagath Jayasuriya and ex-LTTE commander Karuna, who rebelled against Prabhakaran. Defending Shavendra Silva, Fonseka, about a week after the imposition of the UK sanctions, declared that the British action was unfair.

But Fonseka’s declaration last week had cleared the Rajapaksas of war crimes. Instead, they had been portrayed as traitors. That declaration may undermine the continuous post-war propaganda campaign meant to demonise the Rajapaksas and top ground commanders.

Canada, then a part of the Western clique that blindly towed the US line, declared Sri Lanka perpetrated genocide and also sanctioned ex-Presidents Mahinda Rajapaksa and Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Other countries resorted to action, though such measures weren’t formally announced. General (retd) Jagath Dias and Maj. Gen (retd) Chagie Gallage were two of those targeted.

Against the backdrop of Fonseka’s latest claims, in respect of accountability issues, the urgent need to review action taken against Sri Lanka cannot be delayed. Although the US denied visa when Fonseka was to accompany President Maithripala Sirisena to the UN, in Sept. 2016, he hadn’t been formally accused of war crimes by the western powers, obviously because he served their interests.

On the basis of unsubstantiated allegations that hadn’t been subjected to judicial proceedings, Geneva initiated actions. The US, Canada and UK acted on those accusations. The US sanctioned General Shavendra Silva in Feb. 2020 and Admiral Karannagoda in April 2023.

What compelled Fonseka to change his narrative, 18 years after his Army ended the war? Did Fonseka base his latest version solely on Shanaka de Silva video? Fonseka is on record as claiming that he got that video, via a third party, thereby Shanaka de Silva had nothing to do with his actions.

DNA and formation of DP

Having realised that he couldn’t, under any circumstances, reach a consensus with the UNP to pursue a political career with that party, Fonseka teamed up with the JVP, one of the parties in the coalition that backed his presidential bid in 2010. Fonseka’s current efforts to reach an understanding with the JVP/NPP (President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is the leader of both registered political parties) should be examined against the backdrop of their 2010 alliance.

Under Fonseka’s leadership, the JVP, and a couple of other parties/groups, contested, under the symbol of the Democratic National Alliance (DNA) that had been formed on 22 Nov. 2009. but the grouping pathetically failed to live up to their own expectations. The results of the parliamentary polls, conducted in April 2010, had been devastating and utterly demoralising. Fonseka, who polled about 40% of the national vote at the January 2010 presidential election, ended up with just over 5% of the vote, and the DNA only managed to secure seven seats, including two on the National List. The DNA group consisted of Fonseka, ex-national cricket captain Arjuna Ranatunga, businessman Tiran Alles and four JVPers. Anura Kumara Dissanayake was among the four.

Having been arrested on February 8, 2010, soon after the presidential election, Fonseka was in prison. He was court-martialed for committing “military offences”. He was convicted of corrupt military supply deals and sentenced to three years in prison. Fonseka vacated his seat on 7 Oct .2010. Following a failed legal battle to protect his MP status, Fonseka was replaced by DNA member Jayantha Ketagoda on 8 March 2011. But President Mahinda Rajapaksa released Fonseka in May 2012 following heavy US pressure. The US went to the extent of issuing a warning to the then SLFP General Secretary Maithripala Sirisena that unless President Rajapaksa freed Fonseka he would have to face the consequences (The then Health Minister Sirisena disclosed the US intervention when the writer met him at the Jealth Ministry, as advised by President Rajapaksa)

By then, Fonseka and the JVP had drifted apart and both parties were irrelevant. Somawansa Amarasinghe had been the leader at the time the party decided to join the UNP-led alliance that included the TNA, and the SLMC. The controversial 2010 project had the backing of the US as disclosed by leaked secret diplomatic cables during Patricia Butenis tenure as the US Ambassador here.

In spite of arranging the JVP-led coalition to bring an end to the Rajapaksa rule, Butenis, in a cable dated 15 January 2010, explained the crisis situation here. Butenis said: “There are no examples we know of a regime undertaking wholesale investigations of its own troops or senior officials for war crimes while that regime or government remained in power. In Sri Lanka this is further complicated by the fact that responsibility for many of the alleged crimes rests with the country’s senior civilian and military leadership, including President Rajapaksa and his brothers and opposition candidate General Fonseka.”

Then Fonseka scored a major victory when Election Commissioner Mahinda Deshapriya on 1 April, 2013, recognised his Democratic Party (DNA was registered as DP) with ‘burning flame’ as its symbol. There hadn’t been a previous instance of any service commander registering a political party. While Fonseka received the leadership, ex-Army officer Senaka de Silva, husband of Diana Gamage ((later SJB MP who lost her National List seat over citizenship issue) functioned as the Deputy Leader.

Having covered Fonseka’s political journey, beginning with the day he handed over command to Lt. Gen. Jagath Jayasuriya, in July, 2009, at the old Army Headquarters that was later demolished to pave the way for the Shangri-La hotel complex, the writer covered the hastily arranged media briefing at the Solis reception hall, Pitakotte, on 2 April, 2023. Claiming that his DP was the only alternative to what he called corrupt Mahinda Rajapaksa’s government and bankrupt Ranil Wickremesinghe-led Opposition, a jubilant Fonseka declared himself as the only alternative (‘I am the only alternative,’ with strapline ‘SF alleges Opposition is as bad as govt’. The Island, April 3, 2013).

Fonseka had been overconfident to such an extent, he appealed to members of the government parliamentary group, as well as the Opposition (UNP), to switch allegiance to him. As usual Fonseka was cocky and never realised that 40% of the national vote he received, at the presidential election, belonged to the UNP, TNA and the JVP. Fonseka also disregarded the fact that he no longer had the JVP’s support. He was on his own. The DP never bothered to examine the devastating impact his 2010 relationship with the TNA had on the party. The 2015 general election results devastated Fonseka and underscored that there was absolutely no opportunity for a new party. The result also proved that his role in Sri Lanka’s triumph over the LTTE hadn’t been a decisive factor.

RW comes to SF’s rescue

Fonseka’s DP suffered a humiliating defeat at the August 2015 parliamentary polls. The outcome had been so bad that the DP was left without at least a National List slot. Fonseka was back to square one. If not for UNP leader and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, Fonseka could have been left in the cold. Wickremesinghe accommodated Fonseka on their National List, in place of SLFPer M.K.D.S. Gunawardene, who played a critical role in an influential section of the party and the electorate shifting support to Maithripala Sirisena. Gunawardena passed away on 19 January, 2016. Wickremesinghe and Fonseka signed an agreement at Temple Trees on 3 February, 2016. Fonseka received appointment as National List MP on 9 February, 2016, and served as Minister of Regional Development and, thereafter, as Minister of Wildlife and Sustainable Development, till Oct. 2018. Fonseka lost his Ministry when President Sirisena treacherously sacked Wickremesinghe’s government to pave the way for a new partnership with the Rajapaksas. The Supreme Court discarded that arrangement and brought back the Yahapalana administration but Sirisena, who appointed Fonseka to the lifetime rank of Field Marshal, in recognition of his contribution to the defeat of terrorism, refused to accommodate him in Wickremesinghe’s Cabinet. The President also left out Wasantha Karannagoda and Roshan Goonetilleke. Sirisena appointed them Admiral of the Fleet and Marshal of Air Force, respectively, on 19, Sept. 2019, in the wake of him failing to secure the required backing to contest the Nov. 2019 presidential election.

Wickremesinghe’s UNP repeatedly appealed on behalf of Fonseka in vain to Sirisena. At the 2020 general election, Fonseka switched his allegiance to Sajith Premadasa and contested under the SJB’s ‘telephone’ symbol and was elected from the Gampaha district. Later, following a damaging row with Sajith Premadasa, he quit the SJB as its Chairman and, at the last presidential election, joined the fray as an independent candidate. Having secured just 22,407 votes, Fonseka was placed in distant 9th position. Obviously, Fonseka never received any benefits from support extended to the 2022 Aragalaya and his defeat at the last presidential election seems to have placed him in an extremely difficult position, politically.

Let’s end this piece by reminding that Fonseka gave up the party leadership in early 2024 ahead of the presidential election. Senaka de Silva succeeded Fonseka as DP leader, whereas Dr. Asosha Fernando received appointment as its Chairman. The DP has aligned itself with the NPP. The rest is history.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Midweek Review

Strengths and weaknesses of BRICS+: Implications for Global South

Published

5 days ago

2026/02/25

Sahan Weerasooriya

The 16th BRICS Summit, from 22 to 24 October 2024 in Kazan, was attended by 24 heads of state, including the five countries that officially became part of the group on 1 January: Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Iran, Egypt and Ethiopia. Argentina finally withdrew from the forum after Javier Milei’s government took office in 2023.

In the end, it changed its strategy and instead of granting full membership made them associated countries adding a large group of 13 countries: two from Latin America (Bolivia and Cuba), three from Africa (Algeria, Nigeria, Uganda) and eight from Asia (Belarus, Indonesia, Kazakhstan, Malaysia, Thailand, Turkey, Uzbekistan and Vietnam). This confirms the expansionary intent of the BRICS, initiated last year and driven above all by China, which seeks to turn the group into a relevant multilateral forum, with focus on political than economic interaction, designed to serve its interests in the geopolitical dispute with the United States. This dispute however is not the making of China but has arisen mainly due to the callous bungling of Donald Trump in his second term in office.

China has emerged as the power that could influence the membership within the larger group more than its rival in the region, India. Obviously, the latter is concerned about these developments but seems powerless to stop the trend as more countries realize the need for the development of capacity to resist Western dominance. India in this regard seems to be reluctant possibly due to its defence obligations to the US with Trump declaring war against countries that try to forge partnerships aiming to de-dollarize the global economic system.

The real weakness in BRICS therefore, is the seemingly intractable rivalry between China and India and the impact of this relationship on the other members who are keen to see the organisation grow its capacity to meet its stated goals. China is committed to developing an alternative to the Western dominated world order, particularly the weaponization of the dollar by the US. India does not want to be seen as anti-west and as a result India is often viewed as a reluctant or cautious member of BRICS. This problem seems to be perpetuated due to the ongoing border tensions with China. India therefore has a desire to maintain a level playing field within the group, rather than allowing it to be dominated by Beijing.

Though India seems to be committed to a multipolar world, it prefers focusing on economic cooperation over geopolitical alignment. India thinks the expansion of BRICS initiated by China may dilute its influence within the bloc to the advantage of China. India fears the bloc is shifting toward an anti-Western tilt driven by China and Russia, complicating its own strong ties with the West. India is wary of the new members who are also beneficiaries of China’s Belt and Road Initiative. While China aims to use BRICS for anti-Western geopolitical agendas, India favors focusing on South-South financial cooperation and reforming international institutions. Yet India seems to be not in favour of creating a new currency to replace the dollar which could obviously strengthen the South-South financial transactions bypassing the dollar.

Moreover, India has explicitly opposed the expansion of the bloc to include certain nations, such as Pakistan, indicating a desire to control the group’s agenda, especially during its presidency.

In this equation an important factor is the role that Russia could play. The opinion expressed by the Russian foreign minister in this regard may be significant. Referring to the new admissions the Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov has said: “The weight, prominence and importance of the candidates and their international standing were the primary factors for us [BRICS members]. It is our shared view that we must recruit like-minded countries into our ranks that believe in a multipolar world order and the need for more democracy and justice in international relations. We need those who champion a bigger role for the Global South in global governance. The six countries whose accession was announced today fully meet these criteria.”

The admission of three major oil producing countries, Saudi Arabia, Iran and UAE is bound to have a significant impact on the future global economic system and consequently may have positive implications for the Global South. These countries would have the ability to decisively help in creating a new international trading system to replace the 5 centuries old system that the West created to transfer wealth from the South to the North. This is so because the petro-dollar is the pillar of the western banking system and is at the very core of the de-dollarizing process that the BRICS is aiming at. This cannot be done without taking on board Saudi Arabia, a staunch ally of the west. BRICS’ expansion, therefore, is its transformation into the most representative community in the world, whose members interact with each other bypassing Western pressure. Saudi Arabia and Iran are actively mending fences, driven by a 2023 China-brokered deal to restore diplomatic ties, reopen embassies, and de-escalate regional tensions. While this detente has brought high-level meetings and a decrease in direct hostility rapprochement is not complete yet and there is hope which also has implications, positive for the South and may not be so for the North.

Though the US may not like what is going on, Europe, which may not endorse all that the former does if one is to go by the speech delivered by the Canadian PM in Brazil recently, may not be displeased about the rapid growth of BRICS. The Guardian UK highlighted expert opinion that BRICS expansion is rather “a symbol of broad support from the global South for the recalibration of the world order.” A top official at the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, Caroline Kanter has told the daily, “It is obvious that we [Western countries] are no longer able to set our own conditions and standards. Proposals will be expected from us so that in the future we will be perceived as an attractive partner.” At the same time, the bottom line is that BRICS expansion is perceived in the West as a political victory for Russia and China which augurs well for the future of BRICS and the Global South.

Poor countries, relentlessly battered by the neo-liberal global economy, will greatly benefit if BRICS succeeds in forging a new world order and usher in an era of self-sufficiency and economic independence. There is no hope for them in the present system designed to exploit their natural resources and keep them in a perpetual state of dependency and increasing poverty. BRICS is bound to be further strengthened if more countries from the South join it. Poor countries must come together and with the help of BRICS work towards this goal.

by N. A. de S. Amaratunga