Features
Western Discontents, India’s Long Election and Sri Lankan Anniversaries
by Rajan Philips
The attempted assassination of Slovakian Prime Minister Robert Fico has sent shivers down western spines. In a rare moment of unity, both Joe Biden and Vladimir Putin condemned the shooting. The identity of the arrested shooter has not been made public, but he is believed to be a 71 year old poet and writer violently protesting the Fico government’s attacks on media freedom including the replacement of Slovakia’s independent public broadcaster, RTVS, with a pro-government and ‘patriotic’ mouthpiece. The small country of five million that was born out of the 1993 dissolution of Czechoslovakia, in that famous “velvet divorce,” is now feared to be on the brink of more internal divisions and instability. And it has put Europe itself on edge.
There were forebodings at the time of the divorce about the trajectory that Slovakia would take unlike its severed twin, the Czech Republic, that was a model addition to the West. Then US Secretary of State Madeline Albright, a Czech American, called it “the black hole” of Europe. Now there is more of them and even within the old countries of Western Europe. Robert Fico has been Prime Minister twice before, between 2006 and 2010 and again from 2012 to 2018. After his defeat in 2018, he was pronounced politically dead, but he resurrected himself veering wildly from moderate left to extreme right, like so many other political leaders in Eastern Europe. The 59 year old Fico is a noted protégé of the Hungarian Prime Minister, Viktor Orban, who is notorious for his ideological contortions and right wing authoritarianism.
The Old Europe
The old Europe of consociational politics and electoral alternations between centre-left and centre-right political parties has virtually disappeared and the continent is now stuck in confrontations between the forces of extreme right and their new enemies, liberal elites. The old left has disappeared with the old Europe. In the continent, where Hegel first saw newspapers replacing morning Mass (now both have been replaced by the cell phone), freedom of expression and independent media are coming under threats from populist right wing governments.
Like Fico in Slovakia, Italy’s Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni is on course to allowing the sale of state-owned news agency AGI to a sitting lawmaker who already owns three conservative dailies and who belongs to the League Party that is a coalition partner of the Prime Minister’s Brothers of Italy party. Government supporters use the country’s draconian defamation laws to judicially harass and even jail prominent government critics. Philosophy Professor Donatella Di Cesare of Sapienza University in Rome has become the latest victim of defamation charges based on a complaint against her by Francesco Lollobrigida, brother-in-law of the Prime Minister and her Minister of Agriculture.
There are exceptions, as in Spain, where the Socialist Party is weathering opposition storm in Madrid and even won the largest share of the seats in the recent Catalonia regional election that saw, for the first time in over 10 years, the pro-independence parties collectively winning fewer seats than the other parties. In Britain, the Labour is all but assured of a rampaging return to power both at Westminster and in Holyrood, Edinburgh. But a catastrophic collapse of the Conservative Party may well trigger the rise of the extreme English right as a potent force in keeping up with its European Joneses, so to speak. Hopefully, what Tom Nairn called the ‘English enigma,’ to describe England’s historical indifference to nationalism, would not be fatally imperilled.
America is another story where seething social discontents are tearing apart the country’s, and the world’s oldest, democratic institutions. Adding insult to injury, Michael Johnson, the Republican Speaker of the House of Representatives, the third in the line of succession after the President and the Vice President, led a posse of Republicans and showed up last week in a Manhattan court room 200 km away from the capital, to show support to Donald Trump who is on trial in a criminal case involving his alleged hush-money payment to cover up his sexual dalliance with a porn star. The criminality is not about sex or even the payment, but about violating the election law and undermining election integrity by conspiring and suppressing negative information about himself from the public during the 2016 presidential election.
Of all the multiple indictments that Trump is facing, the porn star sex scandal is the least politically significant, but the only one that has been able to proceed to trial. All the other and far more serious indictments are mired in legal wrangling and judicial delays. The most heinous of them, Trump’s instigation of an insurrection in Washington on January 6, 2021, to overturn Biden’s election, is being held up at the Supreme Court until the Conservative Justices make up their mind about what one of them said would be “a ruling for the ages!” Hardcore Republicans believe that Trump is being unfairly subjected to politicized prosecution that they would expect to see only in third world countries. The Republicans who should know better, like Speaker Johnson, have jettisoned all political scruples and are supporting Trump to avoid falling foul of his rabid followers.
New India
In most third world countries, no political party would have someone like Trump as its presidential candidate. And against a candidate like Trump, an incumbent like Biden would not have to even campaign. But in America the race between them is close, thanks to the electoral college system that stymies the popular vote. Biden’s domestic record is exemplary – in restoring presidential stability after four years of Trump’s havoc; revamping the economy to becoming the only stable economy in the western world; and in implementing the largest slew of progressive and social welfare measures in 60 years – after Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society. Yet he is in a close race because of the social divisions that are frozen along party lines.
Biden’s Achilles heel is outside America. In Gaza and now potentially in Ukraine. Senator Bernie Sanders, a veteran of the 1968 antiwar protests and a progressive Democratic presidential contender in 2016 and 2020, has warned that Gaza could be Biden’s Vietnam, not because the two are comparable but because of their comparable political implications in an election year. As in 1968, when Nixon won the election promising peace in Vietnam.
In stopping arms shipment to Israel, Biden has gone farther than any President after Reagan. But that is not enough to stop pro-Palestinian student protesters in over 130 US campuses. Not enough either to mitigate US’s total isolation from the rest of the world on the Palestinian question. In The recent UN General Assembly vote to give Palestinians full membership status, received overwhelming support from 143 countries. The US was one of nine including Israel voting against the resolution.
Unlike western incumbent leaders, Prime Minister Modi has no problem about returning to power for a third term in India. The elections are now well past the halfway mark and the remaining contests are mostly in the northern states along with West Bengal and Maharashtra. Modi’s and the BJP’s problem is whether the BJP alliance will retain or exceed the 2019 tally of 353 seats (BJP alone got 303 seats). Modi started the election campaign with the call to get 400+ seats. The rhetoric has since been pegged back following indications of lower voter turnout compared to 2019. And the rhetoric has been switched to attack the Muslims to energize the subaltern Hindu vote in the Hindi belt areas that gave the BJP most of its seats in the last election.
What Modi has in common with many populist leaders in the west is in demonizing the elites and the secular and liberal traditions in politics. He targets the Congress elites of the past with studied vengeance. He is also aggressive in suppressing dissent and organizing media attacks, government investigations and defamation suits against those who oppose him. He has publicly boasted that the new India will reach out and kill its enemies even in their homes.
The statement is widely believed to be a reference to Modi government’s alleged attempts to silence Sikh activists involved in the Khalistan movement abroad. Notably so in the US and in Canada, where Indian emigrants with alleged connections to the Indian government are facing criminal indictments over murder and attempted murder charges. Prime Minister Modi could have won a third term without any of this, and India would still be a growing economic power by virtue of its population size and natural endowments. What role would the election results have in influencing the Modi government to rethink its ways is the question now. We have less than a month to find out.
Sri Lankan Anniversaries
Sri Lanka has a few months to go before its tryst with elections. Meanwhile, the month of May has two anniversaries that are three days apart. One marks the birth of the Republic of Sri Lanka and the adoption of the First Republican Constitution. Hence the First Republic, in Gaullist chronology. That was on May 22nd in 1972. The First Republic and its Constitution are widely believed to have been the principal cause of Tamil political alienation and the birth of Tamil separatism in Sri Lanka.
The state’s response over the next 10 to 15 years and the violent Tamil rejoinder led to many killings, a whole pogrom and a long drawn out war that pitted the Sri Lankan army against the LTTE. The war ended with the defeat of the LTTE on May 19, 2009. That is the second anniversary, and it marks an event that occurred 37 years after the First Republic was born and 31 years after it had been superseded by the Second Republic with its own Constitution in 1978.
There is no official or public commemoration of the May 22 anniversary that falls on Wednesday next week. The end of the war anniversary, on the other hand, is variously and even controversially commemorated on two different dates within Sri Lanka, and in the Tamil diaspora universe even involving foreign governments. The end of the war anniversaries have become the continuation of the war by peaceful means. One would hope that they remain peaceful forever and are not influenced or infected by the raw shenanigans such as allegedly involving the current Indian government and Khalistan Sikhs.
On the other hand, even though the anniversary of the First Republic and its Constitution is now unhonoured and unsung, the political changes and consequences that flowed from them have significant implications even today, 52 years later. One of those implications has been the never-ending preoccupation with constitutional politics. The 1972 Constitution carried in its womb the seeds of its own undoing and was totally repudiated and wholly replaced by a new constitution in 1978.
The 1978 Constitution introduced the executive presidential system that undermined the parliamentary system that was in force and put Sri Lanka on an uncharted constitutional path. Forty six years and 21 amendments later, the Sri Lankan Constitution is still a massive political bone of contention. How much of an issue would, or should, it be in the upcoming presidential election?
Features
How Black Civil Rights leaders strengthen democracy in the US
On being elected US President in 2008, Barack Obama famously stated: ‘Change has come to America’. Considering the questions continuing to grow out of the status of minority rights in particular in the US, this declaration by the former US President could come to be seen as somewhat premature by some. However, there could be no doubt that the election of Barack Obama to the US presidency proved that democracy in the US is to a considerable degree inclusive and accommodating.
If this were not so, Barack Obama, an Afro-American politician, would never have been elected President of the US. Obama was exceptionally capable, charismatic and eloquent but these qualities alone could not have paved the way for his victory. On careful reflection it could be said that the solid groundwork laid by indefatigable Black Civil Rights activists in the US of the likes of Martin Luther King (Jnr) and Jesse Jackson, who passed away just recently, went a great distance to enable Obama to come to power and that too for two terms. Obama is on record as owning to the profound influence these Civil Rights leaders had on his career.
The fact is that these Civil Rights activists and Obama himself spoke to the hearts and minds of most Americans and convinced them of the need for democratic inclusion in the US. They, in other words, made a convincing case for Black rights. Above all, their struggles were largely peaceful.
Their reasoning resonated well with the thinking sections of the US who saw them as subscribers to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, for instance, which made a lucid case for mankind’s equal dignity. That is, ‘all human beings are equal in dignity.’
It may be recalled that Martin Luther King (Jnr.) famously declared: ‘I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up, live out the true meaning of its creed….We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.’
Jesse Jackson vied unsuccessfully to be a Democratic Party presidential candidate twice but his energetic campaigns helped to raise public awareness about the injustices and material hardships suffered by the black community in particular. Obama, we now know, worked hard at grass roots level in the run-up to his election. This experience proved invaluable in his efforts to sensitize the public to the harsh realities of the depressed sections of US society.
Cynics are bound to retort on reading the foregoing that all the good work done by the political personalities in question has come to nought in the US; currently administered by Republican hard line President Donald Trump. Needless to say, minority communities are now no longer welcome in the US and migrants are coming to be seen as virtual outcasts who need to be ‘shown the door’ . All this seems to be happening in so short a while since the Democrats were voted out of office at the last presidential election.
However, the last US presidential election was not free of controversy and the lesson is far too easily forgotten that democratic development is a process that needs to be persisted with. In a vital sense it is ‘a journey’ that encounters huge ups and downs. More so why it must be judiciously steered and in the absence of such foresighted managing the democratic process could very well run aground and this misfortune is overtaking the US to a notable extent.
The onus is on the Democratic Party and other sections supportive of democracy to halt the US’ steady slide into authoritarianism and white supremacist rule. They would need to demonstrate the foresight, dexterity and resourcefulness of the Black leaders in focus. In the absence of such dynamic political activism, the steady decline of the US as a major democracy cannot be prevented.
From the foregoing some important foreign policy issues crop-up for the global South in particular. The US’ prowess as the ‘world’s mightiest democracy’ could be called in question at present but none could doubt the flexibility of its governance system. The system’s inclusivity and accommodative nature remains and the possibility could not be ruled out of the system throwing up another leader of the stature of Barack Obama who could to a great extent rally the US public behind him in the direction of democratic development. In the event of the latter happening, the US could come to experience a democratic rejuvenation.
The latter possibilities need to be borne in mind by politicians of the South in particular. The latter have come to inherit a legacy of Non-alignment and this will stand them in good stead; particularly if their countries are bankrupt and helpless, as is Sri Lanka’s lot currently. They cannot afford to take sides rigorously in the foreign relations sphere but Non-alignment should not come to mean for them an unreserved alliance with the major powers of the South, such as China. Nor could they come under the dictates of Russia. For, both these major powers that have been deferentially treated by the South over the decades are essentially authoritarian in nature and a blind tie-up with them would not be in the best interests of the South, going forward.
However, while the South should not ruffle its ties with the big powers of the South it would need to ensure that its ties with the democracies of the West in particular remain intact in a flourishing condition. This is what Non-alignment, correctly understood, advises.
Accordingly, considering the US’ democratic resilience and its intrinsic strengths, the South would do well to be on cordial terms with the US as well. A Black presidency in the US has after all proved that the US is not predestined, so to speak, to be a country for only the jingoistic whites. It could genuinely be an all-inclusive, accommodative democracy and by virtue of these characteristics could be an inspiration for the South.
However, political leaders of the South would need to consider their development options very judiciously. The ‘neo-liberal’ ideology of the West need not necessarily be adopted but central planning and equity could be brought to the forefront of their talks with Western financial institutions. Dexterity in diplomacy would prove vital.
Features
Grown: Rich remnants from two countries
Whispers of Lanka
I was born in a hamlet on the western edge of a tiny teacup bay named Mirissa on the South Coast of Sri Lanka. My childhood was very happy and secure. I played with my cousins and friends on the dusty village roads. We had a few toys to play with, so we always improvised our own games. On rainy days, the village roads became small rivulets on which we sailed paper boats. We could walk from someone’s backyard to another, and there were no fences. We had the freedom to explore the surrounding hills, valleys, and streams.
I was good at school and often helped my classmates with their lessons. I passed the General Certificate of Education (Ordinary Level) at the village school and went to Colombo to study for the General Certificate of Education (Advanced Level). However, I did not like Colombo, and every weekend I hurried back to the village. I was not particularly interested in my studies and struggled in specific subjects. But my teachers knew that I was intelligent and encouraged me to study hard.
To my amazement, I passed the Advanced Level, entered the University of Kelaniya, completed an honours degree in Economics, taught for a few months at a central college, became a lecturer at the same university, and later joined the Department of Census and Statistics as a statistician. Then I went to the University of Wales in the UK to study for an MSc.
The interactions with other international students in my study group, along with very positive recommendations from my professors, helped me secure several jobs in the oil-rich Middle Eastern countries, where I earned salaries unimaginable in Sri Lankan terms. During this period, without much thought, I entered a life focused on material possessions, social status, and excessive consumerism.
Life changes
Unfortunately, this comfortable, enjoyable life changed drastically in the mid-1980s because of the political activities of certain groups. Radicalised youths, brainwashed and empowered by the dynamics of vibrant leftist politics, killed political opponents as well as ordinary people who were reluctant to follow their orders. Their violent methods frightened a large section of Sri Lanka’s middle class into reluctantly accepting country-wide closures of schools, factories, businesses, and government offices.
My father’s generation felt a deep obligation to honour the sacrifices they had made to give us everything we had. There was a belief that you made it in life through your education, and that if you had to work hard, you did. Although I had never seriously considered emigration before, our sons’ education was paramount, and we left Sri Lanka.
Although there were regulations on what could be brought in, migrating to Sydney in the 1980s offered a more relaxed airport experience, with simpler security, a strong presence of airline staff, and a more formal atmosphere. As we were relocating permanently, a few weeks before our departure, we had organised a container to transport sentimental belongings from our home. Our flight baggage was minimal, which puzzled the customs officer, but he laughed when he saw another bulky item on a separate trolley. It was a large box containing a bookshelf purchased in Singapore. Upon discovering that a new migrant family was arriving in Australia with a 32-volume Encyclopaedia Britannica set weighing approximately 250 kilograms, he became cheerful, relaxed his jaw, and said, G’day!
Settling in Sydney
We settled in Epping, Sydney, and enrolled our sons in Epping Boys’ High School. Within one week of our arrival from Sri Lanka, we both found jobs: my wife in her usual accounting position in the private sector, and I was taken on by the Civil Aviation Authority (CAA). While working at the CAA, I sat the Australian Graduate Admission Test. I secured a graduate position with the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) in Canberra, ACT.
We bought a house in Florey, close to my office in Belconnen. The roads near the house were eerily quiet. Back in my hometown of Pelawatta, outside Colombo, my life had a distinct soundtrack. I woke up every morning to the radios blasting ‘pirith’ from the nearby houses; the music of the bread delivery van announcing its arrival, an old man was muttering wild curses to someone while setting up his thambili cart near the junction, free-ranging ‘pariah’ dogs were barking at every moving thing and shadows. Even the wildlife was noisy- black crows gathered on the branches of the mango tree in front of the house to perform a mournful dirge in the morning.
Our Australian neighbours gave us good advice and guidance, and we gradually settled in. If one of the complaints about Asians is that they “won’t join in or integrate to the same degree as Australians do,” this did not apply to us! We never attempted to become Aussies; that was impossible because we didn’t have tanned skin, hazel eyes, or blonde hair, but we did join in the Australian way of life. Having a beer with my next-door neighbour on the weekend and a biannual get-together with the residents of the lane became a routine. Walking or cycling ten kilometres around the Ginninderra Lake with a fit-fanatic of a neighbour was a weekly ritual that I rarely skipped.
Almost every year, early in the New Year, we went to the South Coast. My family and two of our best friends shared a rented house near the beach for a week. There’s not much to do except mix with lots of families with kids, dogs on the beach, lazy days in the sun with a barbecue and a couple of beers in the evening, watching golden sunsets. When you think about Australian summer holidays, that’s all you really need, and that’s all we had!
Caught between two cultures
We tried to hold on to our national tradition of warm hospitality by organising weekend meals with our friends. Enticed by the promise of my wife’s home-cooked feast, our Sri Lankan friends would congregate at our place. Each family would also bring a special dish of food to share. Our house would be crammed with my friends, their spouses and children, the sound of laughter and loud chatter – English mingled with Sinhala – and the aroma of spicy food.
We loved the togetherness, the feeling of never being alone, and the deep sense of belonging within the community. That doesn’t mean I had no regrets in my Australian lifestyle, no matter how trivial they may have seemed. I would have seen migration to another country only as a change of abode and employment, and I would rarely have expected it to bring about far greater changes to my psychological role and identity. In Sri Lanka, I have grown to maturity within a society with rigid demarcation lines between academic, professional, and other groups.
Furthermore, the transplantation from a patriarchal society where family bonds were essential to a culture where individual pursuit of happiness tended to undermine traditional values was a difficult one for me. While I struggled with my changing role, my sons quickly adopted the behaviour and aspirations of their Australian peers. A significant part of our sons’ challenges lay in their being the first generation of Sri Lankan-Australians.
The uniqueness of the responsibilities they discovered while growing up in Australia, and with their parents coming from another country, required them to play a linguistic mediator role, and we, as parents, had to play the cultural mediator role. They were more gregarious and adaptive than we were, and consequently, there was an instant, unrestrained immersion in cultural diversity and plurality.
Technology
They became articulate spokesmen for young Australians growing up in a world where information technology and transactions have become faster, more advanced, and much more widespread. My work in the ABS for nearly twenty years has followed cycles, from data collection, processing, quality assurance, and analysis to mapping, research, and publishing. As the work was mainly computer-based and required assessing and interrogating large datasets, I often had to depend heavily on in-house software developers and mainframe programmers. Over that time, I have worked in several areas of the ABS, making a valuable contribution and gaining a wide range of experience in national accounting.
I immensely valued the unbiased nature of my work, in which the ABS strived to inform its readers without the influence of public opinion or government decisions. It made me proud to work for an organisation that had a high regard for quality, accuracy, and confidentiality. I’m not exaggerating, but it is one of the world’s best statistical organisations! I rubbed shoulders with the greatest statistical minds. The value of this experience was that it enabled me to secure many assignments in Vanuatu, Fiji, East Timor, Saudi Arabia, and the Solomon Islands through the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund after I left the ABS.
Living in Australia
Studying and living in Australia gave my sons ample opportunities to realise that their success depended not on acquiring material wealth but on building human capital. They discovered that it was the sum total of their skills embodied within them: education, intelligence, creativity, work experience and even the ability to play basketball and cricket competitively. They knew it was what they would be left with if someone stripped away all of their assets. So they did their best to pursue their careers on that path and achieve their life goals. Of course, the healthy Australian economy mattered too. As an economist said, “A strong economy did not transform a valet parking attendant into a professor. Investment in human capital did that.”
Nostalgia
After living in Australia for several decades, do I miss Sri Lanka? Which country deserves my preference, the one where I was born or the one to which I migrated? There is no single answer; it depends on opportunities, prospects, lifestyle, and family. Factors such as the cost of living, healthcare, climate, and culture also play significant roles in shaping this preference. Tradition in a slow-motion place like Sri Lanka is an ethical code based on honouring those who do things the same way you do, and dishonour those who don’t. However, in Australia, one has the freedom to express oneself, to debate openly, to hold unconventional views, to be more immune to peer pressure, and not to have one’s every action scrutinised and discussed.
For many years, I have navigated the challenges of cultural differences, conflicting values, and the constant negotiation of where I truly ‘belong.’ Instead of yearning for a ‘dream home’ where I once lived, I have struggled, and to some extent succeeded, to find a home where I live now. This does not mean I have forgotten or discarded my roots. As one Sri Lankan-Australian senior executive remarked, “I have not restricted myself to the box I came in… I was not the ethnicity, skin colour, or lack thereof, of the typical Australian… but that has been irrelevant to my ability to contribute to the things which are important to me and to the country adopted by me.” Now, why do I live where I live – in that old house in Florey? I love the freshness of the air, away from the city smog, noisy traffic, and fumes. I enjoy walking in the evening along the tree-lined avenues and footpaths in my suburb, and occasionally I see a kangaroo hopping along the nature strip. I like the abundance of trees and birds singing at my back door. There are many species of birds in the area, but a common link with ours is the melodious warbling of resident magpies. My wife has been feeding them for several years, and we see the new fledglings every year. At first light and in the evening, they walk up to the back door and sing for their meal. The magpie is an Australian icon, and I think its singing is one of the most melodious sounds in the suburban areas and even more so in the bush.
by Siri Ipalawatte
Features
Big scene for models…
Modelling has turned out to be a big scene here and now there are lots of opportunities for girls and boys to excel as models.
Of course, one can’t step onto the ramp without proper training, and training should be in the hands of those who are aware of what modelling is all about.
Rukmal Senanayake is very much in the news these days and his Model With Ruki – Model Academy & Agency – is responsible for bringing into the limelight, not only upcoming models but also contestants participating in beauty pageants, especially internationally.
On the 29th of January, this year, it was a vibrant scene at the Temple Trees Auditorium, in Colombo, when Rukmal introduced the Grey Goose Road To Future Model Hunt.

Tharaka Gurukanda … in
the scene with Rukmal
This is the second Model Hunt to be held in Sri Lanka; the first was in 2023, at Nelum Pokuna, where over 150 models were able to showcase their skills at one of the largest fashion ramps in Sri Lanka.
The concept was created by Rukmal Senanayake and co-founded by Tharaka Gurukanda.
Future Model Hunt, is the only Southeast Asian fashion show for upcoming models, and designers, to work along and create a career for their future.
The Grey Goose Road To Future Model Hunt, which showcased two segments, brought into the limelight several models, including students of Ruki’s Model Academy & Agency and those who are established as models.
An enthusiastic audience was kept spellbound by the happenings on the ramp.

Doing it differently
Four candidates were also crowned, at this prestigious event, and they will represent Sri Lanka at the respective international pageants.
Those who missed the Grey Goose Road To Future Model Hunt, held last month, can look forward to another exciting Future Model Hunt event, scheduled for the month of May, 2026, where, I’m told, over 150 models will walk the ramp, along with several designers.
It will be held at a prime location in Colombo with an audience count, expected to be over 2000.
Model With Ruki offers training for ramp modelling and beauty pageants and other professional modelling areas.
Their courses cover: Ramp walk techniques, Posture and grooming, Pose and expression, Runway etiquette, and Photo shoots and portfolio building,
They prepare models for local and international fashion events, shoots, and competitions and even send models abroad for various promotional events.
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