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Editorial

Vulpine praise for a Trojan horse?

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Wednesday 27th March, 2024

The mere sight of a notorious pickpocket usually prompts people to check for the safety of their wallets or purses even if he is not looking for prey. The SLPP-UNP government has the same reputation as a cutpurse, and therefore the public tends to view everything it does with a jaundiced eye. Its recent undertaking to introduce electoral reforms has therefore triggered howls of protests from those who cherish franchise. The Opposition has accused the government of trying to put off national elections on the pretext of introducing electoral reforms.

Government politicians are full of praise for the proposed electoral reforms, which are widely seen as a Trojan horse. Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe has sought to dispel doubts and suspicions in the minds of the public about the proposed electoral reforms. He has said they will not cause elections to be postponed. He may be telling the truth, but Sri Lankans usually do not believe anything until it is officially denied. So, the government will have a hard time trying to convince the public that it is not trying to postpone elections again. It ought to explain why it announced its decision to reform the parliamentary electoral system ahead of the coming presidential election.

The blame for postponing elections should be apportioned to all self-righteous members of the current Parliament as well as President Ranil Wickremesinghe. They have suppressed the people’s franchise on several occasions.

In 1975, an SLFP-led government postponed a general election by two years. It abused its two-thirds majority in Parliament for that purpose, and dealt a severe blow to democracy; resentful electors voted overwhelmingly for the UNP at the 1977 general election. President J. R. Jayewardene abused his steamroller majority in Parliament to cause a general election to disappear in 1982 by conducting a heavily-rigged referendum. He did so because he feared that he would lose his five-sixths parliamentary majority if a general election was held. Wickremesinghe was a Cabinet minister in that repressive regime.

In 2017, the UNP, the SLFP, the TNA, the SLMC, etc., voted for the Provincial Council Elections (Amendment) Bill, which helped postpone the PC polls indefinitely. UNP leader Wickremesinghe was the Prime Minister and SLFP leader Maithripala Sirisena the President at the time. The incumbent SLPP government postponed the Local Government (LG) polls, in 2021, on President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s watch. The SLPP dissidents cannot absolve themselves of responsibility for that poll postponement, for they had not broken ranks with the SLPP administration by that time. The SLPP and the UNP postponed the LG polls last year by claiming that funds could not be allocated for an electoral contest owing to the country’s pecuniary woes.

In a previous editorial comment immediately after the announcement of the government’s decision to bring in new laws to elect 160 MPs under the first-past-the-post system and 65 MPs under the Proportional Representation, we pointed out that electoral reforms could entail long-drawn-out delimitation processes. Fear that it may not be possible for a general election to be held until the conclusion of the delimitation process pertaining to the proposed electoral reforms is therefore not unfounded.

The People’s Action for Free and Fair Elections (PAFFREL) has warned of the possibility of such a situation coming about. A government that fears elections will do everything in its power to postpone them. The SLPP-UNP regime is no respecter of public opinion and has no sense of shame; it therefore does not scruple to safeguard self-interest at any cost.

If the government is serious about allaying the people’s doubts and suspicions about the proposed electoral reforms, it will have to give a legal assurance that they will not lead to poll postponements. PAFFREL Executive Director Rohana Hettiarachchi has rightly called for the incorporation of a specific clause into the electoral reforms draft Bill, which is said to be on the anvil, to enable the Election Commission to conduct a general election under the existing PR system in the event of the delimitation process dragging on indefinitely. Nothing else will do.



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Editorial

Horse-trading won’t help dispel chaos

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Saturday 17th May, 2025

Leaders of the Opposition political parties are scheduled to meet today to discuss how to secure control of the local councils where they have obtained more seats than the ruling NPP. Today’s meeting is to be chaired by Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa. Most Opposition parties have agreed in principle to form joint administrations in the hung councils, we are told. The NPP has been in overdrive to rally enough members to muster majorities in those councils. Horse-trading has become the order of the day.

Some NPP stalwarts have even approached the constituents of the SJB-led coalition in their efforts to form majorities in the hung councils, according to media reports. Leader of the Tamil Progressive Alliance Mano Ganeshan has said the NPP sought his support to gain control of some of the hung councils, but he turned down its request as a matter of principle. This shows how hard the government and the Opposition are trying to control the non-majority local councils.

The hung councils will continue to be in chaos whichever side gains control of them. Even if the NPP succeeds in raising majorities in those councils by winning over Opposition members or independent councillors, they may not be stable; there is no guarantee that defectors will not vote with their feet again, leaving the NPP without working majorities. A similar situation is likely to occur in the event of the SJB and other Opposition parties closing ranks to control the hung councils. All political institutions have earned notoriety for mass crossovers. The SLFP-led People’s Alliance collapsed during Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s presidency, in 2001, due to mass crossovers. It was also mass defections from President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s UPFA government that led to the 2015 regime change.

The question is why President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, who is also the leader of the NPP, and Opposition and SJB leader Premadasa have not met to discuss ways and means of navigating the hung councils out of the current imbroglio and making them fully functional for the benefit of the public. There is no reason why these two leaders who wrap themselves in the flag cannot sink their political differences and find a solution for the sake of the country.

The outcome of the recent LG polls indicates a growing public disillusionment with the government and the Opposition, albeit to varying degrees. Both the NPP and the SJB declared before the mini polls that they would never opt for joint administrations in local councils, but they have made about-turns, making a mockery of their pledges to the public.

The President and the Opposition leader should be able to negotiate, make compromises and adopt a workable solution to prevent chaos in the hung councils. It is incumbent upon them to bring order out of chaos at the grassroots level and ensure that the people’s interests are served.

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Editorial

Arrogance of power

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Friday 16th May, 2025

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has begun to sound just like his predecessors, who succumbed to the arrogance of power and alienated the public. He has declared that he is ready to do everything in his power to enable the JVP-led NPP to secure the control of all local councils it has won with or without absolute majorities. Speaking at a ceremony to mark the 60th anniversary of the JVP, on Wednesday, Dissanayake said he would not hesitate to make use of the government’s two-thirds majority to achieve that goal.

The problem with power is that it goes to the heads of the wielders thereof and makes them take leave of their senses. Executive presidential powers can act like a mind-sucker, draining empathy, humility and rational thought from even the most grounded politicians. This has been our experience over the past several decades. Hence the aversion of the champions of democracy to the executive powers of the President. Even some defenders of democracy who secured the presidency with good intentions let their executive powers get the better of them.

In 1994, Chandrika Kumaratunga became the President, vowing to eliminate corruption (dooshanaya) and state terror (bheeshanaya), but her rule became a metaphor for political violence, election malpractices and corruption. The less said about J. R. Jayewardene, Ranasinghe Premadasa and Mahinda Rajapaksa, the better. President Maithripala Sirisena also abused his executive powers unflinchingly; in 2018, he sacked the UNF government, appointed Mahinda Rajapaksa Prime Minister, and then ordered the dissolution of Parliament in violation of the Constitution. Thankfully, a historic Supreme Court judgement restored the status quo ante.

Even non-elected President Ranil Wickremesinghe was intoxicated with executive powers from 2022 to 2024; he caused the local government elections to disappear and suppressed democracy. D. B. Wijetunga served as the President only for a brief period from 1993 to 1994 following President Premadasa’s assassination, and President Gotabaya Rajapaksa could not complete his term.

It is against this backdrop that President Dissanayake’s aforementioned declarations and warnings that border on veiled threats should be viewed. General Secretary of the ITAK, and former TNA MP M. A. Sumanthiran has torn into President Dissanayake for his declaration that he will use his presidential power to secure control of local councils which, he thinks, the NPP deserves to run, in all parts of the country. The ITAK apparently feels threatened as the NPP has won a considerable number of seats in the LG bodies in the North and the East. If only the ITAK/TNA had defended democracy so ardently while the LTTE, which did not have representation even in a local council, was controlling the North and the East.

It is a supreme irony that President Dissanayake has said that he will not allow anyone to trifle with the NPP’s popular mandate. He has either forgotten or chosen to ignore that popular mandates come to naught when governments fail and public resentment spills over onto the streets, with thousands of people baying for the rulers’ blood. Gotabaya, who won the executive presidency outright in 2019 and helped the SLPP secure a two-thirds majority in Parliament in 2020, had to run away and resign during Aragalaya in 2022 as he and his government mismanaged the economy. The JVP, which had only three MPs, at that time, almost succeeded in marching on Parliament. Now that a bad precedent has been created, the Presidents who fail in the future may have to hightail it like Gotabaya. It is popularly said in this country that no clay pot is too big for a wooden pole.

It is only wishful thinking that the NPP will be able to arrest the decline in its national vote share and shore up its support base by gaining the control of the local councils, where it has not obtained absolute majorities. Not even its hold on the executive presidency and Parliament has helped the NPP prevent a severe erosion of its vote base during the past six months or so. It finds itself in this predicament because it has failed to live up to people’s expectations. Instead of bellowing rhetoric and issuing warnings and threats, the NPP leaders must solve the burning problems faced by the public. They must at least try to make salt freely available at reasonable prices.

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Editorial

Right initiative: Follow-up needed

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Thursday 15th May, 2025

There appears to be no let-up in road accidents in the central hills. A van plunged down a precipice in Ramboda, injuring 11 passengers, yesterday.

The police swing into action after catastrophic road accidents—not to address the root causes of those mishaps but to adopt band-aid solutions to deflect criticism. Following Sunday’s fatal bus accident, which killed 23 passengers near Kotmale, they have launched a programme to inspect long-distance buses at night. This measure is welcome, but it will have to be coupled with roadside drug tests to enhance their effectiveness. Drug addiction is believed to be prevalent among heavy vehicle drivers. One can only hope that the new scheme will not end up being like the practice of placing night patrol visit books at houses and shops after break-ins and forgetting them after a few weeks. The night-time bus inspection scheme however has the potential to keep bus workers and their employers on their toes.

Much is spoken about substandard medicinal drugs used in the state-run health institutions. An ex-Health Minister and some former Health Ministry panjandrums are facing legal action for the fraudulent procurement of medicines, etc. The need for such drastic measures to rid the Health Ministry procurement process of corruption, bring the corrupt to justice and ensure the safety of patients cannot be overstated. Worryingly, there has been no such public debate on the substandard buses in operation, endangering the lives of passengers and other road users alike.

Convener of the Road Safety Task Force Dr. Sanjay Perera has, in a recent television interview, told some home truths about the public transport sector and its deficiencies. Besides factors such as overloading and drivers’ fatigue, the poor quality of buses on Sri Lankan roads also contributes to ever increasing road accidents, he has said.

Dr. Perera has pointed out that most buses are not worthy of the name, for they are actually truck chassis fitted with seats; these ‘truck-buses’, as it were, are without any safety features, and, worse, have metal bars for headrests, which could pose a serious risk of neck injuries and spinal cord damage in the event of accidents. No wonder most commuters complain of back pain, neck and shoulder strain, postural problems, etc. These are believed to be the results of frequent travel in boneshakers with poor suspension and cramped seating. Dr. Perera has stressed the need for importing modern buses like the ones in operation on expressways.

Although the state-owned bus service has been drawing a lot of flak of late due to the Kotmale tragedy, the private bus operators are the worst culprits. Dr. Perera has called upon the SLTB and the transport authorities to enforce the laws and regulations already in place to ensure road safety. But the incumbent government apparently lacks a clear vision to develop the SLTB. It is also without the courage to tame the private bus owners, who have risen above the law just like the wealthy rice millers. The bus Mafia has effectively put paid to the government’s efforts to remove unauthorised accessories from private buses.

Successive governments have done very little to standardise the bus service. Their focus has been on fare systems and scheduling, and nothing has been done by way of improving driver training and behaviour and maintenance protocols. Private bus operators therefore are under the impression that they can run their buses the way they want.

The government should seriously consider making it mandatory for all bus workers to wear uniforms besides abiding by laws and regulations governing the transport sector. Enforcing discipline among bus workers will be half the battle in ensuring road safety.

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