Features
Visit to Brussels and quiet diplomacy with the Soviets in Colombo

Person identified as KGB agent at embassy sent off sans publicity
(Excerpted from the autobiography of MDD Pieris, Secretary to the Prime Minister)
At the end of the (London security) course, High Commissioner Tilak Gooneratne, who had an appointment in the European Common Market in Brussels with Sir Christopher Soames, External Commissioner for the European Common Market, took me along with him. He knew Sir Christopher, who was the son-in-law of Sir Winston Churchill, quite well and was keen that I should meet him, and also see at first hand certain common market arrangements.
He telephoned the Prime Minister and obtained her permission for me to accompany him to Brussels. Generously, Tilak wanted me to have a larger experience, and therefore decided not to fly. Instead, we drove to Dover, took the channel ferry to Calais, and then drove on to Brussels. We had an interesting meeting with Sir Christopher and drove to Bonn for a late lunch, with C. Gunasingham who was acting for the Ambassador at the time. The next day, we took the ferry, this time from Ostend, and came back to Britain.
One has to be deeply grateful to people like Tilak, who always took such an interest, a great deal of trouble, and incurred personal expense in broadening the horizons of those who had to deal with him. His wife Pam, a cultured and refined lady, matched his generosity, by taking us to the theatre to see some excellent plays, whenever, we had a free evening. They were also willing hosts who opened their residence and their dining table and were genuinely happy when you came.
When I got back, I briefed the Prime Minister on the intelligence I had received, when in London. She got down WT Jayasinghe and instructed him to call the Soviet Ambassador to the Ministry and merely say that we would like the person concerned to leave the country within 10 days. He was further instructed to tell the Ambassador, if he asked for reasons, that we are in possession of information, that would make his further stay in Sri Lanka detrimental to the very good relations we enjoyed with the Soviet Union, and that it was in the interests of both countries that this whole thing was done quietly and without publicity. In the end, things were done very quietly indeed. The Soviet Ambassador, when confronted with our request, had merely stated that if this is what the Prime Minister wanted, he would comply. No reasons were asked.
Visit to the USSR
A few months after this episode, the Prime Minister had to visit the USSR. This visit was in the pipeline for sometime, and dates were finally fixed for November 1974. The Soviets sent a special four engine Turbo-prop plane to take the Prime Minister and party to the USSR and bring them back. These arrangements made it possible for a larger delegation than usual to accompany her.
The principal members of the delegation were myself, Tissa Wijeyeratne; Dr. Mackie Ratwatte; Elmo Seneviratne, Director Economic Affairs of the Foreign Ministry; Mr. A.B. Elkaduwe, Additional Secretary, Ministry of Industries and Scientific Affairs; Mr. Balasubramaniam, Director (West) of the Foreign Ministry; Mr. Austin Fernando, Director External Resources; and Mr. D.P. Amerasinghe, Additional Private Secretary to the Prime Minister. There was also an aide, Mr. M.M. Weerasena of the Prime Minister’s office and a representative of the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation.
The Prime Minister’s son Anura also accompanied us and Mr. Nishanov, the Ambassador for the USSR in Sri Lanka came on the flight. We took off on November 10, 1974 and flew direct to Tashkent, a journey of some seven hours 40 minutes. We were put up for the night in a state guest house. Our bedrooms were large and the furniture heavy. My bed was very large and with an iron frame. The mattress was hard and seemed designed more to produce straight and hard backs than afford comfort.
After dinner, when I went to sleep, I found the room grossly overheated and quite uncomfortable. On investigation I found that what we had was central heating with no possibility of regulation from the room. The guest house was a sprawling complex with long corridors, and when I opened the door of my room, to see whether I could bring this problem to someone’s attention, all was silent and there was no one in sight. There was no choice but to bear the discomfort for a few hours.
It was, however, much worse than I had anticipated. Sleep was out of the question. I was bathed in sweat. The windows appeared to be sealed. I tossed and turned with abandon, and sometime during the night, there was a loud crack and the bed broke and one side slumped and sagged at an angle! The satisfaction of breaking such a massive looking bed, somewhat compensated for the lack of sleep. There was nothing left to do now, but to collect some of the bedclothes and settle down on the floor.
The next morning, at breakfast I proudly announced my feat of the previous night to a gathering which included the Prime Minister and the Soviet Ambassador. Everyone was quite amused except the Ambassador, who looked embarrassed. It appeared that all had suffered from the problem of over heated rooms during the night. Only I had the distinction of breaking the bed as a response.
After breakfast, we re-joined the flight and set out for Moscow. It took five and a half hours. As we got down in Moscow, it was bitterly cold. The wind cut through, what now appeared to be our inadequate protection, except for the Prime Minister and one or two others, who seemed to be more prepared. We were met at the airport by Prime Minister Kosygin, Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko and other Soviet dignitaries, and after the playing of National Anthems, were witnesses to a march past of smart goose-stepping troops.
We were housed in a large dacha, set in extensive wooded grounds. The rooms were once again large, but to our relief the heating system was much better. If at all, it was a little more on the cold side. Our hosts were very thoughtful and most of us were presented with heavy overcoats which were a great help. It was doubtful whether such heavy coats could have been obtained in many countries and certainly not in Sri Lanka. Wearing one of them and walking about provided protection and exercise at the same time.
From the time we settled in, there was work to do. We had a draft communique almost ready, to which we had to add a few finishing touches, and we knew the Soviets had one too. They fixed the unusual hour of 10.15 in the night, to start joint discussions on the communiques. Tissa, with his Communist Party training explained that this was not unusual at all. He said that these were all tactics to wear down the other side and get what they want. Once we knew this, it was possible to steel one’s mind and to evoke the mental strength and stamina that were necessary.
We met in the Soviet Foreign Ministry at 10 p.m. In addition to myself, our side included our Ambassador Dr. Soma Weeratunge; Tissa Wijeratne; Dr. Wiswa Warnapala, from the University of Peradeniya, who was on a few years attachment to our Embassy in a senior diplomatic position; and Mr. Balasubramaniam of the Foreign Ministry. First, there was the haggling about which draft to be used. Eventually, we agreed to use the Soviet draft as a basis, subject to discussions on the wording.
Here, it was our intention to bring in the wording from our draft, or wording as approximate as possible, into the main communique. This was not easy. The Soviets were attempting to get us to subscribe to at the time, their relatively new concept of Asian Collective Security, which was going to be under their auspices. We were on the other hand a country active in the Non-aligned Movement, and with an influence in the movement which was disproportionate to our size or population. We also had very good relations with the West. We were not willing to come under the tutelage of any power bloc.
The discussion dragged on till 1.15 a.m. and ended inconclusively on several important points. It was decided to meet again later in the day, the new day already having dawned.
Later, we had formal talks in the Kremlin with Prime Minister Kosygin and his team, which included Foreign Minister Gromyko and other important Ministers. This meeting followed a lunch hosted by the Soviet Prime Minister. During the official discussions, Mrs. Bandaranaike bargained closely on many issues pertaining to Soviet aid to Sri Lanka. She wanted to get the best terms and the best deal possible. At one stage, Mr. Kosygin banteringly wagged a finger and said, “you are a hard lady.” Mrs. Bandaranaike replied that if she was hard, it was on behalf of her country.
The discussions were cordial, and we were able to obtain assistance for the public industrial sector, as well as a commitment to preliminary studies relating to the Samanalawewa Hydro Electric Scheme. The meeting ended during the late afternoon. During the early evening the Soviet Prime Minister was taking the Prime Minister to the Bolshoi Ballet. The Ambassador, Mackie and I were also invited. But there was no question of my going. We had work to do on the communique with the Soviet side.
I told Tissa to lead the discussions. With his old Communist background, during which he had also had a stint of training in the Soviet Union, he was quite proficient on their negotiating techniques and general strategy. This also gave me the time to think, whilst Tissa talked. The meeting kept dragging on. The Soviets were defending every word of their draft as if their life depended on it. Perhaps, their careers did. We for our part were not prepared to alter our foreign policy to suit anybody. We had discussed matters with the Prime Minister after our first meeting, and we knew we had her full backing on the Issues we considered important for us.
Once the other side realized that we were unlikely to yield on some matters, and that we were in no hurry to reach agreement, although according to the programme we had to leave for Tibilisi-Georgia the following afternoon, after a luncheon signing of some agreements by the Prime Ministers, and the release of the communique, they became more accommodating. Some progress was made. There were still a very few important matters about which we were deadlocked.
At this stage, the Russians called to their aid Deputy Foreign Minister, Firyubin. He strode into the room complaining that he had been disturbed at the ballet and that this was the first time in his career that he had to be dragged out from the ballet for a matter such as this. Tissa Wijeratne, sweetly replied “Excellency, you can see the ballet tomorrow. But we are leaving tomorrow and we will never be able to see it.” The Deputy Foreign Minister grunted testily.
“What is all this?” he inquired. We politely told him. He realized that we meant business, and that we were not ready to agree on a communique at any cost. Things proceeded better thereafter, and we were eventually able to agree. By this time, it was very late, and the Prime Minister who had returned from the ballet had been wondering what had happened to us. She sent a message that she was waiting for us to return in order to have dinner. This also would have helped to expedite matters with the Russians.
When we got back finally at about 10 p.m.. the Prime Minister was pleased that we had successfully defended our positions. The discussions had gone on for some six hours, and this with very little translations required, because most of the discussions were conducted in English. We worked as a team and enjoyed working together. The Prime Minister fostered this team spirit. She was, though the leader and at a much higher level, very much a part of the team. Her refusal to have dinner without us underlined this, and proved to be a great boost to us.
There was an interesting sequel to our prolonged discussions. That night I was fast asleep, quite fatigued, well tucked under the blankets against the cold, when as if in a dream I heard the distant sound of knocking on what appeared to be my door. Soon, the knocking became quite loud, and I realized that it was indeed my door someone was knocking on. Put up suddenly from a deep and tired sleep, I took some time to get out of bed and reach the door. I was half shivering having suddenly emerged from under cosy blankets. The knocking continued.
When I finally opened the door there was a young man from the Soviet Foreign Ministry sporting a broad grin and with a sheaf of papers in his hand, which he thrust into mine saying that this was the final version of the communique and would I check it, because they had to finalize everything by 7 a.m. and have it ready for signing at lunch. By this time, I was wide awake, and suspected that this was a piece of harassment aimed to teach us a lesson for being stubborn in the negotiations.
I now wide awake therefore said, “Come in. Come in, let’s order some coffee and go through this together.” There was near panic in his face. His job seemed to be to disturb my sleep and get away. He said “No”, he had to report back to the Foreign Ministry. I said, I will telephone the Ministry and say, that in view of the obvious urgency that I want to go through the communique right now and hand it over to their official. But he mumbled some excuses, and virtually fled.
Now that I was up and alert, I thought I would go through the draft straightaway. The time was 4.30 a.m, and that’s what I did. There were just a couple of matters I wanted to clarify with the Ambassador, Tissa and Professor Wiswa Warnapala in the morning. But substantially, almost everything was in order. The next morning Tissa, said that my nights disturbance was typical Soviet tactics, and that he was not at all surprised. If they really were tactics, I fail to understand what they sought to gain by them. Certainly, it could not have been goodwill.
This whole episode, including the long drawn out negotiations on the joint communique appeared to me to illustrate the rigidity and the almost surreal nature of the system. Much time and effort were spent on relatively minor issues and any kind of compromise was hard to achieve. One felt that preoccupation with sheer process had taken a life of its own, and that the end result, which should have included the creation of respect and goodwill was lost to them.
Most of the matters addressed in the communique should not have been those which should have kept a Foreign Ministry’s chandeliers burning all night. One really wondered how a great country like the Soviet Union could function in this way. In fact, the contrast between the Soviet Union and the West was brought out subsequently when the Prime Minister visited West Germany on a State visit. I did not go on this visit. But colleagues who did told me that the two sides exchanged their drafts of the communique at the airport on arrival, and subsequently at an informal twenty minute discussion, everything was finalized! These experiences were clearly illustrative of two very different systems, one, process oriented, cumbrous and bureaucratic, and the other pragmatic, practical and expeditious.
Features
The Truth will set us free – I

Sri Lanka becoming a Macbethian sick state?
The traditional ritual of anointing medicinal oil (or ‘hisa thel gaema’ in Sinhalese, literally, applying oil to the head) is unique to the Sinhala Aluth Avurudda observances. This year, the ritual was performed at the auspicious moment of 9:04 a.m. (Sri Lanka time) on Wednesday April 16. It was observed at appointed venues across the country at the same time. The anointing was done, as usual, mostly by Buddhist monks in their monasteries.
Where they were not available for the purpose, a senior citizen would do the needful. The oil anointing ceremony was held to invoke blessings of good health on all the individuals who subjected themselves to the ritual. Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya was shown participating in the oil anointing ceremony at the historic Kolonnawa Raja Maha Viharaya. There were many social media videos showing similar oil anointing scenes that included even elephants and hippos in a zoo receiving the compassionate treatment; this is not seen as going too far with traditions, for extending loving-kindness even to animals is taken for granted in the majority Buddhist Sri Lanka. Watching this ritual (that used to be so familiar for me in my childhood and youth) from abroad I couldn’t help my eyes filling with tears, feeling kind of homesick, in spite of me having spent more than forty-three years of my adult life living and working away from my Mother Country Sri Lanka.
Though usually Buddhist monks do the anointing, it is not considered a religious practice by the ordinary Buddhists. It is only a part of the completely secular Sinhala Aluth Avurudda festival. The most important annual religious festival for the Sinhalese (especially Sinhala Buddhists) is Vesak, which will be held next month. However, the oil anointing ceremony impresses on the Avurudu celebrants the great importance of maintaining their physical and mental health throughout the coming year, reflecting the high level of attention that our traditional culture pays to that objective.
However, the actual discrepancy that is noticed between the ideal and the reality in the mundane world, as in other countries, is a different matter. Shining beacons like ideals of a long-evolved culture are important for what they are; their importance doesn’t go away because those ideals are only imperfectly realised by the people of that culture. But the values endure.
The news of this happy occasion and my awareness of a deepening political and cultural malaise in my beloved Motherland back home reminded me of a book I read during the Covid-19 lockdown period of 2020-2022: OUR MALADY by American historian and public intellectual, the Yale University professor Timothy D. Snyder published in 2020. The book, whose subtitle is ‘Liberty and Solidarity’, is about the weakness of the American healthcare system that he himself got a taste of, privately.
Professor Snyder came to know first-hand how America failed its citizens in the public healthcare sphere as an inmate of a hospital ward, where he was admitted to the emergency room at midnight on December 29, 2019. He was complaining of a condition of severe bodily ‘malaise’. Doctors later told him that he had an abscess the size of a baseball in his liver. The emergency operation to remove the abscess was done after seventeen hours of his having had to wait confined to a hospital bed!
‘Rage’ is the word he repeatedly uses to describe how he felt during his hospitalisation. He was not raging against God or any particular person or a group or the bacteria that caused his illness. ‘I raged against a world where I was not’, Snyder writes in the Prologue to the book (implying how much he was angry about there not being a healthy enough healthcare system to look after Americans who fell ill like himself. The book grew out of entries he made in a diary that he maintained while recuperating in hospital. Proficient in a number of European languages including English, French and Polish, he adopts a sort of poetic idiom to deal with his naturally dull subject.
He imagined he was not suffering in solitude, though. He thought about other Americans in his situation, and empathised with them. The absence of a sound healthcare system is America’s malady according to Snyder. Probably, the current situation in America is different, having changed for the better. We must remember that the time he is talking about was the last year of the first term (January 20, 2017-January 20, 2021) of the 45th US president Donald Trump of the Republican Party.
Currently, Trump is serving as the 47th US president. The ideas that professor Snyder develops in the book have global topical relevance, I think. They are organised into four Chapters or ‘Lessons’ as he dubs them, which in my opinion, have implications that could be utilised even by the citizens of the Macbethian ‘sick state’ that Sri Lanka has become today, complete with a Macbeth (though a muppet) and a shadowy but more determined Lady Macbeth.
Timothy Snyder offers the four Lessons for his fellow Americans, and by extension, to fellow humans around the world including us, Sri Lankans. Perhaps these are uniquely American issues, with little direct relevance to a small country like Sri Lanka with no stake in the international pharmaceutical industry. But then no country can escape from the implications of the following facts (taken from Wikipedia): In 2023, the global pharmaceutical industry earned revenues of US $ 1.48 trillion, whereas the top 10 arms manufacturing companies earned only US $ 632 billion. In the same year, the global life and health insurance carriers industry, which is the biggest industry in the world in terms of revenue, earned US $ 4.3 trillion.
Our own late medical professor Senake Bibile (1920-1977), a pharmacology expert and a rare philanthropist and compassionate social activist of the Trotskyite Sama Samaja party persuasion who always had the welfare of the suffering poor at heart, met his death allegedly in mysterious circumstances in Guyana where he was attending a UN conference, promoting the domestic drug policy that he had developed for Sri Lanka, as a model for use in other countries and by the World Health Organization (WHO), United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), and the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) for developing policies for ‘rational pharmaceutical use’.
It goes without saying that Sri Lankans are also highly vulnerable to the deleterious effects of the inhuman excesses of the purely profit oriented international Big Pharma; these harmful consequences get transferred to the innocent citizens magnified several times through the unholy alliance between the local corporate drugs mafiosi and corrupt politicians. Be that as it may, Snyder adds another three equally important related points, covering all four, each in a Lesson that must receive the utmost attention of all adult Sri Lankans: health care for children and children’s education, truth in politics, and the supremacy of the doctors’ role in a malady situation. We will look at these briefly, intermittently taking our eyes off America to reflect on our own country Sri Lanka.
Lesson 1 is ‘Health care is a human right’.
Despite its wealth, professor Snyder complains, America is a sick nation; life expectancy is falling for Americans. Moody’s Analytics suggests that US millennials will die younger than their parents or grandparents, though there is no lack of money spent. What is causing this decline in life expectancy? Snyder’s unsettling answer is that the American healthcare system prioritises profit over people’s lives. America still lacks a universal healthcare system, in spite of being a supporter of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and this leads to unequal access to health care, as Snyder asserts.
Exorbitantly priced commercial medicine has a devastating effect on the protection of the health-care rights of the people. It has robbed the American citizens of their health, in Snyder’s view. The American health-care system’s profit-focussed approach and lack of investment in protective equipment for medical professionals jeopardised their safety during the Covid-19 pandemic. In America, 20 million people lost their jobs and over 150,000 died from pandemic. Health insurance became too expensive, and health care unaffordable. Without a diagnosis, many became dangerously ill or unknowingly infected others with the virus.
Though poor, Sri Lanka beats America in respect of looking after public health. It has a better record in providing satisfactory health care for the citizens. The state runs an almost 100% free medicare service for all the citizens. There is a (kind of) parallel paid private hospital system as well, that caters to the better off segment of the population that can resort to it if they prefer to do so. This potentially eases the burden on the free state medical services, which can then focus more on attending to the needs of the economically weaker section of the population.
The maintenance by the state of such a public welfare-based healthcare system is desired and supported by our dominant socio-cultural background that strongly resonates with the humanistic spirit of the Aluth Avurudda that prioritises health over all forms of wealth. This is embodied in the principle Arogya parama labha ‘Good health is the greatest wealth’, the antithesis of the American attitude towards citizens’ health.
Sri Lanka was among the handful of countries that contained the Covid-19 pandemic most efficiently, minimizing deaths, whereas in America, according to Snyder, flaws in the healthcare system were aggravated by the contagion. This led to more deaths in America than in other wealthy nations like Japan and Germany. But the not so well-to-do Sri Lanka escaped with a minimum number of Covid-caused fatalities amidst obstacles mounted by antinationalist ill-wishers as I saw it at the time. That is Professor Snyder’s Lesson 1, which is about the human right of easily accessible health care. Sri Lanka is actually ahead of America in this respect in spite of relative poverty.
by Rohana R. Wasala
(To be concluded.)
Features
Four-day work week; too much rigidity; respectful farewell

I received a video that announced Japan was considering changing to a four-day work week. Suspicious of such news in my cell phone, I googled and found that certain countries had already opted for work weeks of four days and thus three-day weekends. This change too is a consequence of closedowns of work due to the Covid pandemic.
“Several countries are experimenting with or have implemented four-day work weeks, including Belgium, Iceland, Spain, the United Kingdom and Portugal. Other countries like Germany, Australia, Canada, the Netherlands and the US have also shown interest in, or have tested the four-day work week model.”
The video I got was about Japan changing its government work week to four days from mid-April with many projected objectives. One is to improve government employees’ work-life balance and to address the country’s declining birth rate. Also, the hours of the work day are to be reduced so parents can spend more time caring for their kids termed: ‘Childcare partial leave’. Flexible work hours for women to be implemented so choosing between careers and family will not be necessary.
In Germany experimental trials were carried out in 2023-24 involving 43 companies; 73% plan to continue with the new work structure. Noted for productivity and efficiency, Germany has in addition to one day less working, on average only 34 hours per week. A five-day week of 9 to 5 has 40 work hours per week. Fewer hours at work has been found to promote smarter and more focussed effort with employees happier and more engaged.
Long ago in the 1970s Cassandra shifted from employment in the private sector to a semi government job. She was shocked at the laissez faire attitude of her co-workers in an information centre. Most came to work at around 9.00 am: discussed the bus journey and home; had breakfast; read the morning newspapers; did a bit of work and were ready to have lunch by 12.00 noon. Two hours for this and half for a small snooze. Work till 3.30 pm or so when books/files were closed and grooming selves commenced, to depart at 4.30 pm sharp.
The work ethic in a remote government school and a private school in a city were as opposed to each other as the proverbial chalk to cheese. Do minimum against teaching; don’t care attitude to dedication and commitment; take leave to maximum vs hardly taking leave in consideration of the fact parents of students pay fees; non disciplining principals to dedicated pedagogues who set an example.
Cassandra supposes, and correctly, that with the change of government and a system change, even though many offices are overstaffed, employees put in a solid day’s work. The public is better served, most definitely.
Hence how would it be for Sri Lanka to lop off one work day a week? There will certainly be benefits, but aren’t many of us complaining about the presence of too many public holidays; we enjoy 24 to 30 a year including every full moon Poya Day. A travesty!
The utter mayhem of Poya weekends
Those who lived through the period when the calendar in this overzealous Buddhist country went lunar (sic) and made the four Poya Days of a month and half the pre-Poya Day as the country’s weekend. It was a total mess since many a week had more than five week days in it till the moon changed from one phase to another. Ceylon was completely out of sync with the rest of the world. That was in 1966 with Dudley Senanayake as Prime Minister. Mercifully, in 1970, the Saturday Sunday weekend was reverted to, and sanity regained.
Conclusion is that making our week of four days’ work and weekend three days has to be carefully considered, tested and implemented, or kept as it is. Better it would be if government offices were pruned of excess staff recruited on politicians’ orders and genuinely legitimate officers made to work efficiently.
VVIP Mother in queue
A photograph made the rounds on social media of a frail looking, white haired lady in a queue in Kandy moving slowly to pay homage to the Sacred Tooth Relic. It was said to be President AKD’s mother who was hospitalised just a couple of months ago. Admired is her devotion as well as the fact she came incognito; not informing her son of her intended travel.
But Cass is censorious. Here was a genuine case of needing a bit of stretching of points and helping her to fulfil her desire to pay homage with ease. After all, he is working hard and very probably long hours to get this country on an even keel. He needs appreciation and if he refuses advantages, let a less able person benefit.
A truly honourable Pope
Roman Catholics across the globe mourn the death of the 266th Pope on the Monday after the Easter weekend; and the world respects and reveres him. People comment he must have willed himself to live through Easter, even presenting himself to crowds gathered in the huge grounds of St Peter’s Basilica.
Pope Francis was born Jorge Bergoglio on December 17, 1936, in Buenos Aires, Argentina. He was inspired to join the Society of Jesus or Jesuits in 1958 after a serious illness. Ordained a Catholic priest in 1969, he was the Jesuit provincial superior in Argentina from 1973 to 79. He became the Archbishop of Buenos Aires in 1998 and was created a cardinal in 2001 by Pope John Paul II. He was elected in the papal conclave following the resignation of Pope Benedict XVI as head of the Catholic Church and Sovereign of the Vatican City State in 1913, claiming many firsts: a Jesuit becoming Pope; first from America, from the Southern Hemisphere. He chose his papal name in honour of Saint Francis of Assisi, kind to all living beings. “Throughout his public life, Francis was noted for his humility, emphasis on God’s mercy, international visibility as pope, concern for the poor and commitment to interreligious dialogue. He was known for having a less formal approach to the papacy than his predecessors.”
We remember his visit to Sri Lanka from January 13 to 15, 2015, when he travelled to the Shrine of Our Lady of Madhu and canonized Sri Lanka’s first saint, Joseph Vaz. He conducted a Mass and bestowed blessings to the multitude at Galle Face Green. As he entered and left the Green, he placed his hands on the heads of infants, children, the very poor, the old and infirm; never mind oil and dirt on heads. A truly great and good person.
Features
Kashmir terror attack underscores need for South Asian stability and amity

The most urgent need for the South Asian region right now, in the wake of the cold-blooded killing by gunmen of nearly 30 local tourists in Indian-administered Kashmir two days back, is the initiation of measures that could ensure regional stability and peace. The state actors that matter most in this situation are India and Pakistan and it would be in the best interests of the region for both countries to stringently refrain from succumbing to knee-jerk reactions in the face of any perceived provocations arising from the bloodshed.
The consequences for the countries concerned and the region could be grave if the terror incident leads to stepped-up friction and hostility between India and Pakistan. Some hardline elements in India, for instance, are on record in the international media as calling on the Indian state to initiate tough military action against Pakistan for the Kashmiri terror in question and a positive response to such urgings could even lead to a new India-Pakistan war.
Those wishing South Asia well are likely to advocate maximum restraint by both states and call for negotiations by them to avert any military stand-offs and conflicts that could prove counter-productive for all quarters concerned. This columnist lends his pen to such advocacy.
Right now in Sri Lanka, nationalistic elements in the country’s South in particular are splitting hairs over an MoU relating to security cooperation Sri Lanka has signed with India. Essentially, the main line of speculation among these sections is that Sri Lanka is coming under the suzerainty of India, so to speak, in the security sphere and would be under its dictates in the handling of its security interests. In the process, these nationalistic sections are giving fresh life to the deep-seated anti-India phobia among sections of the Sri Lankan public. The eventual result will be heightened, irrational hostility towards India among vulnerable, unenlightened Sri Lankans.
Nothing new will be said if the point is made that such irrational fears with respect to India are particularly marked among India’s smaller neighbouring states and their publics. Needless to say, collective fears of this kind only lead to perpetually strained relations between India and her neighbours, resulting in regional disunity, which, of course would not be in South Asia’s best interests.
SAARC is seen as ‘dead’ by some sections in South Asia and its present dysfunctional nature seems to give credence to this belief. Continued friction between India and Pakistan is seen as playing a major role in such inner paralysis and this is, no doubt, the main causative factor in SARRC’s current seeming ineffectiveness.
However, the widespread anti-India phobia referred to needs to be factored in as playing a role in SAARC’s lack of dynamism and ‘life’ as well. If democratic governments go some distance in exorcising such anti-Indianism from their people’s psyches, some progress could be made in restoring SAARC to ‘life’ and the latter could then play a constructive role in defusing India-Pakistan tensions.
It does not follow that if SAARC was ‘alive and well’, security related incidents of the kind that were witnessed in India-administered Kashmir recently would not occur. This is far from being the case, but if SAARC was fully operational, the states concerned would be in possession of the means and channels of resolving the issues that flow from such crises with greater amicability and mutual accommodation.
Accordingly, the South Asian Eight would be acting in their interests by seeking to restore SAARC back to ‘life’. An essential task in this process is the elimination of mutual fear and suspicion among the Eight and the states concerned need to do all that they could to eliminate any fixations and phobias that the countries have in relation to each other.
It does not follow from the foregoing that the SAARC Eight should not broad base their relations and pull back from fostering beneficial ties with extra-regional countries and groupings that have a bearing on their best interests. On the contrary, each SAARC country’s ties need to be wide-ranging and based on the principle that each such state would be a friend to all countries and an enemy of none as long as the latter are well-meaning.
The foregoing sharp focus on SAARC and its fortunes is necessitated by the consideration that the developmental issues in particular facing the region are best resolved by the region itself on the basis of its multiple material and intellectual resources. The grouping should not only be revived but a revisit should also be made to its past programs; particularly those which related to intra-regional conflict resolution. Thus, talking to each other under a new visionary commitment to SAARC collective wellbeing is crucially needed.
On the question of ties with India, it should be perceived by the latter’s smaller neighbours that there is no getting away from the need to foster increasingly closer relations with India, today a number one global power.
This should not amount to these smaller neighbours surrendering their rights and sovereignty to India. Far from it. On the contrary these smaller states should seek to craft mutually beneficial ties with India. It is a question of these small states following a truly Non-aligned foreign policy and using their best diplomatic and political skills to structure their ties with India in a way that would be mutually beneficial. It is up to these neighbours to cultivate the skills needed to meet these major challenges.
Going ahead, it will be in South Asia’s best interests to get SAARC back on its feet once again. If this aim is pursued with visionary zeal and if SAARC amity is sealed once and for all intra-regional friction and enmities could be put to rest. What smaller states should avoid scrupulously is the pitting of extra-regional powers against India and Pakistan in their squabbles with either of the latter. This practice has been pivotal in bringing strife and contention into South Asia and in dividing the region against itself.
Accordingly, the principal challenge facing South Asia is to be imbued once again with the SAARC spirit. The latter spirit’s healing powers need to be made real and enduring. Thus will we have a region truly united in brotherhood and peace.
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