Midweek Review

Vanni war and killing of Gazan civilians at food distribution sites

Published

10 months ago

2025/07/9

Puthumathalan: Local ICRC personnel, under the supervision of international staff, engaged in the evacuation of the war wounded civilians by ferry to Pulmoddai In a letter to the then Navy Chief, VA Wasantha Karannagoda, dated 14 February, 2009, the head of the ICRC delegation, Paul Castella, deeply appreciated the Navy's role in medical evacuations by sea carried out on 10 and 12 February. The top ICRC official declared that the Navy's response to the situation proved that soldiering is a noble profession. (pic courtesy ICRC).

Hundreds of Palestinians died in the recent past while trying to obtain food in the Gaza strip. Al Jazeera, in a 05 July, 2025, online report, quoted the Gaza Health Ministry as having stated that at least 743 Palestinians had been killed and more than 4,891 wounded while seeking humanitarian aid at Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) distribution sites.

Al Jazeera pointed out that GHF is a project backed by the US and Israel. The international media have reported that GHF staff used live ammunition and stun grenades against those desperately trying to get some food against the backdrop of punitive Israeli blockade. It would be pertinent to mention that GHF came into being in May this year for the sole purpose of operating Gaza food distribution sites. GHF is a private organisation, fully backed by the US and Israeli Defence Forces (IDF)

Reportage of the ongoing violence at GHF sites emphasised that the whole project that had been cleared by the US and Israeli governments undermined the Gaza population. In other words, the so-called humanitarian project aided the overall US-Israeli strategy meant for Gaza where over 50,000 perished in Israeli attacks so far.

There is also a serious allegation that wheat flour, provided by the US for distribution among Palestinian refugees in Gaza, is spiked by Israel with prescription opioids.

Unparalleled Hamas attack on Israel on 07 October, 2023, triggered a spate of comments on Sri Lanka’s war against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) that was brought to a successful end in May 2009. But, no one, so far, has bothered to compare the barbaric situation in Gaza and how Sri Lanka, with limited resources, dealt with a complex and difficult situation in a far more humanitarian way in order to minimise casualties among Tamil civilians.

Sri Lanka sustained offensive action over a period of two years and 10 months but throughout this period the wartime Mahinda Rajapaksa government ensured the proper distribution of humanitarian aid. The plan involved the Colombo-based diplomatic community, the UN, as well as other reputed international groups, such as the International Committee of the Red Cross and the World Food Programme (WFP).

In addition to the above-mentioned grouping, President Rajapaksa directly involved India in the humanitarian project, thereby giving New Delhi direct access to the war wounded. In fact, if the wounded LTTE cadres sought transfer from Puthumathalan to the India-run emergency medical facility at Pulmoddai, about 55 km north of Trincomalee, in a ship carrying ICRC flag they could have done so.

Swamy’s comment

M.R. Narayan Swamy, discussed the similarities of Sri Lanka’s conflict and the ongoing Israel-Gaza war. New Delhi based Swamy, who had served the UNI and the AFP during his several decades long career, discussed the issues at hand while acknowledging no two situations were absolutely comparable. Swamy currently serves as the Executive Director of IANS (Indo-Asian News Service) and he dealt with the Gaza war soon after the Israeli invasion.

‘How’s Hamas’ attack similar to that of LTTE?’ and ‘Hamas’ offensive on Israel may bring it closer to LTTE’s fate dealing with the issues involved. Let me reproduce Swamy’s comment: “Oct. 7 could be a turning point for Hamas similar to what happened to the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam in Sri Lanka in 2006. Let me explain. Similar to Hamas, the LTTE grew significantly over time eventually gaining control of a significant portion of Sri Lanka’s land and coast. The LTTE was even more formidable than Hamas. It had a strong army, growing air force and a deadly naval presence. Unlike Hamas the LTTE successfully assassinated high ranking political figures in Sri Lanka and India. Notably LTTE achieved this without any overt direct support from any country unlike Hamas that received military and financial backing from Iran and some other States. The LTTE became too sure of their victories overtime. They thought, they could never be beaten and that starting a war would always make them stronger. But in 2006 when they began Eelam War 1V, their leader Velupillai Prabhakaran couldn’t have foreseen that within three years he and his prominent group would be defeated. Prabhakaran believed herding together tens of thousands of hapless Tamil civilians as a human shield during the last stages of the war would protect them and Sri Lanka wouldn’t unleash missiles and rockets. Colombo proved him wrong. They were hit. By asking the people not to flee Gaza, despite Israeli warnings, Hamas is taking a similar line. Punishing all Palestinians for Hamas’ actions is unjust, just like punishing all Tamils for LTTE’s actions was wrong. The LTTE claimed to fight for Tamils, without consulting them, and Hamas claimed to represent Palestinians, without seeking the approval for the Oct. 07 strike. Well, two situations are not absolutely comparable. We can be clear that Hamas is facing a situation similar to what the LTTE faced shortly before its end. Will Hamas meet a similar fate as the LTTE? Only time will answer that question.”

Of course, as Swamy said two situations are not absolutely comparable. The IDF invaded Gaza whereas the Sri Lankan military battled terrorists on home soil. While referring to Hamas being an Iranian proxy, Swamy conveniently forgot how India set up a massive terrorist project in Sri Lanka in the early ’80s. It ended up with the LTTE assassinating Rajiv Gandhi in May 1991, a year after India pulled out its Army from Sri Lanka where over 1,300 officers and men perished in the hands of those who had been trained by India.

Let me get back to humanitarian operations here, particularly during the 2008-2009 period. Whatever those who cannot bear up the LTTE’s annihilation say now, Sri Lanka can be proud of how the displaced population was treated. Of course there had been instances of excesses on the part of the government security forces and police but that was never the state policy.

Vanni humanitarian project

Against the backdrop of continuing killing of hungry Palestinians waiting to collect food, we can examine a high profile operation carried out by Sri Lanka to provide food for the Vanni population during the war. President Mahinda Rajapaksa ensured that those who had been trapped in the war zone received not only food but the best possible medical care in spite of the raging battles.

The President never hesitated to involve foreign governments and international organisations in the Vanni humanitarian project. Regardless of the military reporting some elements positioned themselves within the international grouping involved in the humanitarian work that provided support to the LTTE, the government continued to involve international groups. Unlike the controversial Gaza humanitarian operation, Sri Lanka never handed over the mission to the private sector.

Contrary to accusations that Sri Lanka waged a war without witnesses, the ICRC had been in Puthumathalan till the second week of February 2009 but even after their pullout the governmentled system ensured the evacuation of those wounded in the LTTE-controlled areas and continuously ensured food and other essential supplies to the war zone. The operation involved the ICRC and the WFP.

As the Army advanced further into the fast dwindling LTTE-held territory, the ICRC international staff, who had been in the Vanni, west and east, throughout the offensive, were evacuated by ship flying the ICRC flag on 10 February, 2009. ICRC ships evacuated hundreds if not thousands of wounded civilians, as they were held by the Tigers at gun point as a human shield, beginning 10 February, 2009, till 09 May, 2009, the last voyage before the conclusion of the war. On 16 occasions, ICRC flagged ships arrived at Puthumathalan during this period, ICRC international staff were allowed to visit Puthumathalan each time the vessels came.

Would a country perpetrating genocide, as Canada alleged, allow ICRC international staff to visit Puthumathalan, permit transfer of the war wounded out of the battle zone or positioned Indian medical relief team between Puthumathalan and Trinomalee? Actually, if Velupillai Prabhakaran and his family wanted they could have given themselves up to the ICRC at Puthumathalan and brought the war to a faster conclusion. Instead, Prabhakaran sought to negotiate an arrangement that allowed him to survive while the armed forces were prevented from achieving their final objective. The wartime Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa and three service commanders, Vice Admiral Wasantha Karannagoda, Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka, and Air Marshal Roshan Gunetilleke, were solidly behind the President.

Visit to Pulmoddai

The writer was one of the few journalists allowed to observe the transfer of people from Puthumathalan to Pulmoddai from a SLN Fast Attack Craft (FAC) positioned off the Puthumathalan coast, in the last week of April 2009, and then visited Pulmoddai where the wounded were handed over to the Indian medical team based there. That had been a very worthy move on the part of President Rajapaksa. The deployment of an Indian medical team to treat the wounded countered lies propagated by various interested parties. Those who faithfully believed in the LTTE’s invincibility couldn’t bear up the beating the group was receiving at the hands of the Sri Lankan military. Admiral of the Fleet Karannagoda’s memoirs ‘The Turning Point’, the English version ‘of Adhistanaya’ is a must-read for those interested in the Sri Lanka conflict. Published by Penguin Random House, India, the book dealt with the overall Navy’s role with the focus on the destruction of the LTTE’s floating warehouses that hastened the collapse of the fighting cadre. How the US provided specific intelligence to destroy four floating warehouses in September and October 2007, against the backdrop of the Army depriving the Navy of an opportunity to listen to LTTE communication, due to petty rivalries, is perhaps the most single significant help provided by a country by way of intelligence.

Having liberated Kilinochchi, in January, Sri Lanka intensified operations on the Vanni east front. Amidst the collapse of LTTE defences, Sri Lanka in February 2009 requested India to send an emergency medical team to Sri Lanka and the actual deployment took place at Pulmoddai on March 09, 2009. Following our request, New Delhi established an emergency field hospital where a 62-member Indian medical team worked until the conclusion of operations. Over 3,000 people, who had been wounded during the battles, were treated by the Indians over a period of two months and soon after the conclusion of the war, the team moved to Menik Farm refugee camp where the group treated over 25,000 people by the second week of July 2009. India pulled out its team by the end of August 2009. By then, Sri Lanka stabilised the situation and, contrary to some claims, the LTTE couldn’t revert to hit-and-run attacks.

The small group of journalists was allowed into the Indian medical facility. At the time of our visit, more wounded were brought in by the ICRC flagged ship.

UN report

The UN Secretary General’s Panel of Experts (PoE) report acknowledged that altogether 2,350 tonnes of food had been delivered to Mullivaikkal, from 10 February, 2009, to 09 May, 2009, and 14,000 wounded civilians and their relatives evacuated during this period (Paragraph 108).

The government knew of the danger in some of them disappearing but still they were allowed into the south.

The ICRC made a bid to bring in supplies and evacuate the wounded on 15 May, 2009, but couldn’t do so due to heavy fighting. The bottom line is that the ICRC had access to Puthumathalan till 09 May, 2009, just 10 days before the SLA killed LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran.

Sri Lanka’s continuing failure to set the record straight, in spite of having all required information/evidence is a mystery. In fact, successive governments never bothered to examine WikiLeaks revelations and use them to clear the country’s name from wild accusations of war crimes, emanating from the West, in support of the separatist cause. In one leaked document alone, a top ICRC official was quoted as having said that the Army paid a heavy price for taking civilian factor into consideration during the final phase of the offensive.

International organisations, including the UN, had access to the Northern and Eastern provinces. The bottom line is that the ICRC operated in Vanni east till late January 2009, though the UN pulled out of Kilinochchi in September 2008. However, the PoE report admitted that UN international staff were allowed entry to the Puthukkudiyiruppu Hospital, following the 29 January-04 February, 2009. artillery barrage directed at the facility by the Army.

Wartime MP Mano Ganesan had been one of those who alleged that Sri Lanka received the blessings of the international community to conduct a war without witnesses. Let me discuss the MP’s allegation, taking into consideration the PoE report on Accountability in Sri Lanka.

During high intensity battles in the Vanni east, the only permanent hospital functioning in that region was at Puthukkudiyiruppu. Regardless of government denials, that hospital had been hit repeatedly by artillery, including Multi Barrel Rocket Launchers (MBRLs) during the 29 January-04 February, 2009, period. There is absolutely no point in denying that fact. But it would have been more a scare tactic to speed up the end of the fighting, as if the SLA had wanted, it could have easily flattened the hospital with MBRL fire.

According to the PoE report that had been officially released on 31 March, 2011, the SLA granted UN international staff access to the hospital, damaged due to attacks during 29 January- 04 February, 2009. The report also disclosed that there had been two ICRC international members at the hospital when it was hit on 04 February. (Paragraph 91).

Therefore, there is no basis for MP Ganesan’s malicious claim that Sri Lanka conducted a war without witnesses. The UNSG’s report also acknowledged that LTTE cadres, who had been wounded in fighting in the nearby frontline, were brought to the Puthukkudiyiruppu Hospital where the organisation maintained a ward for them. (Paragraph 94).

The international community never gave Sri Lanka the go ahead for an all-out war in 2006. In fact, Western powers constantly put pressure on Sri Lanka to continue negotiations in an obvious attempt to help the Tigers, regardless of grave provocations by LTTE terrorists. There couldn’t be a better example than the assassination of Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar, at his Bullers Lane residence, in August 2005. The assassination had been carried out just four months before the presidential poll, regardless of the Norway arranged Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) that was really meant to destabilise the country in the guise of working for peace.

LTTE surrender

UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk appeared to have ignored Sri Lanka’s efforts to provide relief for all affected parties, including the ex-LTTE, as soon as the war was brought to an end.

The Tamil community immensely benefited from the post-war rehabilitation of the ex-LTTE cadres. The government rehabilitated nearly 12,000, while child soldiers were simply released. But the likes of retired Supreme Court justice C.V. Wigneswaran brazenly sought to take the shine out of Sri Lanka’s genuine efforts to bring about reconciliation, by falsely claiming that the Army poisoned over 100 ex-LTTE combatants held in rehabilitation camps. He ended up with egg on his face but he never bothered to acknowledge his blatant lie. Sri Lanka never pursued the matter. Wigneswaran lie is far worse than unsubstantiated allegations, propagated by various interested parties, as he once was a member of the country’s apex court. We can imagine how he dispensed justice as a sitting judge in the lower courts for decades, even prior to being elevated to the highest court.

Sri Lanka should have used the high profile post-war IOM (International Organisation for Migration) project to help ex-LTTE, as well as members of the breakaway Karuna faction, to prove her efforts. Unfortunately, Sri Lanka never had a cohesive plan to counter lies. The situation remains the same as interested parties continue to humiliate the warwinning country. Let me end this piece by underscoring the importance of establishing the total number of ex-LTTE and members of other violent groups who received citizenship in the West. They are now all over the world. General Secretary of the British Tamil Forum (BTF) V. Ravi Kumar is an ex-LTTE cadre from Jaffna. Australian-born Adele Balasingham, widow of the late LTTE theoretician Anton Balasingham, lives in the UK. What is Turk’s position on this woman, who, while wearing the LTTE uniform, handed over cyanide capsules to female LTTE cadres, some of whom were child soldiers? Perhaps Sri Lanka should raise the issue as part of its overall defence against wild war crimes accusations still being dished out against the country from the West.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

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Midweek Review

NPP drowning in sea of scams

Published

14 hours ago

2026/04/29

Sahan Weerasooriya

Outgoing Treasury Chief Mahinda Siriwardena congratulates his successor Harshana Suriyapperuma in late June 2025 at the Finance Ministry

The Opposition is pressing for a one-day debate on USD 2.5 mn Treasury theft, which is more like a daylight robbery that had been kept under wraps by Treasury mandarins till ‘Free Lawyers’ made it public. However, the government is strongly opposed to the Opposition proposal. The Opposition is seeking consensus among

different parties to intensify the campaign against the government, struggling to cope up with a spate of controversies. Against the backdrop of the devastating debate on the coal scam, the NPP seems reluctant to face another over the theft of Treasury funds.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

USD 2.5 mn brazen heist at the Treasury several months ago and the bigwigs there obviously dragging their feet over the matter till it was brought to light recently, thanks to the Free Lawyers movement, which has dampened the NPP’s enthusiasm for May Day. The Treasury fiasco humiliated the cocky NPP leadership against the backdrop of damning report issued by the National Audit Office (NAO) that found fault with the government for awarding the coal tender for 2025/2026 period to Trident Champhar Limited of India in violation of tender procedures. The NAO emphasised that the Indian company shouldn’t have even been considered for the tender.

Even after the exposure of the scandalous handling of the coal tender, the NPP, in spite of some rumblings within the party, remained confident of overcoming the growing accusations regarding governance issues. But, the sudden revelation of the loss suffered by the Treasury, and pathetic efforts made by the NPP to suppress the truth, has caused irreparable harm to the ruling party. The arrogant NPP will have to use May Day to defend the government. Instead of preaching to the masses ad nauseum the corruption allegations against previous administrations, the NPP would have to explain such massive failures/corruption, particularly the loss of USD 2.5 mn.

There hadn’t been a previous instance of such an incident at the Treasury. The NPP will have to answer questions posed by ‘Free Lawyers,’ a civil society group that first raised the Treasury issue. On behalf of ‘Free Lawyers,’ its President Maithri Gunaratne, PC, former Governor of several provinces Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon, and Attorney-at-Law Shiral Lakthikala, targeted the government over the unprecedented Treasury heist. The Opposition, too, censured the NPP, with SJB leader Sajith Premadasa, MP, Chairman of Public Finance Committee (CoPF) Dr. Harsha de Silva, MP, and United Republican Front (URF) taking the lead.

The NPP’s excuses, based on claimed raids carried out by hacker/hackers targeting the Treasury, are untenable. The NPP’s position cannot be defended or supported against growing criticism. The coal scam and Treasury fiasco dominated social media, with the Opposition, as well as ordinary citizens, having a field day at the expense of the NPP, a political party that accused its opponents of waste, corruption, irregularities and mismanagement. Its successful propaganda campaigns, at the presidential and parliamentary polls, in September and November, 2024, respectively, were centered on fighting corruption.

Their anti-corruption platform appealed to the people for obvious reasons. Against the backdrop of bankruptcy, declared in May, 2022, after failing to meet debt commitments, the electorate rallied around the NPP that thrived on waste, corruption, irregularities and mismanagement, perpetrated by previous governments. Having bagged the executive presidency in September, 2024, the NPP assured the electorate that the Parliament would be cleansed of evils at the general election. President Anura Kumara Dissanayake declared that the people have been vested with the responsibility of cleansing the Parliament. Dissanayake went a step further when he addressed a public gathering at the 18th mile post on the Negombo-Colombo road. The NPP leader, who also leads the JVP, asserted that there was no need for an Opposition in Parliament and the House should be filled with NPPers.

Dissanayake based his assertion essentially on two failed No-Confidence Motions (NCMs) moved against Ravi Karunanayake and Keheliya Rambukwella in 2016 and 2023, respectively. The NPP/JVP leader found fault with Yahapalanaya and the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government for protecting the two wrongdoers, hence the call to cleanse Parliament.

The results of the parliamentary election proved that the electorate responded very favourably to Dissanayake’s call. Of the 225-seat Parliament, the NPP secured 159 seats, including 18 National List slots. Having accused previous governments of shielding wrongdoers, Dissanayake easily directed the NPP’s steamroller parliamentary group to defeat the NCM moved against Energy Minister Punyakumara Dissanayake (National List) on 10 April, just a few days after the NAO report exposed the coal scam.

First ex-MP as Treasury Secy.

If its own hands are clean, there is no doubt that the NPP now deeply regrets the appointment of ex-NPP National List MP Harshana Suriyapperuma as the Secretary to the Treasury and the Finance Ministry. That appointment was made in June 2025 to fill the vacancy created by the retirement of Mahinda Siriwardana who, along with Governor of the Central Bank Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe, played a significant role in the country’s post-Aragalaya recovery programme.

Suriyapperuma, who had served as Deputy Minister of Finance and Planning for just seven months, before being appointed the Treasury Secretary/Finance Ministry Secretary, is under heavy fire for suppressing the truth. No less a person than CoPF Chairman Dr. de Silva publicly accused Suriyapperuma of trying to undermine his committee. The SJB has demanded Suriyapperuma’s immediate resignation. Dr. Anil Jayantha succeeded as Deputy Minister of Finance and Planning.

Those who inquired into the crisis-hit Treasury are of the belief that 53-year-old Suriyapperuma lacked the much required experience to fill the shoes of Mahinda Siriwardana. Perhaps, the breach at the Treasury could have been averted if an outsider was not brought in place of Siriwardena. The recent reportage of the incident revealed that Suriyapperuma had been aware of the breach and sought to avoid appearing before the CoPF. The NPP could have responded to the developing situation differently if an ex-MP hadn’t been entrusted with the task of steering the Treasury/Finance Ministry. To make matters worse, President Dissanayake holds the Finance portfolio.

Although the government declared that the theft of USD 2.5 mn had been reported to the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) after initial detection made in January this year, controversy surrounds the failure on the part of law enforcement authorities to bring it to the notice of the courts. Maithri Gunaratne, appearing in Hiru last Saturday (25), questioned why the police failed to inform the relevant Magistrate if the government lodged a complaint in that regard.

Australia has confirmed irregularities in payments owed to their government. Regardless of NPP efforts to blame it on hacker/hackers, the truth is clear. Payments have been made to an account that hadn’t been in the original agreement between the governments of Sri Lanka and Australia. That is the undeniable truth that the NPP cannot suppress by propaganda.

The NPP should be ashamed that such a fraud had been perpetrated on a country still struggling to cope up with the economic destruction caused by the UNP- and the SLFP-led governments with the help of “mission impossible” type roles played by outside interests, especially during Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s tenure using the JVP/Aragalaya.

The world knows how the UNP perpetrated the Treasury bond scams with the direct involvement of the then Governor of the Central Bank Arjuna Mahendran, in February 2015 and March 2016. Regardless of that intolerable scam, the UNP made a desperate attempt to retain the services of the Singaporean as the Governor of the Central Bank. Party leader and the then Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe demanded the re-appointment of Mahendran. That despicable move had to be dropped due to massive Opposition protests and growing public discontent over the Treasury bond scams.

The first Treasury bond scam carried out on 27 February, 2015 caused a direct loss of approximately Rs. 2 billion. On the instructions of Mahendran, the Treasury suddenly and arbitrarily changed the process of issuing Treasury Bonds. According to media reports at that time, higher interest payments, over the next 30 years, caused a further loss of around Rs. 145 billion.

Then Mahendran struck again. Caused further direct losses of more than Rs. 4 billion to the government through the fraudulent increase in interest rates as a result of the Treasury Bond issues on 27th March, 2016 ,and 29th March, 2016, in order to provide an undue advantage to connected primary dealers by indulging in further pre-meditated bond scams.

NPP on back foot

The ruling party put on a brave face with lawmakers and various others trying to play down the incident at the Treasury. Some pathetically tried to compare various accusations directed at the Rajapaksas with the incident at the Treasury which they conveniently blamed on hacker/hackers.

The NPP is facing an explosive mixture of issues. Both the coal and Treasury scams have brought immense pressure on the national economy and caused automatic deterioration. The resignation of Punyakumara aka Kumara Jayakody over the coal scam indicated that defeating the NCM moved against him was a strategic political blunder. Had the NPP asked the tainted first time Minister to step down and appoint a Presidential Commission to go into the coal scam, the NPP could have averted a major disaster. However, the Energy Minister and the Energy Secretary Udayanga Hemapala had to resign before the Parliament took up the NCM. Had the top NPP leadership bothered to peruse the executive summary of the NAO presented to Parliament on 7 April, the Party wouldn’t have tried to defend the minister.

Having championed a corruption-free political party system and then won both the presidential and parliamentary polls on that platform, the NPP executed the shocking move to move 323 containers out of the Colombo Port, in January 2025, without even any cursory checks. Those who perpetrated that operation used continuing port congestion as an excuse to clear red-flagged containers without mandatory physical checking. The NPP recently thwarted a bid by Opposition lawmakers, representing a parliamentary committee inquiring into the illegal release of containers, to summon President Dissanayake.

That committee, headed by Justice Minister Attorney-at-Law Harshana Nanayakkara, owed an explanation as to why President Dissanayake, in his capacity as the Finance Minister, shouldn’t appear before a House committee. President Dissanayake very often addresses Parliament on crucial issues. As the Minister in charge of Finance, the President should offer an explanation regarding the high profile container issue that tarnished the NPP’s image.

Three major issues in hand, namely the release of 323 containers, coal scam and theft at the Treasury, regardless of what various apologists say on mainstream and social media, have caused irrevocable damage to the party, let alone escapades involving the likes of Speaker Jagath Wickramaratne, Minister Lal Kantha, etc. The impact on the NPP can be ascertained only at an election. With the public increasingly aware of the growing accusations against it, the ruling party will do whatever possible to put off long delayed Provincial Council elections. Facing the electorate against deepening discontent among the public seems to be a frightening situation. It would be interesting to observe how a House committee, headed by Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath, appointed to explore ways and means to conduct Provincial Council polls, address the issue at hand.

When compared with the three major issues, the resignation of Asoka Ranwala, as the Speaker, in December, 2024, over his failure to produce the much-touted educational qualifications, seems unnecessary. Of course, Ranwala’s case attracted tremendous public attention at that time as the public really believed the NPP wouldn’t deceive them. Ranwala’s lie shocked the public. NPP theoretician Prof. Ranjith Nirmal Dewasiri had no qualms in publicly attacking Ranwala in the wake of the NPP defending the Speaker. But, subsequent NPP actions revealed massive manipulations that shamed the first post-Aragalaya government.

Having accused Ranil Wickremesinghe of squandering as much as Rs 16 mn to join his wife Prof. Maithree in the UK in September, 2023, the NPP has ended up facing far more serious accusations. The incident at the Treasury should be sufficient for the Opposition to move NCM against the government. Of course, the NPP got the numbers in Parliament to easily defeat the NCM but the consequences would be devastating. Those who still talk of recovering the missing USD 2.5 mn must be living in a dreamland. The UNP is labelled with Treasury bond scams (2015 and 2016) and the SLPP faulted with tax cuts (2019) and sugar tax scam (2020). The NPP will have to live with the coal scam and Treasury theft. The NPP will no longer be able to parade on political platforms as paragons of virtue. It would be pertinent to mention that the Presidential Commission appointed to probe the procurement of coal, since 2009, would be able to produce a report to meet the NPP’s expectations. All indications point to that and 2026 is going to be far more challenging, both in and outside Parliament, than the previous year.

NDB fraud

Examined together, the massive fraud at the National Development Bank (NDB), perpetrated during the 2024-2026 period, and the Treasury incident, they underscore the vulnerability of the entire banking system. The 13.2 bn NDB fraud and theft of USD 2.5 mn from the Treasury exposed the regulator, the Central Bank of Sri Lanka, in respect of the NDB. The situation at the NDB cannot be examined without taking into consideration that Ernst & Young is the external auditors of the NDB and its Managing Partner Duminda Hulangamuwa functions as Senior Economic Adviser to President Dissanayake. People haven’t forgotten that Hulangamuwa had been mentioned as the possible successor of Mahinda Siriwardena before the NPP brought in Suriyapperuma. The Central Bank and Securities Exchange Commission (SEC) come under the purview of the Finance Ministry now embroiled in the expanding Treasury fiasco.

The Board of Directors at the NDB consists of Sriyan Cooray (Chairman), Kelum Edirisinghe (Director / Chief Executive Officer (Executive), Bernard Sinniah (Director /Non-Independent), Sujeewa Mudalige (Director /Independent), Kushan D’Alwis (Director/Independent), Kasturi Chellaraja (Director/Independent), Shweta Pandey (Director /Independent), Hasitha Premaratne (Director/Independent), Sanjaya Mohottala (Director (Non-Independent) and Shanil Fernando Director (Independent).

The issue at hand is how such a fraud went unnoticed for a considerable period of time and whether the top management simply ignored warning signs and the failure on the part of the regulator to intervene. Those who have read Mahinda Siriwardana’s ‘Sri Lanka’s Economic Revival: Reflections on the Journey from Crisis to Recovery’ would know the circumstances leading to the 2022 economic collapse. Soft spoken Siriwardana meticulously discussed how the then Central Bank leadership as well as the so-called economic leadership of the Pohottuwa party deliberately deceived President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Siriwardena’s narrative is explosive. The book, launched before his retirement, with the participation of President Dissanayake, underscored the responsibility on the part of the political leadership and those running the banking system. Obviously Siriwardena’s work had no impact on the current dispensation as well as the top banking management.

The Opposition sees an apparent opportunity to heap pressure on the NPP as it contemplates counter measures. Their challenge is how to take remedial measures without jeopardizing the government. The IMF declaration that it is closely watching the theft of USD 2.5 mn from the Treasury must have added pressure on the government, ripped apart by the situation at the Treasury. Let us hope the government and the Opposition reach consensus on ways and means to improve financial discipline. Overall, the Parliament cannot absolve itself of the responsibility for enactment of laws and ensuring financial discipline and the fact that Sri Lanka needs to start repayment of debt in 2028.

Midweek Review

Is language social or psychological phenomenon?

Published

14 hours ago

2026/04/29

Sahan Weerasooriya

This essay was presented at The Philosophy Group of the University of London about 20 years ago. The thought provoking essay published in The Island on 22 April by Usvwatte-aratchi- Some languages confine you; some languages free you prompted me to try to get this essay published if possible. It may help the readers to further their ideas about the importance of usage of language.

Personally, I have firsthand experience in this subject. I was exposed to two different cultures and two languages. In my formative years I was brought up in a certain culture and spoke the language pertaining to that culture/language (Sinhalese -Sri Lanka). I spent all my studying and working life (55 years) using a different language in a different culture (English -England). I must mention that this was not recently. It was the early 1960’s. I can claim that I have enough knowledge and experience to justify this essay topic. In this essay I shall be investigating some of the social aspects of language with the aid of some opinions put forward by some philosophers. Then I shall be making an attempt to see what psychology has to offer before I draw my own conclusions. I am treating social aspects as part and parcel of the culture. In my view these are inseparable entities, unless one chooses to forget his or her cultural upbringing to suit a particular society.

Adoption of different culture

Socially, learning a different language and adopting a different culture is quite possible. In this case what dominates is one’s attitude or the circumstances. Attitude is psychological. I am convinced that circumstances may lead to a change of attitudes. Having said that, we must not forget that there are individuals who have not taken the trouble to learn the language of the culture in which they live. This has created a lot of socio-psychological problems in the community in which they live. It is obvious that the problem is one of communication. The main tool of communication is language. Philosophers and psychologists have spent many years investigating how language helps us to communicate and also how it may lead us to misunderstand our own fellow human beings. Understanding others (family members, members of the community in which we live, and the strangers we meet) is one of the most important aspects of living.

An awareness of the problem of language goes back to the early Greek philosophers. Parmenides gave us the first example of an argument from language to the world, saying that if we speak of a thing it must exist, since we speak of a thing at various times, it must continue to exist in a particular form. It is recently that language itself has come to be studied in a systematic way. The two landmarks in this respect were the development of Linguistics and the philosophy of language in the 20th century. The great philosopher Bertrand Russell (1872-1970) has admitted that until he became a middle-aged man, he did not think about language per se, but regarded it as ‘transparent’. I am sure this is true with most of us although we are not of Russell’s caliber when it comes to philosophy. And one may not have to wait until one reaches one’s middle age.

Linguistics and philosophy of language

It will help us if we understand the difference between Linguistics and philosophy of Language. What linguists discover may be applied to philosophy, sociology, psychology, anthropology or physiology. But as a discipline of study, it remains independent of them. The philosophy of language is different. One of the modern philosophers John Searle (1932-2025) thought, by contrast to linguistics, philosophy tries to solve philosophical problems by analyzing the ordinary use, meaning and relations of words in a particular language. Searle goes on to say that language is crucial to understand human experience. In my opinion this is a very valid comment. At a very practical level we spend a lot of time sharing our experiences. Verbal communication is vital in this area. According to Canadian philosopher Ian Hacking(1936-2023) the influence of language on philosophy has been profound and almost unrecognized. He indicates, if we are not to be misled by this influence, it is necessary to become conscious of it, and to ask ourselves deliberately how far it is legitimate.

It is appropriate to bring in Ludwig Wittgenstein(1889-1951) at this point. He brought in the subject predicate theory of language. For example, if we say “John is king”. Where John is the subject and king is the predicate. Here existence requires substance. For Aristotle, forms do not exist independently of things—every form is the form of something. A “substantial” form is a kind that is attributed to a thing, without which that thing would be of a different kind or would cease to exist altogether. Wittgenstein supports Saint Augustine’s view that words are names of objects and that combinations of words have the sole function of describing reality. For example, if we point at a certain object, say a table and try to say to a child “this is a table”, the child will be confused as to what we are pointing at. Is it the colour, the tabletop or one or more of its legs This is called the ostensive definition method of teaching. Ostensive definitions lead to a variety of interpretations. The child may understand a particular case of this definition but there is no guarantee that she will be able to make a transition from one case to others like it.

Plato’s theory

J G Herder (1744-1803) pointed out the object to which we make reference may be defined by numerous different terms. How then can we justify direct, one to one correspondence-either of so many to one, or of one to so many? How are we going to deal with situations where a term describes something non-existent or only possible? Plato’s “Forms” theory cannot be applied here as anything that we can speak of already exists as a Form. Critics of this theory ask the question: “how can the world be crowded with so many imaginary objects?” We use words to describe and define. Is there any room for slang language? This comes in handy in our day to day social communication. Ostensive definition raises the questions that require a constant selection of what counts as relevant. In Aldous Huxley’s novel Chrome Yellow, the character Old Rowley is confused as to: Does ‘pig’ refer to the quality of having a curly tail? Or standing in rows to eat? Or being pink skinned and fat? Or wearing no clothes? When we use the word “piggishness” is it something inherent to pigs, or simply, a matter of how we choose to describe them?

How can we relate the above ideas and theories of language to our daily living? Daily living is a psychosocial activity.

Perceptions

The nature of language reflects the nature of our perceptions, and these are far from straight forward. Franz Brentano (1838-1917) developed his theory of intentionality: that every mental phenomenon has a relation of direction to its object, i.e. perceptions, desires, imagination etc. are related to what is perceived, desired or imagined. I presume this can be applied to any language irrespective of the culture (our social conditioning). Say for instance the images of art and the writings are given the ability to represent objects by imposing the intentionality on the object. Thus, when we assert that we see or believe something, we impose, by convention and intention, (that is true if and only if it is the case) on the statement, and these conditions are not contained intrinsically in the sounds that make it up, but in our perception of belief about the fact. I begin to wonder how this can be applied to non-physical and unseen situations. Sometimes our feelings and attitudes are unknown to the observer. A person may shout because he is angry but you cannot see the anger, only its physical expression. We will not be able to see the prior event that has led to the anger and the utterance. This shows that there is a limit to how much is revealed simply by observing a word and its context; there is often more than that can be said.

How can we account for unexpected linguistic behaviour? This has both social and psychological implications.

For a long time behavioural theorists believed that every development of the human being was controlled by environmental and social factors. This is similar to an ostensive explanation of meaning. It implied that everything was learnt through training and association. But Noam Chomsky (b.1928) was not happy with this idea. He thought language is a complex phenomenon and which is not taught bit by bit or systematically to infants. It is successfully acquired by (almost) everybody. From my own experience it is true to say that the difficulty in learning a second language is a very different process from that experienced with the first language. Chomsky argued that the first language is not in fact learned, but rather acquired through exposure to a particular language. According to him all languages share the same basic structure, and he called this “deep structure”, which may be expressed as surface structures through a process called ‘transformation’. Chomsky’s theory helps us to assume a universal system of grammar, which may generate an infinite number of particular sentences within a language. This explains how we may create sentences within a language we have never encountered before from a limited set of grammatical rules and this appears to be a rational scientific approach.

Social or psychological phenomenon

The argument/discussion whether language is a social or a psychological phenomenon requires much more investigation than this essay warrants. I have briefly brought in various philosophers’ work, which are invaluable to this topic in terms of philosophy of language. In conclusion I am tempted to state my own experiences as a bi-lingual person. When it comes to my first language, which is Sinhalese I don’t think I learned it. I heard my parents speaking it and I picked up a few words and I constructed my own sentences and gradually became proficient by accumulating more words. Of course, the proper grammatical use of even my own language was taught in school and not by my parents. Learning my second language i.e. English took a different form. I was taught to speak, read, and write English at school and I had to work harder at this than my first language, because my English was confined to the classroom situation only, i. e. I learnt English in a non- English environment. First language came naturally and the second one I had to learn to fit into the social and the education structure that prevailed at that time. Compulsion can motivate us to learn!I had no choice but to adopt myself culturally and linguistically as a university student in England and then as a university teacher in England. Apart from the native English students, I have taught students from different countries. European, African and Asian. I had the opportunity to intermingle with them and learned various different cultural and linguistic aspects. After almost a half a century in England, I am back to my own culture (language, customs, food etc) where I was born and started my life. I am still proficient in my own language Sinhalese. No conscious effort needed.

After all the foregoing arguments and philosophy that I have put forward, my own conclusion is Chomsky’s theories are more plausible to me than other theories on this issue. It is difficult to be exact and say whether language is a social or psychological phenomenon. From the above arguments, we can see that culture and language of a given society are tightly bound. This leads us to psychological adjustments in order to fit into a society. Who can deny that even the philosophers mentioned above have not been subjected to their own cultural environment?

by Prof. Sampath
Anson Fernando
Formerly University of
The Arts London