Features
Uncertain Sino-US relations in the Biden Era
by Kumar David
A US State Department release said on 12 May 2021: “Strategic competition is the frame through which we view our relationship with the PRC. We will address it from a position of strength in which we work with our allies to defend our interests and values. We will advance our economic interests, counter Beijing’s aggressive and coercive actions, sustain key military advantages and vital security partnerships, re-engage robustly in the UN system, and stand up when China violates human and fundamental freedoms. When it is in our interest, we will conduct results-oriented diplomacy with China on shared challenges such as climate change and global public health”; (abbreviated).
So, America will strengthen its economic and strategic position and place emphasis on human rights but also collaborate on common interests such as climate change. It’s different from the Trump Era more in posture and signals than in words. Trade sanctions are off the table or will be used infrequently, belligerence is no longer in vogue and there is a well-articulated shift to concern with human-rights, a term Trump treated with derision. You will hear more about Xinjiang than trade deficits in the Bidden years.
Donald Trump was an aberration, a malignant abnormality and a dangerous one. Dangerous because political conditions in the US are scary, to say the least because the ultra-right, white-supremacists and primeval cultures, in a word the zeitgeist of potentially fascist-like threats consume the country. The information released last month by the Defence and Justice Departments that Trump was on the verge of attempting a coup after his election defeat shows how close America came to civil war. To give readers a rough measure I would stick my neck out and say that a quarter to a third of all Americans are Neanderthal in outlook; but it’s very uneven across states. To best see primitives look in states with the most anti-vaccination populace. The seven Jim Crow states are the pits – Mississippi, Louisiana, Alabama, Arkansas, Tennessee, West Virginia and South Carolina. I needed to sound this warning about America’s rumbustious unevenness as opposed China’s dull uniformity and superficial linearity before moving on.
The remainder of this article will focus on a five-game match; (1) BRI (Belt and Road Initiative) vs B3W (Build Back Better World G7 initiative), (2) Digital Yuan or DY, (3) competing corporate governance models, (4) cyber-espionage and (5) human rights. The BRI vs B3W battle will be a walkover for China. BRI has had a head start of over a decade, has commitments in hard cash and is a state-to-state undertaking between China and about 50 countries. The Americans and G7 partners hope the private sector will join as a big stakeholder to catalyse hundreds of billions of dollars in infrastructure investment in low- and middle-income countries. A senior official gambled: “We believe we will beat the BRI by offering a higher-quality choice and we’ll offer that choice with self-confidence about our model that reflects our shared values.” The shared values the West envisions are free-markets, commitment to democracy and respect for human rights. Wake up Joe from visions of honeymooning with dictators and goons! The Chinese have a better cruder measure of the likes of the (Raja)Paksas; they will win the first-set of the BRI vs B3W match 6-0.
The second set will be harder fought. Beijing makes BRI investments and grants loans to countries that cautious investors will not touch with a bargepole. It is hard to quantify the BRI investment quantum since a part is Central Government loans, much investment by Chinese SOEs and maybe a fifth of the total costs are carried in cash or kind (land, labour) by recipient countries. In the final analysis total BRI investment from all sources may be in the $3 trillion to $4 trillion range. Handouts to bankrupt or brain-dead regimes (Lanka exemplifies both disorders) are used to gain political mileage or acquire assets when non-creditworthy projects go belly-up as with no-ships Hambantota Harbour, no-fly Mattala and no-games Hambantota stadium. I do not need to amplify that many recipient countries are sinking ever deeper into the mire of debt (for no fault of Beijing you may say if you are tough), and crucially, will never escape from debt. They will pawn or give away national assets for 99-years. The criticism of perpetual indebtedness to China is gaining ground, nevertheless China will still win the second-set of the BRI vs. B3W game largely because many third world political leaders are scoundrels.

The internationalisation of the DY, game (2), is unstoppable and desirable. It is important to distinguish between China’s Digital Yuan and bitcoin and other crypto-currencies. China is expanding domestic and international digital transactions through the central bank (People’s Bank of China); DY is supported by block-chain technology making it tamper-proof and it is issued by a central bank as a national currency. As it gains acceptance it will become an international alongside the Dollar, Euro and Yen but with technical differences. The motives for internationalising the Yuan are countering US dollar dominance of global finance and curbing the clout of China’s own “fintech” giants like Ant Group and Tencent. The hegemony of the US dollar is anchored in the petrodollar. In 1971 when stagflation prompted a run on the dollar and it plummeted; other countries wanted to redeem their dollars for gold, but to protect US gold reserves Nixon removed it from the gold standard where it was convertible to gold at a fixed rate of $35 per ounce. Currently the gold price is about $1800 per ounce.
In 1973 when the US provided military aid to Israel for the Yom Kippur War OPEC was outraged and raised oil prices. But in 1979 the US and Saudi Arabia agreed to use dollars for oil contracts and recycle dollars back to America through contracts with US companies. The petrodollar, an arrangement by which oil is globally priced in dollars was born. Everybody including Iran, Russia and China are caught in this trap. The petrodollar is the mechanism by which the US dominates global finance and enforces its foreign policy. Sometime this decade the US economy will fall behind China’s in size. It is not possible for the currency of Number Two to indefinitely remain the global monetary hegemon. It is going to be a complicated and drawn out process and there is no sign of an immediate collapse of dollar global hegemony though DY will join the select club of global currencies.
China is the place with entrepreneurs and computer wizards were “mining” 65% of the world’s new digital currencies (bitcoins for short). The authorities have suddenly imposed a harsh crackdown allegedly for a vast overconsumption of electricity but more likely for two other reasons as well; to impose tighter control on a part of the economy that was running out of view of the central authorities and second to protect the launch of DY by providing it with a more monopoly-like status in the Chinese digital currency domain.
The distinction between the state-directed or guided capitalist sector and free-market capitalism needs no elaboration. Experience supports the view that in developing countries the former has invariably been more successful in encouraging growth and improving mass standards of living. My comment here is about something quite recent – the state is muscling in on private companies. E-marketing and ‘fintech’ (finance-technology) giants like Alibaba, Ant-Group and ride-hailing (Uber like) companies like Didi are being tethered and put under much tighter control. Listing in foreign markets (New York and Hong Kong), tighter scrutiny of corporate data, are desired and illegal collection and use of personal data has been alleged. The truth in my view is that it is a two pronged strategy; the regime’s obsession with political monopoly-control and an enhanced anti-trust policy intervention. At this time when anti-trust policies are falling by the wayside in America the latter this is a good forward step.
Item (4) is a long and ongoing controversy. The US accuses China of state-sponsored cyber hacking led or encouraged by the Ministry of State Security. Direct state espionage is allegedly for military and research secrets and stealing economic know-how. Allegations of encouraging felons to engage in ransomware attacks seems far fetched and military espionage obviously is a thriving two-way game. The world of espionage and counter-espionage is more spooky than an elaborate spy novel. It is shrouded in darkness but gathers everything, spies on everyone, violates every norm of privacy and decency. We can safely assume that the network of agencies that proliferate in both sides are into it to the hilt of their technical abilities.
The game China will lose hands down is game (5), human rights; alleged forced labour and political oppression of the Uyghurs of Xinjiang Province. Humanitarian groups assert that Beijing has transferred Uyghurs elsewhere and forced them to work under harsh conditions in factories across the country. I have travelled a bit in China and believe that Islam is repressed and it is apparent Uyghurs are sullen and angry but I have not seen evidence that they are transported to “labour camps” in other provinces. The Chinese CP is ideologically totalitarian: “Total” in the sense that it will not share space and air with other ideologies (Falun Gong, the Christian Churches, competing political views or ‘heretical’ Marxist interpretations). This is because it is insecure and alarmed by competition in “belief space”. My Hong Kong friends hedge their bets on whether the Uyghurs are more sullen about oppression or more pleased by improving economic conditions.
A more interesting rationale for Western criticism may lie elsewhere. These factories are in the supply chains of many global brands. “We believe these practices are an affront to human dignity and an egregious example of China’s unfair, economic competition” Western critics say. A Uyghur Forced Labour Prevention bill is pending in the U.S. House of Representatives. The legislation requires disclosures from businesses about engagement with Chinese companies engaged in human rights abuses in Xinjiang. The meat of the matter may be more to do with commercial competition than love of human rights. Nevertheless the first few decades of the Twenty-first Century are panning out as the decades of human-rights and the Chinese are engaging in a match that they will eventually lose 0-6.
Tracking the evolution of Sino-American developments is best done along the five dimensions I have selected for this essay plus a few others. However, the context in which medium-term Sino-American can be better appreciated is Biden’s economic strategy which Republicans are attempting to scuttle at any cost because its success on even a modest scale will bury Trump and the GOP for a generation. Biden’s methodology is to repeat FDR’s New Deal strategy mutatis mutandis. Infrastructure building on a multi-trillion dollar scale, large universal cash handouts, enhanced unemployment support and an eviction moratorium for delays in rent payment are intended to ease conditions for the poorer half of society and at the same time create demand to spur the economy. The jury is still out on effectiveness but time is on Biden’s side.
Features
Digital transformation in the Global South
Understanding Sri Lanka through the India AI Impact Summit 2026
Artificial Intelligence (AI) has rapidly moved from being a specialised technological field into a major social force that shapes economies, cultures, governance, and everyday human life. The India AI Impact Summit 2026, held in New Delhi, symbolised a significant moment for the Global South, especially South Asia, because it demonstrated that artificial intelligence is no longer limited to advanced Western economies but can also become a development tool for emerging societies. The summit gathered governments, researchers, technology companies, and international organisations to discuss how AI can support social welfare, public services, and economic growth. Its central message was that artificial intelligence should be human centred and socially useful. Instead of focusing only on powerful computing systems, the summit emphasised affordable technologies, open collaboration, and ethical responsibility so that ordinary citizens can benefit from digital transformation. For South Asia, where large populations live in rural areas and resources are unevenly distributed, this idea is particularly important.
People friendly AI
One of the most important concepts promoted at the summit was the idea of “people friendly AI.” This means that artificial intelligence should be accessible, understandable, and helpful in daily activities. In South Asia, language diversity and economic inequality often prevent people from using advanced technology. Therefore, systems designed for local languages, and smartphones, play a crucial role. When a farmer can speak to a digital assistant in Sinhala, Tamil, or Hindi and receive advice about weather patterns or crop diseases, technology becomes practical rather than distant. Similarly, voice based interfaces allow elderly people and individuals with limited literacy to use digital services. Affordable mobile based AI tools reduce the digital divide between urban and rural populations. As a result, artificial intelligence stops being an elite instrument and becomes a social assistant that supports ordinary life.
Transformation in education sector
The influence of this transformation is visible in education. AI based learning platforms can analyse student performance and provide personalised lessons. Instead of all students following the same pace, weaker learners receive additional practice while advanced learners explore deeper material. Teachers are able to focus on mentoring and explanation rather than repetitive instruction. In many South Asian societies, including Sri Lanka, education has long depended on memorisation and private tuition classes. AI tutoring systems could reduce educational inequality by giving rural students access to learning resources, similar to those available in cities. A student who struggles with mathematics, for example, can practice step by step exercises automatically generated according to individual mistakes. This reduces pressure, improves confidence, and gradually changes the educational culture from rote learning toward understanding and problem solving.
Healthcare is another area where AI is becoming people friendly. Many rural communities face shortages of doctors and medical facilities. AI-assisted diagnostic tools can analyse symptoms, or medical images, and provide early warnings about diseases. Patients can receive preliminary advice through mobile applications, which helps them decide whether hospital visits are necessary. This reduces overcrowding in hospitals and saves travel costs. Public health authorities can also analyse large datasets to monitor disease outbreaks and allocate resources efficiently. In this way, artificial intelligence supports not only individual patients but also the entire health system.
Agriculture, which remains a primary livelihood for millions in South Asia, is also undergoing transformation. Farmers traditionally rely on seasonal experience, but climate change has made weather patterns unpredictable. AI systems that analyse rainfall data, soil conditions, and satellite images can predict crop performance and recommend irrigation schedules. Early detection of plant diseases prevents large-scale crop losses. For a small farmer, accurate information can mean the difference between profit and debt. Thus, AI directly influences economic stability at the household level.
Employment and communication reshaped
Artificial intelligence is also reshaping employment and communication. Routine clerical and repetitive tasks are increasingly automated, while demand grows for digital skills, such as data management, programming, and online services. Many young people in South Asia are beginning to participate in remote work, freelancing, and digital entrepreneurship. AI translation tools allow communication across languages, enabling businesses to reach international customers. Knowledge becomes more accessible because information can be summarised, translated, and explained instantly. This leads to a broader sociological shift: authority moves from tradition and hierarchy toward information and analytical reasoning. Individuals rely more on data when making decisions about education, finance, and career planning.
Impact on Sri Lanka
The impact on Sri Lanka is especially significant because the country shares many social and economic conditions with India and often adopts regional technological innovations. Sri Lanka has already begun integrating artificial intelligence into education, agriculture, and public administration. In schools and universities, AI learning tools may reduce the heavy dependence on private tuition and help students in rural districts receive equal academic support. In agriculture, predictive analytics can help farmers manage climate variability, improving productivity and food security. In public administration, digital systems can speed up document processing, licensing, and public service delivery. Smart transportation systems may reduce congestion in urban areas, saving time and fuel.
Economic opportunities are also expanding. Sri Lanka’s service based economy and IT outsourcing sector can benefit from increased global demand for digital skills. AI-assisted software development, data annotation, and online service platforms can create new employment pathways, especially for educated youth. Small and medium entrepreneurs can use AI tools to design products, manage finances, and market services internationally at low cost. In tourism, personalised digital assistants and recommendation systems can improve visitor experiences and help small businesses connect with travellers directly.
Digital inequality
However, the integration of artificial intelligence also raises serious concerns. Digital inequality may widen if only educated urban populations gain access to technological skills. Some routine jobs may disappear, requiring workers to retrain. There are also risks of misinformation, surveillance, and misuse of personal data. Ethical regulation and transparency are, therefore, essential. Governments must develop policies that protect privacy, ensure accountability, and encourage responsible innovation. Public awareness and digital literacy programmes are necessary so that citizens understand both the benefits and limitations of AI systems.
Beyond economics and services, AI is gradually influencing social relationships and cultural patterns. South Asian societies have traditionally relied on hierarchy and personal authority, but data-driven decision making changes this structure. Agricultural planning may depend on predictive models rather than ancestral practice, and educational evaluation may rely on learning analytics instead of examination rankings alone. This does not eliminate human judgment, but it alters its basis. Societies increasingly value analytical thinking, creativity, and adaptability. Educational systems must, therefore, move beyond memorisation toward critical thinking and interdisciplinary learning.
AI contribution to national development
In Sri Lanka, these changes may contribute to national development if implemented carefully. AI-supported financial monitoring can improve transparency and reduce corruption. Smart infrastructure systems can help manage transportation and urban planning. Communication technologies can support interaction among Sinhala, Tamil, and English speakers, promoting social inclusion in a multilingual society. Assistive technologies can improve accessibility for persons with disabilities, enabling broader participation in education and employment. These developments show that artificial intelligence is not merely a technological innovation but a social instrument capable of strengthening equality when guided by ethical policy.
Symbolic shift
Ultimately, the India AI Impact Summit 2026 represents a symbolic shift in the global technological landscape. It indicates that developing nations are beginning to shape the future of artificial intelligence according to their own social needs rather than passively importing technology. For South Asia and Sri Lanka, the challenge is not whether AI will arrive but how it will be used. If education systems prepare citizens, if governments establish responsible regulations, and if access remains inclusive, AI can become a partner in development rather than a source of inequality. The future will likely involve close collaboration between humans and intelligent systems, where machines assist decision making while human values guide outcomes. In this sense, artificial intelligence does not replace human society, but transforms it, offering Sri Lanka an opportunity to build a more knowledge based, efficient, and equitable social order in the decades ahead.
by Milinda Mayadunna
Features
Governance cannot be a postscript to economics
The visit by IMF Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva to Sri Lanka was widely described as a success for the government. She was fulsome in her praise of the country and its developmental potential. The grounds for this success and collaborative spirit go back to the inception of the agreement signed in March 2023 in the aftermath of Sri Lanka’s declaration of international bankruptcy. The IMF came in to fulfil its role as lender of last resort. The government of the day bit the bullet. It imposed unpopular policies on the people, most notably significant tax increases. At a moment when the country had run out of foreign exchange, defaulted on its debt, and faced shortages of fuel, medicine and food, the IMF programme restored a measure of confidence both within the country and internationally.
Since 1965 Sri Lanka has entered into agreements with the IMF on 16 occasions none of which were taken to their full term. The present agreement is the 17th agreement . IMF agreements have traditionally been focused on economic restructuring. Invariably the terms of agreement have been harsh on the people, with priority being given to ensure the debtor country pays its loans back to the IMF. Fiscal consolidation, tax increases, subsidy reductions and structural reforms have been the recurring features. The social and political costs have often been high. Governments have lost popularity and sometimes fallen before programmes were completed. The IMF has learned from experience across the world that macroeconomic reform without social protection can generate backlash, instability and policy reversals.
The experience of countries such as Greece, Ireland and Portugal in dealing with the IMF during the eurozone crisis demonstrated the political and social costs of austerity, even though those economies later stabilised and returned to growth. The evolution of IMF policies has ensured that there are two special features in the present agreement. The first is that the IMF has included a safety net of social welfare spending to mitigate the impact of the austerity measures on the poorest sections of the population. No country can hope to grow at 7 or 8 percent per annum when a third of its people are struggling to survive. Poverty alleviation measures in the Aswesuma programme, developed with the agreement of the IMF, are key to mitigating the worst impacts of the rising cost of living and limited opportunities for employment.
Governance Included
The second important feature of the IMF agreement is the inclusion of governance criteria to be implemented alongside the economic reforms. It goes to the heart of why Sri Lanka has had to return to the IMF repeatedly. Economic mismanagement did not take place in a vacuum. It was enabled by weak institutions, politicised decision making, non-transparent procurement, and the erosion of checks and balances. In its economic reform process, the IMF has included an assessment of governance related issues to accompany the economic restructuring process. At the top of this list is tackling the problem of corruption by means of publicising contracts, ensuring open solicitation of tenders, and strengthening financial accountability mechanisms.
The IMF also encouraged a civil society diagnostic study and engaged with civil society organisations regularly. The civil society analysis of governance issues which was promoted by Verite Research and facilitated by Transparency International was wider in scope than those identified in the IMF’s own diagnostic. It pointed to systemic weaknesses that go beyond narrow fiscal concerns. The civil society diagnostic study included issues of social justice such as the inequitable impact of targeting EPF and ETF funds of workers for restructuring and the need to repeal abuse prone laws such as the Prevention of Terrorism Act and the Online Safety Act. When workers see their retirement savings restructured without adequate consultation, confidence in policy making erodes. When laws are perceived to be instruments of arbitrary power, social cohesion weakens.
During a meeting between the IMF Managing Director Georgeiva and civil society members last week, there was discussion on the implementation of those governance measures in which she spoke in a manner that was not alien to the civil society representatives. Significantly, the civil society diagnostic report also referred to the ethnic conflict and the breakdown of interethnic relations that led to three decades of deadly war, causing severe economic losses to the country. This was also discussed at the meeting. Governance is not only about accounting standards and procurement rules. It is about social justice, equality before the law, and political representation. On this issue the government has more to do. Ethnic and religious minorities find themselves inadequately represented in high level government committees. The provincial council system that ensured ethnic and minority representation at the provincial level continues to be in abeyance.
Beyond IMF
The significance of addressing governance issues is not only relevant to the IMF agreement. It is also important in accessing tariff concessions from the European Union. The GSP Plus tariff concession given by the EU enables Sri Lankan exports to be sold at lower prices and win markets in Europe. For an export dependent economy, this is critical. Loss of such concessions would directly affect employment in key sectors such as apparel. The government needs to address longstanding EU concerns about the protection of human rights and labour rights in the country. The EU has, for several years, linked the continuation of GSP Plus to compliance with international conventions. This includes the condition that the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) be brought into line with international standards. The government’s alternative in the form of the draft Protection of the State from Terrorism Act (PTSA) is less abusive on paper but is wider in scope and retains the core features of the PTA.
Governance and social justice factors cannot be ignored or downplayed in the pursuit of economic development. If Sri Lanka is to break out of its cycle of crisis and bailout, it must internalise the fact that good governance which promotes social justice and more fairly distributes the costs and fruits of development is the foundation on which durable economic growth is built. Without it, stabilisation will remain fragile, poverty will remain high, and the promise of 7 to 8 percent growth will remain elusive. The implementation of governance reforms will also have a positive effect through the creative mechanism of governance linked bonds, an innovation of the present IMF agreement.
The Sri Lankan think tank Verité Research played an important role in the development of governance linked bonds. They reduce the rate of interest payable by the government on outstanding debt on the basis that better governance leads to a reduction in risk for those who have lent their money to Sri Lanka. This is a direct financial reward for governance reform. The present IMF programme offers an opportunity not only to stabilise the economy but to strengthen the institutions that underpin it. That opportunity needs to be taken. Without it, the country cannot attract investment, expand exports and move towards shared prosperity and to a 7-8 percent growth rate that can lift the country out of its debt trap.
by Jehan Perera
Features
MISTER Band … in the spotlight
It’s a good sign, indeed, for the local scene, to see artistes, who have not been very much in the limelight, now making their presence felt, in a big way, and I’m glad to give them the publicity they deserve.
On 10th February we had Yellow Beatz in the spotlight and this week it’s MISTER Band.
This outfit is certainly not new to our scene; they have been around since 2012, under the leadership of Sithum Waidyarathne.
The seven energetic members who make up MISTER Band are:
Sithum Waidyarathne (leader/founder/saxophonist/guitarist and vocalist), Rangana Seram (bass guitarist), Vihanga Liyanage (vocalist), Ridmi Dissanayake (female vocalist), Nuwan Cristo (keyboardist/vocalist), Kasun Thennakoon (lead guitarist), and Nuwan Madushanka (drummer).
According to Sithum, their vision is to provide high quality entertainmen to those who engage their services.
“Thanks to our engaging performances and growing popularity, MISTER Band continues to be in high demand … at weddings, corporate events and dinner dances,” said Sithum.
They predominantly cover English and Sinhala music, as well as the most popular genres.
And the reviews that come their way, after a performance, are excellent, they say, and this is one of the bouquets they received:
It was a pleasure to have you at our wedding. Being avid music fans we wanted the best music, not just a big named band, and you guys acceded that expectations. Big thanks to Sithum for being very supportive, attentive and generous.
- Sithum Waidyarathne: Band leader and founder
- Ridmi Dissanayake: MISTER Band’s female vocalist
The best thing is the post feedback from all the guests. Normally we get mixed reviews but the whole crowd was impressed by you.
MISTER Band was one of our best choices for our wedding.
What is interesting is that for the past four consecutive years, this outfit has performed overseas, during New Year’s Eve, thereby taking their music to the international stage, as well.
The band has also produced a collection of original songs, with around six original tracks composed by the band leader, Sithum Waidyarathne, including ‘Suraganak Dutuwa,’ ‘Landuni,’ ‘Dili Dili Payana,’ ‘Hada Wedana,’ and ‘Nil Kandu Athare.’
Two more songs are set to be released this month: ‘Hitha Norida’ and ‘Premaye Hanguman.’
In addition to their original music, they have also created a strong online presence by performing and uploading over 50 cover songs and medleys to YouTube.
“We’re now planning to connect with an even wider audience by releasing more cover content very soon,” said Sithum, adding that they are also very active on social media, under the name Mister Band Official – on Facebook, Instagram, YouTube, and TikTok.
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