Features
Turmoil in Trinco as Chelva’s ashes arrive
by Eric de Silva
The National State Assembly (as Parliament was known under the 1972 Constitution) was dissolved on May 18, 1977 and a General Election fixed for July 21, 1977 with June 6 as Nomination Day.
The Trincomalee district had three constituencies namely, Trincomalee, Mutur and Seruvila. The TULF picked R. Sampanthan, a leading lawyer practising in Trincomalee courts in preference to the sitting member B.Neminathan for the Trincomalee seat.
While we were making arrangements for Nomination Day fixed for June 6, it came to be known that the late TULF leader Mr. S.J.V. Chelvanayakam’s ashes were to be brought to Trincomalee for public veneration. They were to be brought by air to China Bay and thereafter to Trinco town in procession on June 3.
The next afternoon (June 4), the ashes were to be brought in procession to the large playground opposite Fort Frederick known as the Big Maidan. The SP had given permission for both these events in the absence of any ‘intelligence’ to the effect that there was going to be any sort of trouble on account of them.
The day the ashes were brought from China Bay to Trincomalee town there had been a few minor skirmishes involving some Tamil cyclists accompanying the motorcade and some Sinhalese onlookers who were residents of the area through which it was passing. The Police had however prevented anything serious from happening, and the ashes had reached where they were to be safely kept for the night.
I was at the Residency on the night of June 3 reviewing Nomination Day procedures when at about 9 p.m. news reached me that there was trouble down town with some Sinhalese people being beaten up by Tamil mobs apparently as retribution for the slogan shouting that took place when the motorcade passed through their area on its way to the town earlier in the afternoon.
When I got in touch with the ASP in-charge in the absence of the SP who had gone for the opening of a new police station in the Polonnaruwa district (which too came within his purview), he told me that he had already moved his men out to the trouble spots. Information kept flowing in, however, that a number of Sinhalese people were being brought to the hospital with injuries, some of which were of a grievous nature.
The SP was expected to return to Trinco in the night, and I left word for him to meet me as soon as he returned, which he did past midnight. After discussions with me, he passed down necessary instructions to his staff for preventing the incidents from escalating. By the 4th morning however about 10-12 people – all of them Sinhalese – had been admitted to hospital and one of them succumbed to his injuries.
Just as I was trying to get in touch with the Defence Secretary (Mr. W.T.Jayasinghe), he phoned me having read a few police messages that had come his way which referred to the above incidents. I briefed him about the developments and requested him to ask the Service Commanders to instruct their local units to be in readiness to come out and assist the Police if needed.
I followed this up with a meeting with the SP and the local Service Heads to discuss the steps that had to be taken to prevent an escalation of violence. Almost immediately, the officer commanding the local army unit took steps to move his men out to assist the police in their duties. The SP, in the meantime, took steps to withdraw the permission he had earlier given for both the meeting and the procession that were due to be held that afternoon.
There were no incidents during the day on the June 4 and I was able to hold my nomination rehearsals in the afternoon, without any disturbance. After dusk, however, reports started coming in about attacks on Tamil people by the Sinhalese at various places in and outside Trinco town.
It became evident that they were trying to outdo what the Tamils had done the previous night; and the situation got worse by about 10 p.m. despite all the patrolling the police and the army who had been deployed to support them were doing.
There was not much time to be lost if we were to prevent the situation getting totally out of control, and even spreading outside the district putting the General Elections due to be held in a few weeks’ time at risk.
According to reports that reached us two Tamils had already lost their lives and 15 more injured. We had to not only act fast but also make our intent clear to drive fear into the minds of potential trouble makers, and back up our resolve with a visible show of strength.
Since I found the police and the army to be badly short of both men and vehicles I asked them to put down their requirements on paper so that L could get in touch with Colombo with the least possible delay. That clearly was not enough and there was a need to get down as much military hardware as was possible to be able to frighten away the miscreants, whoever they may be.
This meant that the final list had to include even armoured cars for static duty as well as for moving armed personnel around, in addition to the normal jeeps and other vehicles used for patrolling.
With the lists in my hand I telephoned Mr. Jayasinghe, gave a full brief about developments and read out our list of requirements to be able to bring the situation under control with the least possible delay.
The list included additional police strength, a riot squad, armoured cars and more jeeps to provide additional mobility to police and service personnel. I stressed as best as I could the need for these to arrive in Trincomalee by early morning, preferably before day-break. It did not take much effort for me to convince him of these, as he had sufficient confidence in my being able to assess the gravity of the situation and the steps that had to be taken.
While I was still on the phone he got in touch with the Service Commanders and the IGP on the ‘hot line’, and agreed to send everything that I asked for. I was able to convince him of the importance of the riot squad and the armoured cars arriving in Trinco before daybreak on June 5 to get the message across to potential trouble makers that we meant business.
He assured me that the police riot squad would leave Colombo by midnight and that the armoured cars would be sent from the army camp in Anuradhapura. He also said that additional police strength would be sent from Colombo and the jeeps asked for from Colombo or other districts.
Having agreed to all my requests the Secretary told me that he would himself be arriving in Trinco with the Army Commander the next morning for an on-the-spot assessment. This, I welcomed, as they would then be able to make their own assessment of how well or badly we were dealing with the situation.
The armoured cars arrived by morning and soon made their presence felt in the readiness while the police (aided by the other services) were able to do their mobile patrolling better with the help of the additional vehicles they received. While potential trouble-makers, whether they be Sinhalese or Tamil, got the message that was intended to be given, peace-loving people of Trinco felt safe and secure.
Although calm was thus restored, we did not want to take any chances on nomination day having seen instances when one stray incident was enough to change the whole equation. I therefore took steps to let it be known that, though regretfully, we would have to impose certain restrictions in the streets of Trinco and even in and around the Town Hall where Nominations were to be taken.
The riot squad of the police had also arrived and stood on alert on Nomination Day to prevent anything from happening that would disrupt the proceedings, and our main objective was achieved.
Features
‘The devil is in the details’ in West Asian peace
It is obviously too early for an outpouring of joy over the seeming cessation of hostilities between the main antagonists in West Asia. While the prospect of there being a measure of calm in the region is being welcomed by considerable sections of the international community, what is ‘on the table’ currently is only a Memorandum of Understanding between the US and Iran to give peace a chance. The hard part in the peace effort remains to be achieved.
In the Middle East of today we have one of the most complex conflicts to break out in modern international politics and the observer would be naive in the extreme to expect a facile and early closure to the tangle. Yet, for the sake of the world’s publics who have been hurting badly in the prolonged hostilities one could only hope that the US-Iran MoU that is expected to be signed by the sides on Friday would lead eventually to a substantive peace. The world’s thanks are due to Pakistan in this connection for its sustained support in the peace drive.
While the sides have agreed to a ceasing of hostilities in the most general terms and have reached accord on the facilitation of uninterrupted oil and gas supplies to the rest of the world, for instance, the ‘devil will prove to be in the details’ in an envisaged comprehensive peace settlement. It is these details that would make or break peace if the negotiations go on in earnest.
Nevertheless, the details would need to be worked out consensually in a spirit of compromise with an eye to the greater good of the world community. Realpolitik or a narrow focus on solely the national interest among the protagonists, for example, would need to give way to a measure of humanity that would encompass within it a consideration of the overall well being of the world. In other words, it is statesmanship that would crucially matter.
The next few weeks would establish whether humanists are ‘asking for far too much’ when they broach the questions at issue in these terms. Yet it is essentially self interest and national security considerations of the first importance that drove the conflict from even prior to February this year and these questions would need to be taken up and resolved to the satisfaction of the US and Iran in the main if some headway is to be made towards a durable settlement.
The nuclear issue would prove to be the proverbial Gordian Knot. From a realistic viewpoint, Iran could not be expected to be without a potential nuclear deterrent in the face of perceived nuclear threats emanating for it from the West and Israel. In the short term, Iran would need to possess this deterrent to a measure, within a mutually agreed international legal framework maybe, until wide agreement is reached on the nuclear tangle. Specifically, Iran’s immediate threat perceptions with regard to her nuclear-powered rivals would need to be defused during initial negotiations.
Ideally it is a world free of nuclear weapons that must be aimed at but since this goal cannot be achieved in the near or medium terms, unfolding negotiations would need to ensure Iran’s absolute security in a world of powers that continue to swear by the nuclear deterrent, if it is to give up the suspected latter capability.
However, it is to the degree to which the present nuclear powers divest themselves of this capability that Iran could be put at ease on this score. Accordingly, it is nothing short of a complete elimination of nuclear weapons from the world that could dissuade keenly security conscious states from developing nuclear weapons of their own with a mass destruction capability.
This is the number one dilemma the international community needs to grapple with going forward and it is to the extent to which it resolves it that a nuclear weapons free world could be envisaged. No doubt, an uphill challenge.
Compelling Israel to support the present negotiatory process constitutes another grueling challenge for the US. Currently the Iranian position essentially is that a Middle East peace is inseparable from a normalization of the security situation in Lebanon. That is, the present Israeli attacks on the Hezbollah presence in Lebanon must cease if a comprehensive peace is to be realized in West Asia.
However, Israel is showing no signs of drawing back from its attacks on Hezbollah strongholds in Lebanon since the security of the Israeli state is being seen as threatened by the militant group. Co-opting Israel into the negotiatory effort therefore would turn out to be a matter of paramount concern for the US.
Moreover, elements in the rightist administration in Israel are seeing the current peace efforts as a ‘sell out’ to the enemies of Israel. They would have none of it. It is left to be seen how the US would be managing these virtual storm centres in the diplomatic process that could very well bring down the overall purported peace drive.
A recent pronouncement by US Vice President J.D. Vance points to yet another problem area in the US’ current peace overtures. He said that, ‘Regional peace and stability includes stopping the funding of terrorist organizations.’ He was obviously referring to the support extended by Iran to Hezbollah when he mentioned ‘terrorist organizations’ but he has given fresh life to the age-old conundrum of ‘Who is a terrorist?’ by these words.
To the Netanyahu government the Hezbollah and other militant organizations fighting Israel are ‘terrorists’ but from the viewpoint of the Iranian regime they are ‘freedom fighters’. This seemingly insurmountable definitional issue would not only stubbornly bedevil the peace effort but could even figure in bringing about its collapse, unless judiciously handled.
Thus, it’s the thorny details that need to be watched to keep the West Asian peace process afloat, once it gets going in earnest. There is no doubt that US President Trump would be receiving a considerable amount of support from the G7 in this historic peace undertaking and his personal appeals to the grouping currently meeting in France for continuous support are likely to elicit a positive response from it.
Likewise, Trump would need to appeal to also the BRICS countries if almost total global support is to be garnered for the peace drive in West Asia. BRICS’ solidarity with the US and the West is likely to carry considerable weight with Iran and other Eastern actors who are key to a sustained peace drive in the Middle East.
Features
Sri Lanka’s elephant paradox: Govt. counts tourism dollars while playing a dangerous numbers game: Expert
At a time when Sri Lanka is enjoying a resurgence in wildlife tourism, with elephants remaining the undisputed stars of the country’s national parks and one of its most marketable natural assets, elephant conservationist Supun Lahiru Prakash has sounded a stark warning: the nation is in danger of losing the very species that helps attract millions of tourism dollars while sustaining some of the island’s most important ecosystems.
Supun says repeated claims by authorities that Sri Lanka’s elephant population is increasing, despite the absence of a final survey report and amid continuing elephant deaths, risk creating a misleading narrative that could undermine conservation efforts and encourage retaliation against elephants.
According to Supun, the issue is not merely about numbers. It is about political priorities, scientific credibility and the future of one of Sri Lanka’s most iconic species.
“Repeatedly claiming that the elephant population is increasing appears to be an attempt to hide the Government’s inability to manage the rising annual elephant death rate and the complications of human-elephant conflict,” Supun said.
For decades, the Sri Lankan elephant has been a symbol of the country’s rich natural heritage. It is the centrepiece of wildlife tourism, drawing visitors from across the globe to national parks such as Yala, Udawalawe, Minneriya, Kaudulla and Wilpattu. International wildlife documentaries, tourism campaigns and social media promotions frequently place elephants at the heart of Sri Lanka’s nature tourism brand.
Yet, according to Supun, the country’s conservation policies do not reflect the value of the species.
“On one hand, the Government is enjoying increasing tourism revenue, and elephants remain one of Sri Lanka’s most important wildlife attractions. On the other hand, narratives are being promoted that could encourage retaliation against the very species that contributes significantly to the country’s tourism industry,” Supun said.
According to the First Countrywide National Survey of Elephants conducted in 2011, Sri Lanka had 5,879 elephants. However, official statistics show that 4,167 elephants died between 2012 and 2024.
Supun stressed that these figures represent only the deaths officially recorded by the Department of Wildlife Conservation.
“In a context where more than 70 percent of the country’s elephant population reported in 2011 has died within 13 years, it is difficult to accept claims that the population has increased,” Supun said.
The conservationist pointed out that elephants have the longest gestation period among land mammals and that scientific studies have reported increasing interbirth intervals among female elephants together with high calf mortality.
“When such biological realities are taken into consideration, claims of a dramatic increase in elephant numbers become difficult to understand,” Supun said.
Supun believes that repeated references to increasing elephant populations risk fuelling public hostility towards elephants, particularly among farming communities already affected by crop raids and property damage.
“Such claims can create the impression that elephant populations are exploding and thereby promote retaliation against elephants as well,” Supun said.
According to Supun, Sri Lanka’s elephant crisis cannot be understood solely through population estimates. The real issue lies in the country’s failure to address human-elephant conflict through long-term, science-based solutions.
Sri Lanka continues to record among the highest levels of human-elephant conflict in the world. Every year, hundreds of elephants and dozens of people lose their lives as competition for land and resources intensifies.
Despite the scale of the crisis, Supun says authorities continue to rely on strategies that have repeatedly failed.

Lahiru Prakash
These include driving elephants into protected areas, strengthening electric fences to confine them there and allocating additional manpower to maintain fencing systems.
Supun was also critical of several proposals that emerged from district-level discussions on conflict mitigation, including the sowing of paddy and corn using Air Force drones and the planting of fruit orchards within protected areas.
“Such proposals fail to address the real ecological and social dimensions of the conflict,” Supun said.
While welcoming reports that the Government intends appointing a national-level mechanism to tackle human-elephant conflict, Supun said the challenge required intervention at the highest level of government.
“Given the gravity, complexity and geographical spread of human-elephant conflict, appointing any committee other than a Presidential Task Force is not useful,” Supun said.
He argued that a Presidential Task Force chaired by either the President or the Secretary to the President would be better positioned to overcome the bureaucratic delays and institutional fragmentation that have hindered previous efforts.
Supun also stressed the urgent need to restore and protect elephant corridors and home ranges that allow elephants to move safely across landscapes.
He cited the Koholankala elephant corridor in Hambantota as one example where removing obstacles could help reduce conflict while improving habitat connectivity.
At the same time, Supun questioned policies that permit the allocation of forest lands in areas identified by environmental assessments as crucial elephant ranges and movement corridors.
“The opening of elephant corridors and the protection of elephant home ranges must be carried out scientifically and consistently if they are to succeed,” Supun said.
Beyond tourism, Supun emphasised the ecological importance of elephants.
“Elephants are ecosystem engineers. Through their feeding habits and movements, they help maintain habitats that support numerous other species. In many ways, they create safer and healthier environments for wildlife,” Supun said.
According to Supun, protecting elephants means protecting entire ecosystems and the biodiversity upon which Sri Lanka’s wildlife tourism industry depends.
“By protecting elephants, we are also protecting the biodiversity that makes Sri Lanka one of the world’s premier wildlife tourism destinations,” Supun said.
As Sri Lanka seeks to expand tourism earnings and strengthen its reputation as a wildlife destination, Supun believes the country faces a defining choice: continue with policies that have failed to stem elephant deaths and human-elephant conflict, or embrace a science-based conservation strategy that safeguards both people and wildlife.
Without a fundamental shift in policy and political will, Supun warned, Sri Lanka risks losing not only one of its most iconic species but also the ecological and economic benefits that elephants continue to provide.
“The suffering of both farmers and elephants will only intensify unless meaningful action replaces rhetoric,” Supun said.
By Ifham Nizam
Features
Top Model of the World 2026
Back-to-back victory for Colombia
Katherine Castaño of Colombia claimed the Top Model of the World 2026 crown, securing a historic back-to-back victory for her country. Angelica Sanchez of Puerto Rico was named first runner-up, and Eunice Deza of the Philippines finished as second runner-up.
Katherine was crowned by outgoing titleholder Natalia Garizabal Vera of Colombia.
Several special category awards, and subsidiary titles, were also presented during the Top Model of the World 2026 pageant.
These awards recognised excellence in modelling, peer support, and regional representation.
Primary Subsidiary Titles

Sri Lanka’s Netalie Withanage: Top 16 at
the grand finale
Miss Globe 2026: Valentina Tabares (Ecuador) — Awarded to the contestant who perfectly balances fashion modelling with traditional beauty queen qualities.
Queen of Europe 2026: Mia Danielle Williams (United Kingdom) — Given to the highest-ranking candidate from a European nation.
Special Awards Recognition
Audience Iconic Award: Charly (Dominican Republic) — Won via the official public online vote, granting her a fast-track direct entry into the Top 6.
Exotic Model of the World: Angel Emeka (Nigeria) — Awarded for exceptional editorial presence and strong runway performance.
Best Body Award: Thailand — Voted directly by fellow contestants at the Flow Spectrum Hotel. The highest-ranking runners-up for this category included Zambia, South Africa, Colombia, and Ghana.

Angelica Sanchez (Puerto Rico): 1st Runner-up
Final Placement
Winner: Katherine Castaño (Colombia)
1st Runner-Up: Angelica Sanchez (Puerto Rico)
2nd Runner-Up: Eunice Deza (Philippines)
Top 6 Finalists: Included contestants from the Dominican Republic, Romania, and Germany.
The pageant, known for focusing on professional modelling careers over just beauty, brought together 36 models from around the globe for two weeks of runway, photoshoots, and cultural events.
Sri Lanka’s Netalie Withanage walked among 36 of the world’s best and powered her way into the Top 16 at the grand finale.
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