Features
Travels with the Prime Minister
by Leelananda de Silva
From 1973 to 1977, I accompanied the Prime Minister, Mrs. Bandaranaike on many trips abroad. My task was to advice her on the economic issues. My first trip with her was to Algiers for the Fourth Non Aligned Summit, and that included visits to Rome and the Vatican. The next visit was to the Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting in Kingston Jamaica in May 1975. On our way to Kingston we visited Baghdad and London and on our way back visited New York.
My other visit with her to the United Nations in New York was in September 1976, immediately after the Non Aligned conference in Colombo. These visits I have described in other chapters. I accompanied the prime Minister on official visits to Thailand, Myanmar (Burma), and Indonesia in January 1976 and to Malaysia, Philippines, and Japan in November 1976. Traveling with the Prime Minister is unlike traveling with any other minister. I got the opportunity to see and meet with heads of state and government, and the most senior officials in these countries and in the United Nations.
Many of these visits being state visits, we stayed in palatial residences. There was also the need to prepare press releases and communiques after these visits. The governments of most of these countries had arranged touristic visits to see their countries and this is the kind of opportunity you get only when traveling with a head of government. Accompanying the Prime Minister on these trips gave me the opportunity to observe diplomacy at the highest levels and also to meet with many foreign leaders.
I have described the visit to Algiers for the Fourth Non Aligned Summit elsewhere. Coming back from Algiers we visited Rome and the Vatican. The Prime Minister had two days in Rome without official tasks, and we had a very enjoyable time seeing the sights of Rome. John Rodrigo was the Sri Lanka ambassador in Rome. We went to see a place called the Boca Verita (the mouth of truth). What you do there is to put your hand into the mouth of a lion made of stone, and the mouth keeps closing and opening. If your hand gets caught, then you are supposed to be a liar. Mrs. Bandaranaike was amused by this and she called me from a long distance and asked me to put my hand in to check my reliability. Luckily for me, my hand was not caught. The Prime Minister had a great sense of humour.
We had a great reception from the local Sri Lankans in Rome. The Prime Minister’s official task was to meet the Pope, Paul the Sixth, and we accompanied her to Castlegondolfo, which is the summer residence of the Pope outside the Vatican. All of us met the Pope. The Prime minister had a meeting with the Pope alone and after that meeting, the other members of the delegation (I remember W.T Jayasinghe in particular) were invited to meet the Pope. I was able to have a few words with him and he gave me a rosary. Later when I came to Sri Lanka, I gave this rosary to Mother John, the head of St. Bridget’s who was a friend of our family. She was thrilled to get this rosary given by the Pope himself.
On our way back from Rome, we had a stop in Cairo and we were not expected to leave the aircraft. However, as it was a long wait, W.T and I got out of the aircraft and walked around to stretch our legs. The police arrested us, and what we did not know was that security was tight around the aircraft as the prime minister was on board. We had to spend a few minutes before being allowed to get back to the aircraft.
On the way to the Commonwealth Summit in Jamaica we made two stop-overs, first in Baghdad and next in London. The Baghdad visit was fascinating. Iraq was to host the sixth Non Aligned Summit in Baghdad in 1979, after the Colombo Summit, and the visit of Mrs. Bandaranaike was important from that point of view. Our host was the then Vice President of Iraq, Saddam Hussein who was the real ruler of Iraq. We stayed in Baghdad Palace, where the previous King of Iraq, King Feisal had been murdered. It was a sprawling place, and rather lonely.
We saw Saddam Hussein many times. There was one formal meeting with him and at that meeting, he asked Mrs. Bandaranaike about the Commonwealth Summit to which she was going. He was not familiar with this forum. Listening to him one got the impression that he was not anti- West but that he was anti- Kuwait as he felt that Kuwait really belonged to Iraq.
Saddam Hussein came to Baghdad palace, to accompany Mrs. Bandaranaike to the official meeting we had with him and his officials. I remember walking just behind him on the way to this meeting. The Prime Minister’s concern at that time was the price of oil, and Sri Lanka’s escalating oil bills. We had, at the level of officials broached the subject of concessionary oil purchases from Iraq, and the response had not been very positive.
At the meeting with Saddam Hussein, he informed the Prime minister that he would give 250 000, tons of crude oil on highly concessionary terms. This was an immense relief to the Prime Minister. After the meetings with Saddam the Iraqi government had arranged for the Prime Minister and her delegation to visit the old Babylonian cities of Mosul and Kirkuk. The great rivers, Tigris and the Euphrates met here and it was a beautiful sight. We saw the artifacts of the ancient Babylonian civilization.

From Baghdad we were to take a commercial flight to Kuwait and then join a British Airways flight to London. When we came to the airport, we found that Saddam Hussein had ordered a special helicopter to take us to Kuwait. Talking to senior officials at the airport, we found that there was great animosity towards Kuwait. It came as no surprise later when Kuwait was invaded by Iraq.
When we landed in Kuwait, the Prime Minister’s reception lacked warmth. The Kuwaitis were not inclined to look upon those who had visited Iraq with any great favour. The Prime Minister had to wait six hours at Kuwait airport for the flight to London and the Kuwaiti government did not provide any special facilities for her.
Our next stop was London and we spent three days there. The Prime Minister, her daughter Sunethra, and I stayed at the high commissioner’s residence. Tilak Gunarathne was the high commissioner. It was a bit embarrassing, as Tilak had not been included as part of the delegation to the Commonwealth Summit in Kingston. This was strange as Tilak was Sri Lanka’s representative to the Commonwealth Secretariat and was responsible for Commonwealth affairs in London. Whatever it was, the PM did not want him on the delegation.
When we left London on a British Airways flight, there were two other heads of government on the same flight- Seretse Khama of Botswana, and Dom Mintoff of Malta. We had an extended chat standing by the aircraft on the tarmac. For me, Seretse Khania brought memories of an infamous colonial episode where he was deposed by the British government as its traditional ruler as he had married a British woman. Mrs. Ruth Khama was also there with him on his way to Kingston. My experiences at the Commonwealth Summit itself are described in a separate chapter.
Immediately after the Non Aligned Summit in Colombo, the Prime Minister visited New York to address the UN General Assembly Sessions in September 1976. I was part of her delegation. This was a triumphant visit for the Prime Minister. She had a great reception at the UN General Assembly. Henry Kissinger, the US secretary of State met with her to convey their appreciation of her role at the Summit and ensuring that it was a truly non-aligned occasion. This attitude of the Prime Minister, led to a major improvement in the relations between Sri Lanka and the United States.
Kurt Waldheim, the UN Secretary General hosted a reception for the Prime Minister as the Chairman of the Non Aligned Summit. Prior to this reception, Gamani Corea who was then Secretary General of UNCTAD told me that Waldheim was not forthcoming about the extension of his term as Secretary General for another three years (His first term of three years was coming to an end). He had spoken to the Prime Minister about it and he wanted me to remind her when she was meeting Waldheim at the reception. I mentioned this to the Prime Minister while she was with Waldheim (on this type of occasion, I spoke to her in Sinhalese) and the Prime Minister then mentioned to Waldheim that she was concerned about Gamani Corea’s extension. Waldheim said that there should be no problem about it.
Before and after the Non Aligned Summit, the Prime Minister had invitations to visit many countries. She had to select from among them and she gave preference to countries in the Asian region. I accompanied her on these bilateral visits in January and November 1976 (Dharmasiri Peiris, in his memoir, The Pursuit of Governance, written a few years back, has described these visits with the Prime Minister, in some detail).When we visited Thailand, the King was in Chiang Mai, and the government had arranged for us to fly to that city by special plane from Bangkok. We were accompanied by Kukrit Pramoj, the then Prime Minister of Thailand and we were able to have a long chat with this aristocratic, scholarly man. The Prime Minister had a meeting with the King.
The Prime Minister and her delegation had an exciting visit to Burma. General Ne Win was the military ruler of Burma, ruling the country with an iron hand. The Burmese government were very warm hosts. We had two meetings with Ne Win, and he gave us a grand open air reception somewhere near Pagan in North Burma, and by the Irrawady River. It was a gorgeous occasion with Burmese music and a relaxed atmosphere.
We were taken to see Lake Inle, a beautiful and remote place, before it became a tourist attraction. The Prime Minister was entertained to a boating competition in the middle of the lake, where she and the delegation were accommodated in a bamboo built circuit bungalow. The boats were paddled by women with their feet. We went to a remote Buddhist temple at the end of the lake.Mrs. Bandaranaike was anxious to meet Madame Aung Sang, the wife of the Burmese independence hero and the mother of Aung Sang Suu Kyi. Mrs. Bandaranaike had known her before. The government was not anxious to arrange this visit, but at the insistence of Mrs. Bandaranaike, we visited Madame Aung Sang at her house by the lake and had afternoon tea. This house is where Aung Sang Suu Kyi now lives.
At the end of the visit to Myanmar, we had to draft a joint communique. We had included in our draft a reference to the famous UN resolution 242 regarding the Arab-Israel dispute. The Burmese officials did not want to have any reference to this question and wished it to be deleted which we did. Burma is the one Asian country which always had cordial relations with Israel.
The visit to Indonesia was a low key affair. We met with President Suharto, and with the foreign minister at the time, Adam Malik. Malik accompanied the Prime Minister on our travels within the country and we had a special aircraft laid for us. We went to see Borobudur, the old Buddhist temple, which is one of the largest in Asia. In Jogjakarta, we stayed with the Sultan in his palace, and that night there was a fantastic spectacle in the form of a monkey dance. I remember the Indonesian chief of protocol (I forget his name now) and his delightful wife who accompanied the Prime Minister and we were rather friendly with them. He was to die in an air crash a few months later.
It was on this trip to Indonesia that I met Tissa and Manel Ratnatunga, whom I had known before. Tissa Ratanatunga had been the Settlement Officer in Sri Lanka and I had worked with him on the land ceilings committee. Tissa was now working for the United Nations in Indonesia. I kept up my friendship with them. Manel is now an important literary figure in Sri Lanka and she wrote a superb work of historical fiction based on Indonesian history, apart from other books.
Her book on Syria, which she wrote in the 1960s, when Tissa was working for the UN is one of the very few written by a UN expert or a spouse on the country in which they served. Manel and Tissa’s son, Sinha Ratnatunga is the Editor-in Chief of the Sunday Times. Manel is a direct descendant of Anagarika Dharmapala.
In Manila, the Prime Minister received a rousing welcome, with cheering crowds lining in the streets. We were the guests of President Ferdinand Marcos, and his first lady, Imelda Marcos. They were gracious hosts. We stayed at the Malacannang Palace, a very comfortable place. There were some official talks and they revolved mainly around the non aligned movement. Philippines was not a member of the NAM and was very anxious to be allowed to join in. It has been barred as there were American bases in the Philippines. Mrs. Bandaranaike was sympathetic to the admission of the Philippines.
I must relate a little story of the Prime Minister’s arrival at the airport in Manila. We came in a Philippines airline aircraft, and the Prime Minister was traveling economy class, as was her policy to cut down on costs. When the plane stopped on the tarmac, the guard of honour was drawn outside the first class exit of the plane. The Prime minister came out of the economy class entrance and she had to walk a little distance on the tarmac to be greeted by the guard of honour. All this was watched by a large crowd which included many Sri Lankans, some of whom were not pleased with what happened. I had to explain to them that the Prime Minister’s view was that there was no need to live beyond our means. She had a thrifty housewife’s view of public money.
The President and Imelda Marcos had organized a one day tour for the Prime Minister and her delegation. We went in the presidential yacht to a place called Bataan, accompanied by the President and his wife. Bataan was a place which saw some of the most bitter fighting between the Japanese and Americans during the Second World War. Marcos had fought there as a young lieutenant. He had built a museum there and a circuit bungalow and there were films about the fighting.
On the presidential yacht, there was much merry making and dancing during our four hour trip. We saw the President and some of his cabinet in a carefree mood that day. While in Bataan, President Marcos took the Prime Minister to the circuit bungalow and at one point, all the members of the delegation and others had gone out to see the museum, and only the President and the Prime Minister remained. I happened to be there and Mrs. Bandaranaike loudly told me in Sinhalese not to go, and remain with her.There was another interesting incident when we returned to Manila. The Prime Minister had to host a reception for the President and his lady prior to her return. The Sri Lankan charge’d’ affaires, Oliver Perera, a businessman, had arranged a venue for the reception. When the Prime Minister went for the reception, she was appalled, as the hotel was not very impressive and was located in a seedy quarter of Manila. The Prime Minister asked Oliver Perera as to why this was done. He told the Prime Minister that the first couple were highly pleased with this venue, as the hotel was owned by Imelda Marcos. So this was giving some business to them.
Japan does not invite too many foreign leaders, and the Prime Minister was one of the few. The Prime Minister of Japan was Takeo Miki, and he was the Prime Minister’s host. We had two meetings with him and they were very cordial. Emperor Hirohito hosted a lunch for the Prime Minister and her delegation, and the members of the Royal family including the Queen, the Crown Prince and Princess were there.It was exciting meeting the Emperor, who had been vilified during the war. He was very charming, speaking in halting English. At lunch, I was seated next to the crown princess. It was a very small group which sat for lunch. Apart from Dharmasisri Peiris, Arthur Basnayake, who was a member of the delegation and Bernard Tilakaratne, ours ambassador in Japan, were there.
The Prime Minister had to make a speech at the reception given to her by Prime Minister Takeo Miki. Arthur Basnayake and I prepared this speech. We made a reference to Sri Lanka’s close friendship with Japan and the role that J.R. Jayewardene had played at San Francisco in 1950 when the Japanese peace treaty was signed. Sri Lanka had waived any kind of reparations from Japan for war damage, an unusually generous offer to a Japan who was in the doldrums.
Japan never forgot this and J.R was a hero in Japan. One member of the Sri Lankan delegation was not happy with the reference to J.R. We showed the draft to the Prime Minister and she had no objection to what we had included into her draft speech. This was a very gracious act on the part of the Prime Minister, as J.R was then the leader of the opposition.The Japanese government had laid out some fantastic trips outside Tokyo. We went by bullet train to Nara and Kyoto and visited the Mikimoto pearl museum. I might mention here that on the way back from Tokyo, we had a ten hour stay in Hong Kong, and it was a surprise when the colonial governor of Hong Kong offered the palatial bungalow of the chief secretary of the colony for Mrs. Bandaranaike’s use during the stopover.
(Excerpted from Leelananda de Silva’s autobiography, The Long Littleness of Life)
Features
The Iran War, Global Oil Crisis, and Local Options
Flight of Insanity
Now in its third week and still no end sight, Trump’s Iran’s war is showing a tedious pattern of tragic-comic episodes. The human tragedy continues under relentless aerial assaults in Iran and under both aerial and ground assaults in Lebanon. Israel, now in a hurry to destroy as much it can of its enemy assets before Trump lapses into war withdrawals, is picking its spots at will; three of its latest scalps could not have come at higher echelons of the Iranian regime. Within two days, Israeli has targeted and killed Ali Larijani, the powerful, versatile and experienced secretary of the Supreme National Security Council; Gholamreza Soleimani, head of the Basij paramilitary force; and Iran’s Intelligence Minister Esmail Khatib.
Yet there is no indication if the continuing hollowing out of Iran’s decision making apparatus will produce the intended effect of encouraging the people of Iran to come out on the streets and topple the regime. People cannot pour on to the streets, even if they want to, until the American and Israeli bombing stops. That may not happen till the US military finishes its list of asset targets in Iran and Israel finishes off the list of Iranian leaders who are tagged on by Mossad’s network of Iranian moles. They are so widespread that last year after setting up a special task force to expose the internal informants, the National Security Council found out that the person whom they had selected to lead the task force was himself a spy! Disaffected citizens are also becoming informal informants. 
The comical side of the war is provided by President Trump in the daily press court that he holds at the White House, taking full advantage of the presidential system in which the chief officer is not required to present himself to and take questions from the country’s elected lawmakers. There has never been and there likely will never be another presidential spectacle like Donald J. Trump. It is shocking although not surprising to find out daily as to how much he doesn’t know about the war that he started or where it is heading. The ghost of Donald Rumsfeld, the Defence Secretary of the Iraq war and the coiner of the ‘unknown unknowns’ phrase, would tell you that Trump is the epitome of one of the known knowns, the predictable bully. For all his misjudgements and bad calls over the Iraq war 23 years ago, Rumsfeld now looks like a giant of a professional in comparison to Pete Hegseth, the bigmouthed charlatan who parades as Donald Trump’s Secretary of War.
Asymmetric Advantage
For its part, Iran appears to be reaping the worst and the best of an asymmetric warfare. Iran is getting pummelled in all the metrics of conventional warfare and there should be nothing surprising about it. It is rather silly for the American and Israeli military spokespeople to crow about their aerial strikes and their successes. On the other hand, the US and Israeli forces combined have not been able to answer Iran’s ability to establish areas of war where Iran sets the term and scores at its choosing. Quite astonishingly, President Trump has said that Iran was not supposed to attack its neighbours and no one apparently told him that such attacks might happen.
“Nobody. Nobody. No, no, no. The greatest experts—nobody thought they were going to hit,“ Trump responded to a leading question by a Fox News reporter whether the President was “surprised nobody briefed you ahead of time” about the likelihood of Iranian retaliation against America’s Gulf allies. Prevarication is second nature to President Trump and it is the same explanation for the Administration’s strategic gaffe over the Strait of Hormuz.
Iran has imposed a blockade over the narrow waterway between the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman that provides vital passage for about 20% of the world’s oil shipments. Again, no one told him that Iran might do this. That is also because Trump has gotten rid of all the people in government capable of providing advice and is surrounding himself with sidekicks who will not challenge him on his misrepresentation of facts. As well, by keeping Congress out of the loop the President and the Administration tossed away the opportunity to deliberate before deciding to go to war.
True to form, Trump trots out another bizarre argument that the US does not have any shipment through the Strait of Hormuz and, therefore, it is up to countries, including China, that depend on the Hormuz route to come to his party in the Persian Gulf. The US would be there to help them out and he went on to invite his erstwhile allies and fellow NATO members to join the US and help the world keep the Strait of Hormuz open for its oil shipments.
Trump’s calls have been all but spurned. No US president has suffered such a rebuff. Other presidents did their consultations with allies before starting a war, not after. “This war started without any consultations,” said Germany’s Defence Minister Boris Pistorius. He then queried incredulously: “What does Donald Trump expect from a handful of European frigates in the Strait of Hormuz that the mighty US Navy cannot manage alone?” Iran has let it be known that it will block passage only to its enemies and allow others to cross the strait by arrangement. Chinese, Indian and Pakistani ships have been allowed to navigate through the strait. The UN and NATO countries are reportedly considering new initiatives to ensure safe passage through the Strait, but details are unclear.
While the official American endgame is unclear, scholars and academics have started weighing in and calling Trump’s misadventure for what it is. Three such contributions this week have caught the media’s attention. Muhanad Seloom writing online in Al Jazeera, has presented an unsolicited yet by far the strongest case for Trump, arguing that “the US-Israeli strategy is working” because Trump’s war against Iran is accomplishing a “systematic, phased degradation of a threat that previous administrations allowed to grow for four decades.” A former State Department staffer and now a Doha and Exeter academic, Seloom seems overly sanguine about the impending demise of the Iranian regime and underplays the political implications of the war’s externalities and unintended consequences for the Trump presidency in America.
The comprehensive degradation of virtually all of Iran’s hard assets is not in question. What is in question is whether the asset degradation is translating into a regime change. The additional questions are whether the obvious success in asset degradation is enough to save President Trumps political bacon in the midterm elections in November, or will it stop Iran from controlling the Strait of Hormuz and impacting the global oil flows. Firm negative answers to these questions have been provided by two American scholars. Nate Swanson, also a former State Department staffer turned academic researcher and who was also a member of Trump’s recent negotiating team with Iran, has additionally highlighted the martyrdom significance of the killing of Ayatollah Khamenei both within Iran and in the entire Shia crescent extending from Lebanon to Karachi.
Robert Pape, University of Chicago Historian, who has studied and modelled Iranian scenarios to advise past US Administrations, has compared President Trump’s situation in Iran to President Johnson’s quagmire in Vietnam in 1968. Pape’s thesis is that asymmetric conflicts inherently keep escalating and there is no winning way out for a superpower over a lesser power. The main difference between Vietnam and Iran is that Vietnam did not trigger global oil and economic crises. Iran has triggered an oil crisis and the IMF is warning to expect higher inflation and lower growth as a result of the war. “Think of the unthinkable and prepare for it,” is the advice given to world’s policy makers by IMF Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva to a symposium in Japan, earlier this month.
Global Oil Crisis
The blockade of the Strait of Hormuz has created a crisis of uneven supplies and high prices the likes of which have not been seen since the 1973 oil embargo by Arab countries in the wake of the Yom Kippur War that saw the price of oil increasing four fold from $3 to $12 a barrel. The International Energy Agency (IEA), which came into being as the western response to the 1973 Arab oil embargo, has warned that the market is now experiencing “the most significant supply disruption in its history.”
According to Historians, denying or disrupting oil flows has been an effective tool in modern warfare. The oft cited examples before the 1973 oil embargo are the British oil blockade of Germany in World War 1, and the stopping of Germans accessing the Caucasus oilfields by the Soviet Union’s Red Army in World War II. The irony of the current crisis is that until now the world was getting to be more energy efficient and less oil dependent as a result of the technological, socioeconomic and behavioural changes that were unleashed by the 1973 oil embargo. Post Cold War globalization streamlined global oil flows even as the turn towards cheaper and renewable energy sources increased the use of alternative energy sources.
What was becoming a global energy complacency, according to Jason Bordoff and Meghan O’Sullivan, American academics and National Security advisers to former Presidents Obama and Bush, suffered its first disruptive shock with the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. Market reaction was immediate with crude oil prices increasing by over 50% and exceeding $135 per barrel. Russia cut its natural gas supply to Europe by half leaving western Europe the worst affected region by the crisis. In contrast, Asia is the worst affected continent by the current crisis although market reaction was not immediate apparently because the US was deemed a far more reliable actor than Russia. It is a different story now.
The present crisis is expected to ratchet up crude oil prices to as high as $150 to $200 a barrel in current dollars from what was below $75 before Trump started the war. Futures trading before the war projected $62 per barrel in 2027. Now, lower prices are not anticipated until after the end of this decade. The daily price has been yo-yoing above and below $100 in harmony with Trump’s musings about the course of the war and the time for its ending. The current market uncertainty stems from the growing realization that the Trump Administration was not clear about why it was starting the war and now it does not know how or when to bring it to an end. The Hormuz crisis has made the prospects all the bleaker.
Sri Lanka’s Options
In the unfolding uncertainty, the only certainty is that Sri Lanka’s options are limited. The challenges facing the country and the government involve both politics and economics. For the country, even the political options are limited – perhaps as limited as the economic options available to the government in the short term. The incessant political critics of the government start with extrapolating Aragalaya and end with anticipating another government collapse like the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government. But anyone looking for political alternatives to the NPP government should look at the press photograph showing a recent news conference of opposition party leaders announcing the formation of “a common opposition platform to resist the government’s anti-democratic actions.” Missing an action and absconding per usual, like Julia Roberts in Runway Bride, is once again Sajith Premadasa, the accredited Leader of the Opposition.
Talk about democratic priorities when the economic engine and the energy generators will soon have no oil or diesel to run on. Among the assembled, there is no one equipped enough to head a government ministry with the possible exception of Champika Ranawaka. And it is rich to talk about constitutional dictatorship for a group that was associated with the extended one-party government from 1977 to 1994, and a second group the tried to perpetuate a one-family government between 2005 and 2022. It is virtually imperative to argue that for the sake of the country the NPP government must successfully navigate through the impending crisis. Whether the government will be able to live up to what is now a necessity, not just expectation, we will soon find out.
There is no minimizing or underestimating the magnitude of the crisis. Crude oil and petroleum products account for nearly 20% of the total import bill. Rising oil prices will impact the balance of payment and forex reserves, and could potentially siphon off the currently accumulated $7+ billion forex balance. Rupee devaluation and inflation are likely, but not necessarily to the absurd levels reached during the ultimate Rajapaksa regime. Economic growth will slow and the $1.5 to $2.0 billion FDI targets may not materialize. The current arrangement for debt repayment may have to be revisited, even as relief measures will need to be undertaken to soften the rising price effects throughout the economy and among the less privileged sections of society. Restricting consumption has already been started and the country may have to brace for further restrictions and even power cuts.
In the short term, renegotiating the current EFF (Extended Fund Facility) terms with the IMF will be unavoidable. Equally important are long term measures. The low storage capacity for oil and petroleum has made price fluctuations inevitable. The government has announced storage capacity expansion in Kolonnawa and fast tracking the construction of a jet-fuel pipeline from Muthurajawela to Katunayake – to facilitate the Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA) becoming a regional aviation hub. The current shipping problems present a new opportunity for the utilization of the expanded terminal facilities to increase transhipment operations at the Colombo harbour.
At long last, after 78 years, there is some action to upgrade the storied 99 oil tanks in Trincomalee. But the bulk of the upgrading depends on the trilateral agreement between Sri Lanka, India and the United Arab Emirates to create an energy hub in Trincomalee. This might run into delays because of the current situation involving the UAE. Already delayed is the construction of the $3.7b Sinopec Oil refinery in Hambantota, the MOU for which was signed more than an year ago. The NPP government has been adept in keeping good relationships with both India and China. Now is the time to try to expedite the deliverables on their commitments.
Another not so long term necessity is to expand electricity generation through renewable sources and minimize its dependence on thermal generation based on imported oil, not to mention coal. Thermal power contributes to just under 50% of energy output at about 80% of total generation costs. In contrast, just over 50% of the output is generated by renewable sources, including hydro, at 20% of the total cost.
The contribution of hydropower is weather dependent and its uncertainty has long been the pretext for persisting with thermal power and not encouraging the development of solar and wind energy sources. There is no more urgent time to stop this persistence than now in light of the oil crisis. The government must cut through the cobwebs of vested thermal power interests and make clean energy a central part of its Clean Sri Lanka initiative. China is in the forefront of renewable energy technology and expansion and has timed the unveiling of its new five year renewable energy expansion plan to coincide with the current oil crisis. Many countries are emulating China and Sri Lanka should join them.
Features
Two Decades of Trust: SINGER Wins People’s Brand of the Year for the 20th Consecutive Time
Singer Sri Lanka, the nation’s foremost retailer of consumer durables, celebrates a truly historic milestone at the SLIM-KANTAR People’s Awards 2026, securing a prestigious triple victory while marking 20 consecutive years as the People’s Brand of the Year, an achievement made possible by the enduring trust and loyalty of Sri Lankan consumers.
This year, SINGER was honoured with yet another triple win with People’s Brand of the Year, Youth Brand of the Year and People’s Durables Brand of the Year at the awards ceremony. This remarkable recognition reflects the deep and lasting relationship the brand has built with Sri Lankans across generations, standing as a symbol of trust in homes across the island.
Reaching this 20-year milestone is not just a testament to brand strength, but a celebration of the millions of customers who have continuously chosen SINGER as a part of their everyday lives. For two decades, Sri Lankans have placed their confidence in the brand, welcoming it into their homes, their families, and their aspirations.
Expressing his appreciation, Janmesh Antony, Director – Marketing of Singer Sri Lanka PLC, stated:
“Winning these awards reflects our commitment to quality, innovation, and staying closely connected to our customers. Being recognised as Durables brand, Youth brand, and as the People’s Brand of the Year highlights our ability to resonate across generations. As we celebrate 20 years as the People’s Brand, our deepest gratitude goes to our customers, this milestone truly belongs to them. It also reflects the dedication of our teams, who continuously strive to serve them better every day. Winning Youth Brand of the Year further reinforces our focus on staying relevant and meaningfully connected with the next generation.”
Commenting on the milestone, Mahesh Wijewardene, Group Managing Director of Singer Sri Lanka PLC, added:
“This recognition is a tribute to the millions of Sri Lankans who have stood by us over the years. Being named the People’s Brand of the Year for the 20th consecutive time is both humbling and inspiring. It reflects the deep trust our customers place in us, and we are truly grateful for the role we play in their everyday lives. This milestone strengthens our commitment to continue delivering value, innovation, and service excellence, always with our customers at the heart of everything we do.”
Over the years, SINGER has grown alongside the people of Sri Lanka, evolving from a trusted household name into a future-ready retail powerhouse. By continuously innovating its product portfolio and enhancing service excellence, the brand has remained closely aligned with the changing needs and aspirations of its customers.
Guided by a deep-rooted customer-first philosophy, an extensive islandwide retail network, and dependable after-sales service, Singer continues to set benchmarks not only in the consumer durables sector but across the nation. By elevating everyday living and bringing greater convenience, comfort, and ease into Sri Lankan homes, the brand has become a trusted partner in shaping modern lifestyles. Its growing connection with younger audiences further reflects its ability to seamlessly blend legacy with contemporary aspirations.
As Singer Sri Lanka celebrates this milestone, the company remains profoundly grateful for the trust placed in it by generations of Sri Lankans. With a continued commitment to enriching lives through innovation and making everyday living more effortless and accessible, Singer looks ahead to growing alongside its customers, strengthening its place as one of the most trusted, loved, and enduring brands in the country.
Features
Test cricket of a different kind in 1948
Early last year [probably 2004] I received a call from Michael Ludgrove the then head of the rare book section at Christies Auction house requesting help to decipher the names of Ceylonese cricketers who had signed a cricket bat in the 1930’s following a combined India-Ceylon match against the visiting MCC. This led to my keeping an eye out for unusual items on Ceylon cricket.
A few months later a set of autographs came up for sale. They were of the visiting English women cricketers who played a match in Colombo, against the Ceylon women in the first “Test” of its kind. I was lucky to trace two of the test cricketers from the Ceylon team who now live in Victoria, Beverly Roberts (Juriansz) and Enid (Gilly) Fernando. Incidentally Gilly is called Gilly after AER Gilligan the Australian Cricketer and answers to no other name.
The visiting English team were on their way to Australia on the SS Orion. The Colombo Cricket Club were the hosts and the match was played at the Oval on the November 1, 1948. The match attracted a crowd of around 5,000 many of whom had not seen women play cricket before. Among the distinguished guests were the Governor General, the Bishop of Brisbane, the Assistant Bishop of Colombo -the Reverend Lakdasa de Mel, the Yuvaraj and Yuvaranee of Kutch and Sir Richard Aluwihare.
The well known cricket writer, SP Foenander, provided the broadcast commentary.
The English team consisted of: Molly Hyde (Capt.), Miss Rheinberger, Nacy Joy, Grace Morgan, Mary Duggan, Betty Birch, Dorothy McEroy, Mary Johnson, Megan Lowe, Nancy Wheelan,
The Ceylon team consisted of Miss O Turner (Capt.), Miss Enid (Gilly) Fernando, Miss C Hutton, Miss S Gaddum, Shirley Thomas, Marienne Adihetty, Beverley Roberts, Pat Weinman, Leela Abeykoon, Binthan Noordeen
Reserves: Mrs D H Swan & Mrs E G Joseph. Umpires: W S Findall and H E W De Zylva.
There is on record a previous match, played by a visiting English women’s cricket team in Colombo. However, they played against a team consisting mainly of wives of European Planters and no Ceylonese were included.
Beverley Roberts, 16 years old Leela Abeykoon and Phyllis De Silva were from St John’s Panadura which was the first girl’s school to play cricket. Their coach was G C Roberts (older brother of Michael Roberts). Marienne Adihetty was from Galle and her brother played for Richmond College. Binthan Noordeen was from Ladies College. She is the granddaughter of M.C. Amoo one of the best Malay cricketers of former days, who took a team from Ceylon to Bombay in 1910. Binthan was a teacher at Ladies College at the time and also excelled in hockey, netball and tennis. Pat Weinman is the daughter of Jeff Weinman, a former Nondescripts cricketer.
The team was mainly coached by S. Saravanamuttu with others such as S J Campbell helping. The arrangements were made by the Board of Control of Cricket headed by P Saravanamuttu. Though the match itself was one sided with the Ceylon women cricketers beaten decisively, the Ceylon team impressed the visitors by their gallant display, after less than two months of practice as a team. The English team won the toss and batted first. Molly Slide the captain scored a century in a fine display of batting. The captain of the Ceylon team Mrs Hutton took six wickets for 43.
(Michael Roberts Thuppahi blog)
Dr. Srilal Fernando in Melbourne, reproducing an essay that appeared originally in The CEYLANKAN, a quarterly produced by the Ceylon Research Society in Australia.
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