Features
Traveling for UNESCO: India, US, Cyprus and Riyadh
Gratifying to see the number of Lankans in the hotel and airline trades in Saudi Arabia
Excerpted from volume ii
of the Sarath Amunugama autobiography
Coming back to UNESCO affairs, our visit to India with the DG was on a far grander scale than the seminars that have been described above. The Indian Ministry of media had organized a major international conference on the New International Communication Order. They had invited the DG M’Bow as a special guest of the Prime Minister Indira Gandhi to preside at the opening session. M’Bow agreed and requested me and Dilip Padgoankar, the media chief of his personal secretariat, to accompany him.
This was a signal honour as well as a great responsibility because both the reputation of the DG as well as of UNESCO was at stake in these missions. Everything had to go perfectly to the satisfaction of the big man. We had several planning sessions before touching down in Paalam airport for a grand reception and transfer to Hotel Ashoka, the massive state owned hotel, in the heart of fashionable New Delhi.
The meeting was held in the Vidhya Bhawan’s cavernous auditorium. We were all seated and were expecting the arrival of the Prime Minister. All eyes were focused on the side entrance from which she was to enter the hall. Then I saw an unforgettable sight. A small Indian made car stopped near that entrance and a tiny figure in a saree opened the car door and stepped out without any fanfare. Indira Gandhi walked briskly towards the stage and the whole house got on to their feet to welcome her.
In its simplicity and her imperial hauteur, this entrance was unbeatable and would remain in the mind’s eye of all the participants. She then sat next to M’Bow and engaged in a friendly discussion. She spoke fluent French and our DG was made to feel at home. Some years earlier, in their capacities as Ministers of Education and Information, they were members of the UNESCO governing board and were friends.
She told us later, to make his visit to India a memorable one, she had designated two senior diplomats to represent India in the IPDC’s Governing council. They were G. Parasarathy [GP] who was India’s legendary diplomat and was Jawaharlal Nehru’s protege and family friend and Mani Dixit, a hard driving and frequnently unreasonable diplomat who belonged to the Foreign Office officials `corps’ which believed in India’s hegemonic role in the region. He had strong views and had as many friends as enemies in the South Block.
They were joined from time time by Ambassador Kaul who claimed to be a relative of the Nehrus as they were all Kashmiri Brahmins. As the Director of IPDC and a Sri Lankan I had good relations with them. GP was particularly close to me and would invite me for a meal at his Lodhi Gardens home. In this way I also became a friend of GP’s son Ashok who was a scientist who later became a Permanent Secretary of an important Ministry in the Central Government.
These relationships affected my future. President JRJ wanted me later to come back as a ‘back channel’ to these decision makers in New Delhi when our ethnic conflict had dragged India into becoming a major player in the fracas.
The New Delhi visit was a great success. India agreed to make a cash donation to the IPDC Fund. But more importantly Indira backed M’Bow fully in his emerging conflict with Western countries, the US in particular. The West was baying for his blood and the US under Ronald Reagan was threatening to cut its funding to UNESCO, which accounted for about a third of our Budget. Reagan was looking at the UN system with a jaundiced eye. He had already cut his funding to UNFPA accusing it of promoting abortion.
The Anti-Abortion lobby was one of his big vote banks. Another vote bank were the Jews, who though traditionally Democratic Party supporters, were cheering their President Reagan on in his fight with M’Bow over some UNESCO funding for Palestine. So our DG needed all the friends he could muster and India and Indira became valuable strategic partners. This tour helped him to secure that flank and he always treated Padgoankar and me as valuable allies in his struggle for survival.
Washington DC
After a visit by an influential Under Secretary of President Reagan to Paris to discuss American concerns with the Director General of UNESCO, the relationship with the US got worse. We heard that there was a heated argument on two issues: media and Israel. M’Bow lost his temper and told the US official that he represented the UN and could not be spoken to as if in a plantation in the American south.
I heard from US diplomats in Paris who came for IPDC meetings, that a cut in the US financial contribution to UNESCO was imminent. This news was conveyed to the DG by Bolla and me. He then suggested that I should visit Washington and lobby against such an eventuality. His office contacted the iconic American lawyer Elliot Richardson who was the Chairman of the UNESCO Association of the US, to facilitate my visit.
Richardson, a ‘Boston Brahmin’ was the legendary Attorney General who refused to carry out an order of President Nixon during the Watergate episode. He had no hesitation in quitting his job rather than bending the law. His successor also refused to comply with Nixon’s order and was also fired in what was then described as the ‘Saturday night massacre’.
I stayed overnight in the Mayflower Hotel, close to the White House. The following morning Richardson and I went by a side gate to the White House. At that time security was minimal and we had to go through only one checkpoint located in the corridor leading to the office complex. Several senior officials received me cordially and took me and Eliot to a spacious room for a discussion which was already scheduled.
I put the best case for IPDC saying that with the growing interest in media, many countries would want modern technology which is available for sale only in the US. I made special mention of Arthur Clarke and his predictions of greater demand for new technologies. The US’s successful space programme had developed many new technologies which would have a profound impact on the media scene. I quoted Homi Baba, the US educated Indian space researcher, who famously said that the poor countries could ‘leap frog’ to development with newly invented technologies.
Then something extraordinary happened. My hosts rolled out a large screen and established a link with Reagan who was flying on Air Force One to California. A senior official spoke to him and referred to the technology angle as being important for the US. Reagan who appeared on the screen before us was brief. He agreed and asked his interlocutor to contact a person he knew in California who was a large-scale manufacturer of advanced communications equipment.
Not a word did he say about UNESCO. To me it appeared that for him it was purely a political matter. He would decide, as it happened later, not on the merits of the case but on the electoral value of his decision. US officials in Paris had told me that they had strongly urged that they should remain in UNESCO. Reagan did not listen to them. But before he took a final decision we had our IPDC annual sessions in Tashkent in which the US was present as Observers since they were not members of the Intergovernmental Council.
Cyprus
The DG then asked me to represent him at a media conference held in Nicosia, Cyprus. There had been a lot of tension at UNESCO meetings on the issue of Israel. The cultural programme of our organization, particularly relating to archaeology and language studies, had evoked much controversy between the Arab states and Israel. Both sides were keeping a sharp eye on the archaeological digs in the region because of Israel’s claims of the presence of a Jewish nation on those lands in ancient times.
They would cling onto any evidence either on the ground or in ancient writings like the ‘Dead Sea Scrolls’ about the boundaries of Judea, to justify their modern claim for land in a ‘greater Israel’. On the other hand the Arabs were keen to ensure that new justifications for Israeli expansionism should not be provided by UNESCO experts researching in the region.
When I discussed our conference with UNESCO officials in the region, I was told that since Cyprus was in close proximity to the contested areas, Nicosia was seething with spies and agents of different interests reflected in the politics of the region. In addition Cyprus itself was divided into the Greek dominated and Turk dominated sectors. There had been a costly confrontation between Turkey and Greece for control of the island Cyprus.
The Greek Cypriots had been led by Archbishop Makarios who was the head of the Greek Orthodox Church and later Prime Minister [At Peradeniya University in my time any undergrad who sported a big beard was called Makarios]. Makarios also became a prominent member of the Non Aligned Movement as it helped him to bolster his country’s independent status. The Turkish sector was ruled direct from Ankara and the Greeks feared an invasion from Turkish forces which were stronger than them.
The conference I attended, though ostensibly dealing with media, was also meant to strengthen Nicosia’s position both regionally and globally. Our DG must have smelt a rat and realized that it was not prudent to participate in this hot spot at his level and that the IPDC, which had established good relations all round and of which I was Director, should represent him.
But the programme was sponsored at the highest levels. We were invited by the Prime Minister of Cyprus, a layman who had succeeded Makarios, to a dinner held in his Greek style mansion on top of a hill. In a speech he emphasized the importance of the history of their land; Cyprus had been a Greek island which had been captured by the Turks who refused to concede Cypriot sovereignty.
The tragedy of Cyprus was dramatized during our visit to the ‘line of control’ which had been established by the UN to stop the fighting. Towns and villages had been cut into two and people who had lived together in neighborhoods for a long time were subjected to different administrations. Both sides maintained an uneasy peace mainly because the ‘Blue Hats’ of the UN would intervene if there was a resumption of fighting.
The UN had a hard time preventing the Turks from overrunning the Greek sector with their superior fire power. One evening we were entertained at a Greek taverna, with wine, local food, group dancing and smashing of plates and glasses. But when we were to return to our hotel, slightly inebriated, we had to walk past the heavily sandbagged demarcation line which cut the hotel garden into two.
I remembered the ethnic crisis in my country and the calls of some Tamils for the bifurcation of Sri Lanka. In the international arena Sri Lanka was occasionally coupled with Cyprus as problem states. My experience in the divided island of Cyprus forcefully demonstrated to me the evils of partition and the distress it causes to communities that have lived together for a long time.
One good result of my visit to Nicosia was my interaction with Arab decision makers and media personnel. With our representative in the Middle East Tayyib Salih, who was a well-known Egyptian author, we were able to interest some Arab potentates from Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the UAE in participating in IPDC activities.
Riyadh
I followed up my visit to Nicosia with a visit to Riyadh, on my way back to Sri Lanka for a holiday and a meeting with President JRJ. UNESCO had got a favourable response from Saudi Arabia, notwithstanding the hostility of the Reagan administration. This was partly due to the emergence as Foreign Minister of Prince Turki who wanted to play a bigger role in world affairs, in keeping with his country’s wealth and oil resources. Turki was lionized by the bigwigs of UNESCO.
At the invitation of M’Bow we all assembled in the main hall to listen to the new voice of Saudi Arabia. He was fluent in English, being a forerunner of young western educated Saudi princes who were cutting a dash in US universities with virtually inexhaustible wealth. Turki made a contribution to UNESCO funds which was most welcome in the context of the US leaving the organization with their annual contribution in their pocket.
The Saudi government had a practice which no doubt delighted their official visitors. From the time we set foot in Riyadh we were guests of the Royal house and all bills were settled by them. This was regarded as a kind gesture since hotel prices in Riyadh were astronomical. But what astounded me was the number of Sri Lankan workers in every department of the airline and hotel trade in Saudi Arabia.
This was most gratifying as they had their beginnings in the tourism drive that I had been associated with as Secretary in charge of tourism. They too were happy to see me and urged me to make full use of the hotel bar. This was not as attractive an offer as it seemed since the hotels did not serve hard liquor. They had a non-alcoholic beverage in traditional liquor bottles. However, when I visited the palatial home of their media controllers they had an array of genuine alcoholic drinks that would have made a Hollywood mogul green with envy.
At that time the Saudis were facing a major policy problem regarding the media. They had purchased all the best media equipment for TV broadcasts. But there was a debate between the traditionalists and modernists regarding programme content. Up to then only religious and news programmes had been allowed. The Royals thought that modernizing the media Would lead to a delegitimizing of their charisma as they were the custodians of the Holy places, including Mecca, and the guarantors of the sanctity of the Islamic faith.
Any crack in t hat belief would have serious consequences for the regime. The answer was not to inhibit change but to manage it in the light of technological change. The mansions of the Saudi bigwigs had all the modern western programmes which they could view with the latest display equipment. But public screenings were another matter. It took a long time for these orthodox Wahabists to relate to the new media. Even with the reforms of modern times this issue has not been fully resolved.
Features
Complexities in global politics deepen as economic pressures intensify
The present offer by the UK to strengthen Ukraine’s defense capabilities in the missile technology field in particular comes as ‘a stitch in time’ and the initiative is also likely to be appreciated considerably by democratic opinion world wide for the possible morale-boosting effect it would have on Ukraine. Besides continuous arms support, the conviction that the world’s frontline democracies are behind it would prove a huge plus in Ukraine’s eyes in its grinding fightback against the Russian invasion.
While continued US support for Ukraine could not be considered ‘a given’ any more, British Prime Minister Andy Burnham’s words during a recent visit to Kyiv that the UK would stand by Ukraine ‘for as long as it takes’ is the kind of assurance that Ukraine needs at present. For, the conflict in Ukraine is essentially a war of liberation conducted by the latter against an invader and deeply at issue here is the upholding of International Law and its foundational concepts, such as national sovereignty and a nation’s right to political self-determination. The world of democracy is of the firm view that the latter ideals cannot be compromised, come what may.
The UK has its work cut out in this connection. It would find it difficult to convince the Trump administration that it should staunchly stand by Ukraine but it could campaign vigorously with the rest of the West and the EU fold in particular to unflaggingly support the embattled and over-run country.
Ukraine has shown an impressive adeptness in using drone technology in particular against her enemy and has even manufactured her own hardware in this respect but using the relevant blueprints handed over by the UK for the manufacture of more sophisticated cruise missiles, for instance, may prove financially difficult, going forward. It is left to be seen whether the UK and the rest of the West who are with Ukraine will continue to be with her, considering their own rising financial constraints.
The latter impediments could only multiply in the future. Oil, gas and energy prices are on the rise and the latter costs are glaringly reflected in kitchens and meal tables the world over. As we go along consumer discontent would steadily intensify and governments, East and West, would need to figure out with considerable rigour and foresight how such disaffection could be ably managed. Failing which, in most democratic societies, the chances are that publics would be out on the streets demanding that their grievances be redressed forthwith.
These rising concerns are reflected in a recent move by some EU governments to consider imposing what is described as ‘a windfall tax’ on the profits specified major oil companies operating within their shores have made in the wake of the US-Israel war on Iran. The rationale apparently is to use such tax earnings to cushion the rising cost of living of their publics and bolster the respective countries’ social expenditure.
In a recent letter to the president of the EU Council the EU governments referred to said, among other things, while drawing attention to the ‘discontent that is growing over the rising cost of living’: ‘A common approach’ is needed that ‘ensures those who profit from the crisis contribute their share to reducing the burden on the general population.’ Meanwhile, Oxfam with reference to the above development is on record as calling for a ‘permanent windfall tax of at least 50% on profits exceeding a 10% return on investment.’
Such are the rising economic pressures on the majority of Western governments. The question to be posed is how consistent they would be in their assistance to Ukraine if they decide consensually to stand by her. The soaring cost of living in the West compels the conclusion that there could be no guarantee that Western assistance to Ukraine, particularly in the defense and security fields, would be of a longstanding kind.
Of particular concern would be the fact that the weapons systems on offer from the UK to Ukraine could be increasingly costly to manufacture going forward. Besides they would need to be manufactured and put into action without delay.
However, these considerations should in no way deflect Ukraine’s supporters from the principled policy stance of defending her to the extent possible. Because at issue is the defense of International Law and the democratic system of government from their enemies; fascism and authoritarian rule.
While during World Wars 1 and 2 the US was with the major democracies of the West, this time around with regard to Ukraine, the US has chosen to be at cross-purposes with them. For instance, in relation to tariff matters and defense expenditure, in the NATO context, the US is pursuing a hard line which puts it at polar opposites with the West. Thus it is no longer possible to talk unreservedly of a ‘Western democratic alliance’. Put plainly, the cause of democratic development has been weakened.
A measure of relief for the supporters of Ukraine in the West could come by way of the upcoming mid-term polls in the US. If the Democratic Party fares well in them the pressure would be on the Trump administration to defer to opposition opinion at home, accommodate the best interests of Ukraine in its West European policy and perhaps even work towards a diplomatic solution to the Ukraine crisis in cooperation with Russia. Accordingly, the Democratic Party would need to put the Trump administration on the defensive, so to speak.
Until such time Ukraine’s Western supporters have no choice but to remain committed to it, ensure its steadfast defense against the invasion and work judiciously towards keeping the economic pressures at home in check.
Interestingly, at the present juncture in international politics the US could be said to be more weak than strong. For example, it has to some extent been militarily humbled by Iran; so much so it is resorting to economic means to keep Iran in check.
In keeping with this strategy, the US has launched ‘a new big wave of anti-Iran economic sanctions’ at the time of writing, aimed at cutting Iran away from all its major income sources. Some of these relate to digital assets, technology, gold, aviation and shipping. The hoped for result is the complete severance of Iran from the US dollar system.
However, while the UK and EU have no choice but to adhere to their policy of backing Ukraine, going forward they would need to dialogue more closely with the US and ensure that it cooperates with them on outstanding questions, such as Ukraine and the strengthening of democracy. The well being of the world is served when the latter aim is pursued.
Features
“Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery”
OPA 39th Annual Conference calls for Sri Lanka to move Beyond Recovery towards Sustainable Transformation
The Orgnisation of Professional Associations (OPA) successfully concluded its 39th Annual Conference, held recently at the Cinnamon Grand Colombo, under the theme “Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery”.
Held under the patronage of Jayantha Gallehewa, President of the OPA, with the leadership and guidance of Tisara De Silva, President-Elect and Chairman of the 39th Annual Conference, the Conference brought together leading professionals, academics, business leaders and representatives of the public and private sectors to deliberate on Sri Lanka’s next phase of national development.
The Inaugural Session, on August 2026, was graced by Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, as the Chief Guest; Andrew Patrick, British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, as the Guest of Honour; and Murtaza Jafferjee, Chairman of the Advocata Institute, Sri Lanka, as the Keynote Speaker.
In her address, Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya emphasised that overcoming the economic crisis alone should not be Sri Lanka’s ultimate objective, stressing that recovery must serve as the foundation for a broader economic and institutional transformation necessary for sustainable national progress. Reflecting on the difficult period experienced by the country, the Prime Minister noted that Sri Lanka had faced significant economic, social and institutional challenges, which had weakened public confidence and created uncertainty about the country’s future.
She stressed that “recovery only provides the foundation” and that Sri Lanka can move forward sustainably only by using that foundation to bring about meaningful transformation.
The Prime Minister observed that the theme of the OPA’s 39th Annual Conference, “Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery,” aptly encapsulated these national aspirations. She emphasised that Sri Lanka’s objective should not merely be to return to the conditions that existed before the crisis, but to forge a stronger national foundation characterised by robust institutions, a resilient economy, high-quality public services and an enabling environment in which every citizen has the opportunity to thrive.
She further underscored that Sri Lanka’s future development cannot be secured through economic growth and physical development alone. She emphasised that the effective mobilisation of the country’s knowledge, skills and professional expertise, is equally essential to achieving sustainable and inclusive national progress
The Technical Sessions held on 12 August 2026 brought together 19 distinguished experts and professionals representing academia, industry, banking and finance, public health, technology, management and business leadership. Their diverse expertise provided a multidisciplinary platform to examine the critical challenges, emerging opportunities and strategic choices that will shape Sri Lanka’s next phase of development, with particular emphasis on economic transformation, institutional strengthening, digitalisation, private-sector growth, human capital and sustainable development.
The deliberations were structured around four principal sub-themes: “Resilient Recovery and Sustainable Economic Development”; “Future Readiness: Innovation & Transformation”; “Policy for Impact: Advancing Equity, Sustainable Living, and National Well-Being”; and “Leadership, Governance and National Responsibility.”
Across these thematic areas, the sessions explored the structural reforms, institutional requirements and policy choices necessary to move Sri Lanka beyond economic stabilisation towards a more productive, competitive, resilient and inclusive economy. The discussions brought together diverse professional perspectives, enabling participants to examine national priorities through economic, technological, industrial, financial, social and governance lenses.
Particular emphasis was placed on the need to move beyond the diagnosis of problems towards pragmatic, evidence-based and implementable solutions. The deliberations recognised that sustainable national progress requires not only sound policies, but also effective institutions, professional competence, innovation, responsible leadership and the capacity to translate policy into tangible outcomes.
The sessions further underscored the importance of collaboration across sectors, recognising that Sri Lanka’s complex development challenges cannot be addressed in isolation. Stronger engagement among Government, private sector, professional associations, academia and civil society was identified as essential to fostering a coherent national response and ensuring that professional knowledge and expertise are effectively translated into policy and action.
Collectively, the Technical Sessions provided a substantive platform for knowledge exchange, critical reflection and forward-looking dialogue, reinforcing the OPA’s commitment to bringing the country’s professional expertise to bear on the task of building a resilient, innovative, equitable and prosperous Sri Lanka.
The OPA expressed its sincere appreciation to Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, the Chief Guest; Andrew Patrick, British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka and Guest of Honour; and Murtaza Jafferjee, Chairman of the Advocata Institute, Sri Lanka and Keynote Speaker, for their distinguished contributions to the Conference.
Much of what the 39th Annual Conference achieved would not have been possible without the leadership, commitment and generous contributions of Jayantha Gallehewa, President of the OPA; Tisara De Silva, President-Elect and Chairman of the 39th Annual Conference; Eng. Ravi Rupasinghe, General Secretary; Dharshana Wijemanne, Treasurer; Bhanu Wijayaratne, Convener & the Chairman of the Session Planning Committee of the 39th Annual Conference Committee, Past Presidents and Office Bearers; Presidents and representatives of Member Associations; members of the Executive Councils and General Forum; and the distinguished Session Chairmen, Resource Persons and professionals who shared their time, expertise and insights in pursuit of the Conference’s shared vision. The OPA remains immensely grateful to all those whose collective contributions enriched the 39th Annual Conference and strengthened its role as a meaningful platform for professional exchange, informed dialogue and national reflection.
Features
Nostalgia for Lankans in Toronto …
For Sri Lankans living 14,000 kilometres from home, the sound of home has never felt closer — and that’s thanks to one man and his band.
Since stepping into the spotlight, Gamini Hemalal and the Ceymphony Band have turned into the heartbeat of the Sri Lankan community in Toronto.
Their mission is simple: bring the music, bring the memories, bring the people together. And it’s working.
What turned out to be the talk-of-the-town was their intimate musical evening with Sri Lanka’s legendary crooner Sohan Weerasinghe.

Sohan Weerasinghe: Had
everyone on their feet at the
Angus Glen Golf Club, in
Toronto, Canada
It was a ‘full house’ long before the big date. Tickets vanished within days — demand was that overwhelming.
According to those who were there, it was a truly amazing evening. The hall was packed, the energy electric. Sohan didn’t just sing — he owned the stage.
With his velvet vocals, his charm, and that signature style, he had everyone on their feet. The ladies, especially, couldn’t get enough. No wonder they call him “The Ladies’ Man!”
One attendee summed it up perfectly:
“We had so much fun. It is truly a blessing to have our kids around us, enjoying these beautiful moments together. Thank you, Gamini Hemalal, for such a wonderful evening, with an amazing crowd and an incredible atmosphere. Your hard work and dedication truly made it a special night.
“We also need to say a big thank you to the Ceymphony Band for delivering such an outstanding performance. You all were absolutely amazing! Our entire family had a fantastic time, and we truly enjoyed every moment.

Ceymphony Band: Extremely popular in the scene in Toronto
“Wishing you all continued success. Keep up the amazing work, we can’t wait for the next.”
And the next is already on the cards: ‘Halloween Pissu Baila Party 2026,’ on Friday, 30th October, at the famous Angus Glen Golf Club.
Gamini promises a crazy night of baila, music, dancing and Halloween vibes with the Ceymphony Band. Action runs from 8:00 PM to 12:00 midnight, with plenty of prizes to be won.

Gamini Hemalal: Amazing work for the Sri Lankan community,
in Toronto, Canada
Gamini is also putting together a special event, connected with the 2027 Avurudu celebrations — ‘Avurudu Musical Show 2027,’ a uniquely styled musical Avurudu celebration … Ceymphony Band style.
It’s scheduled to be held on Saturday, 10th April, 2027, also at the Angus Glen Golf Club.
Through music, Gamini Hemalal and Ceymphony are doing what diaspora bands do best — they’re shrinking the distance between two worlds.
One baila beat at a time, one full house at a time, they’re making sure that even in Canada, Sri Lankans feel like home.
Yes, there is plenty of action, indeed, for the Sri Lankan community in Toronto, Canada.
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