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Too many irons in presidential fire as frustration explodes on German television

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by Rajan Philips

The stress of presidential caretaking is showing. That is the only explanation that I can think of and that is also what I have heard from others who saw President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s interview this week, with Martin Gak of the German state-owned television Deutsche Welle (DW). Mr. Wickremesinghe uncharacteristically turned truculent when Mr. Gak started pressing him on the question of international investigation of the 2018 Easter Sunday bombings. The interview was going well up to that point with the focus on economic matters, and the President who was in Berlin to attend the inaugural summit of the Berlin Global Dialogue, seemed pleased to recount the progress he has been making in Europe.

The President said that he was getting Europe to better understand the Sri Lankan situation. He specifically mentioned Germany and France. Germany, where he was attending the Global Dialogue and was also able to meet with Chancellor Olaf Scholz and some of his Ministers. He was in France in June to attend the global debt summit convened by French President Emmanuel Macron. On his way to the debt summit in Paris, the President had stopped over in London to attend the 40th anniversary gathering of the International Democratic Union (IDU), the mutual admiration society of the global right. We have gone over this before.

In Germany now and at the Deutsche Welle interview, what seemed to get the goat of the President was Mr. Gak’s mentioning ‘the Cardinal,’ and the call(s) for international investigation of the Easter Bombings. Out of the blues, the President went on the attack and asked Mr. Gak if he knew or had spoken to the Bishops Conference in Sri Lanka. The President was obviously alluding to the Church hierarchy in Sri Lanka (or any other country outside the Vatican) with the Bishops Conference taking precedence over individual cardinal or cardinals.

In Sri Lanka, there is the added peculiarity given the known differences between the Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith and the Bishops Conference, not on spiritual questions but on matters temporal, especially involving the Rajapaksas. The old wisecrack – MR 1 (Mahinda Rajapaksa) and MR 2 (Malcolm Ranjith) – is now all forgotten and buried in the Easter debris. There is only one MR of consequence left, anyway, and the one whom the current President will do anything to avoid.

As for the poor Martin Gak of the German TV, he seemed well prepared for the interview, but he was quite stumped by the President’s reference to the Cardinal and the Bishops. It was not a googly that was thrown by the President at someone with no cricket background, but an underarm no ball. The main takeaway from the President’s outburst, however, is the categorical rejection of any international investigation into the Easter bombings.

If there was any implication that this sudden rejection by the President may have had some understanding with the Catholic Bishops of Sri Lanka minus the Cardinal, that notion was put to rest quite swiftly by the President of the Bishops’ Conference in Sri Lanka, Bishop Harold Anthony Perera.

In a statement to the media issued by the Church, Bishop Perera is quoted as saying that “the President has made an effort to show that there is a division between Cardinal Ranjith and the Bishops’ Conference,” after asserting that “the Cardinal and the Bishops hold the same view that an impartial local probe could be conducted into the Easter Sunday bomb attacks with the presence of foreign observers.”

A second takeaway from the Deutsche Welle interview is the President’s quite unexpected assertion that his government (not just the Rajapaksa government) also rejects the conclusions of the UNHRC in Geneva. That is a total about-turn from the positions Mr. Wickremesinghe took as Prime Minister in the yahapalanaya government, a gross insult to the memory of Mangala Samaraweera, and an unfitting follow-up to the photo opportunity that the President had with Samantha Power in September, at the UN, in New York.

The President did not need new controversies after returning home from his many ports of call. His categorical rejections in Germany are not going to close the books on Easter Sunday in Sri Lanka, or UNHRC in Geneva. They will remain among many other continuing political fires that the President will have to deal with even as he continues to grapple with all the economic problems.

Whether it is too many irons in the fire, or too many nagging fires, the President has taken almost all of them on his shoulders with very little sharing of responsibilities in the cabinet. That is why even his well-wishers are saying that the presidential stress is showing, while it took a professional German TV interviewer to take the brunt of Mr. Wickremesinghe’s unnecessary outburst.

Too many irons, too many fires

If it can be said that President Wickremesinghe’s economic problems are mostly inherited, by the same token it must be said that his political problems are mostly self-created. As I have been arguing recently, the prospects for political reforms under Mr. Wickremesinghe’s caretaker presidency that were pretty bright at the start are now totally dead.

The villain of the piece is of course Mr. Wickremesinghe’s ambition to become an elected president. The moves that he has been making to that end have veered from being banal to becoming quite tedious.

The latest of the maneuvers is said to be Basil Rajapaksa offering Ranil Wickremesinghe full (SLPP) support for the latter to be a candidate at the next presidential election, provided Mr. Wickremesinghe stops poaching SLPPers through two-timers bypassing the Rajapaksas. That is quite a Catch-22 between onetime allies.

The banality of this politics is disgusting, but what is really disturbing is the diversion it causes from what should be total commitment by the President and his administration to dealing solely with the economic problems.

On the economic front, an IMF Mission to conduct the First Review of the program under the Extended Fund Facility (EFF) arrangement has come and gone. The September review was about the country’s performance after the start of EFF arrangement in March based on a USD 2.9 billion bailout package and a first tranche payment of USD 330 million. The September visit was expected to result in the release of the second tranche of the same amount. But the second payment is being delayed because of snags facing the country’s external debt restructuring process.

The departing statement of the IMF Mission said all the nice things about the people of Sri Lanka and their resilience but stopped short of recommending the second payment until there is some conclusion about debt restructuring. In addition to the First Review and statement, the IMF has also released its report on the Governance Diagnostic Assessment (GDA) of Sri Lanka that the IMF had conducted in March this year. Sri Lanka apparently is the first Asian country to undergo a governance assessment as part of the IMF’s lending programs.

The report highlights all the key, but not unknown, problems ranging from corruption, weakness of government, failing state owned enterprises, compromised taxation and revenue system, flawed procurement processes, and a weak legal framework and enforcement mechanisms.

The report pointedly notes that despite last year’s protests, the government is still beholden to the same powers and their beneficiaries who were dislodged by the protesters. The GDA report also recommends 16 priority actions to address widespread corruption and weaknesses in government.

The IMF’s Review Mission, withholding of the second payment, and instructions on 16 action items have rekindled the political debate over IMF. Participating at the Berlin Global Dialogue, the President spoke of the difficulties that indebted countries like Sri Lanka with multiple creditors have to go through to reach agreements on debt restructuring. There is the Paris Club of creditors, and then there are India and China who are not part of the club but are becoming strong creditors on their own terms.

“There is no mechanism,” the President said, “to co-ordinate between the creditors and debtor country.” He also noted at the gathering in Berlin, somewhat echoing the criticisms he gets at home, “there’s a point beyond which you can’t burden these people. Now we are going beyond that point.” He went on, “You have to work on the basis of a solution which also ensures stability. Some of the proposals put forward do not enforce stability.”

He was candid enough to admit, unlike some of his critics at home, that it was fundamentally Sri Lanka’s fault to have incurred a mountain of debt that ultimately drove the country to bankruptcy. Fundamentally, as well, it is Sri Lanka’s responsibility to find is own way out its debts and difficulties. There are no convincing signs that the caretaker government of President Wickremesinghe is doing the best it could under the circumstances.



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From stabilisation to transformation without delay

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At a symposium on reconciliation organised by the National Peace Council last week, more than 250 religious clergy, civic activists and political representatives from different communities gathered to discuss the country’s future. Speaking at the event, Minister Bimal Rathnayake explained the government’s approach to national reconciliation. He said the government viewed the country’s recovery in terms of a three stage process. The first stage was stabilisation, the second was development and the third was transformation. Reconciliation, he implied, would come in that final stage. The participation of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa at the same symposium, and the constructive nature of his comments, strengthens that hope.

When the present NPP government took office in 2024, the country was emerging from one of the gravest crises in its post Independence history. The economic collapse of 2022 had led to shortages of fuel, food, medicines and electricity. Inflation soared, foreign reserves disappeared and long queues became part of daily life. The political upheaval that followed culminated in the resignation of former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa after mass public protests under the banner of the Aragalaya movement. The country was then governed by a leadership that spoke the language of reform and reconciliation but was widely perceived as lacking a direct popular mandate.

Sri Lanka’s past experience suggests that stabilisation and transformation cannot be treated as entirely separate stages. Postponing reconciliation until some future moment risks repeating the failures of the past. If transformation is endlessly delayed until a supposedly perfect moment arrives, there will always be new crises and new reasons for postponement. Minister Rathnayake’s contention that the government’s immediate priority has necessarily been stabilisation flows from the government’s awareness of the precarious situation the country is. Over the past two years, the government has succeeded to a significant extent in restoring economic and political stability. Inflation has reduced, shortages have ended and public institutions have regained a degree of functionality.

Guaranteed Changes

On the other hand, the country’s development continues to face challenges due to adverse global conditions, including disruptions caused by conflict in the Middle East and extreme weather events that have affected tourism, trade and the cost of living. The danger is that reconciliation may be indefinitely postponed in the name of stabilisation. This danger can be reduced if the government works proactively with the opposition and civil society to commence practical measures of transformation now rather than later. The participation of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa at the symposium, and the constructive nature of his comments, has strengthened the sense that bipartisan engagement on reconciliation may now be possible.

The urgency of transformation came through strongly in the presentations made by representatives of the Sri Lanka Tamil and Malaiyaha Tamil communities. ITAK parliamentarian S.Shritharan spoke of the frustration caused by unresolved post war issues in the north and east. He referred to disputes regarding land occupied during the war years, including controversies linked to Buddhist temples and state sponsored settlement activity in areas claimed by local communities. He also pointed to the continuing large scale presence of the security forces in the north and east nearly two decades after the end of the war. These grievances have remained central to Tamil political discourse since the end of the armed conflict in 2009. Families displaced by war continue to seek the return of ancestral lands. Civil society organisations in the north have repeatedly called for greater civilian control over local administration and a reduction in military involvement in civilian life.

Academic research and practical work on the ground have shown that reconciliation cannot be separated from questions of dignity, equality and justice. Former minister Mano Ganesan, leader of the Democratic People’s Front, focused on the longstanding problems faced by the Malaiyaha Tamil community. He spoke passionately about continuing housing shortages, landlessness and economic marginalisation, issues that have persisted since Independence. He also highlighted the devastating impact of recent extreme weather events on estate communities that remain socially and economically vulnerable. The condition of the Malaiyaha Tamil community remains one of the enduring social justice issues in Sri Lanka.

After Independence in 1948, a large proportion of them were denied citizenship and voting rights through legislation that rendered them stateless. Though citizenship rights were eventually restored, the social and economic consequences of exclusion continue to be felt generations later.

Many families still lack secure housing and land ownership despite their immense contribution to the country’s plantation economy. Minister Rathnayake’s responses to both these concerns were politically significant. He argued that recent political developments, including the declining influence of narrow ethnic politics across communities, indicated a major shift in public attitudes. According to him, the political ground has changed in ways that make it increasingly difficult for politicians who rely primarily on ethnic division and communal insecurity to retain public support.

Inter-Connected

There is evidence to support the assessment about the changing political grounding which sees future prospects in the resolution of long standing problems. . The economic collapse of 2022 affected all communities alike and generated a new politics centred on governance, anti corruption, accountability and economic justice. The Aragalaya protests brought together Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims in a common demand for political change. Although ethnic grievances have not disappeared, the crisis created space for a broader understanding that the country’s future depends on cooperation rather than division. Opposition Leader Premadasa’s comments at the symposium reflected this changing political climate. He emphasised that national reconciliation could not be separated from economic justice and the need to address disparities between regions and social classes.v He also mentioned the need for civil society organisations to take this message to the community. This wider understanding of reconciliation is important because ethnic inequality and economic inequality have often reinforced each other in Sri Lanka’s history.

Academic studies have identified the denial of citizenship rights after Independence as a historic injustice that set back the Malaiyaha community for decades. The challenge now is to ensure that transformation becomes part of the stabilisation and development process itself. Practical first steps are both possible and necessary. The release of civilian lands still under state control, greater devolution of administrative authority, reduction of military involvement in civilian affairs, language equality in public administration and accelerated housing and land ownership programmes in the plantation sector are all measures that can begin immediately without waiting for a final stage of transformation.

The government’s recent commitment that provincial council elections will finally be held this year is therefore significant. These elections have been repeatedly postponed by successive governments. Holding them would not solve the ethnic conflict by itself. But it would signal a willingness to restore democratic institutions and share power in a meaningful way.

Sri Lanka has repeatedly postponed difficult reforms in the hope that a more convenient political moment would eventually arrive. But opportunities are invariably created and fought for instead of being provided as a gift by a benevolent government.

The present moment, shaped by the economic crisis and public demand for accountable government, offers a rare opportunity to move simultaneously towards stability, development and reconciliation. Provincial council elections can be the first meaningful step. But they must not be the last.

by Jehan Perera

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Researchers to shape new environmental policy framework

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Some of the researchers at the meeting

In a significant move aimed at steering Sri Lanka’s environmental governance towards a more science-based and evidence-driven path, the Ministry of Environment has initiated a new collaborative mechanism to integrate leading researchers into national policy formulation and conservation planning.

The initiative was discussed at a high-level meeting chaired by Dr. Dammika Patabendi at the Ministry of Environment on Tuesday, where top environmental scientists, wildlife experts and researchers were invited to contribute towards what officials described as a “strategic transition” in the country’s environmental management framework.

The discussions focused on strengthening the scientific basis of environmental conservation programmes and national policy decisions while creating a more research-friendly environment for academics and field scientists engaged in biodiversity and ecological studies.

Particular attention was paid to long-standing concerns raised by researchers regarding procedural and operational difficulties encountered when conducting studies in collaboration with the Department of Wildlife Conservation and the Forest Department.

Minister Patabendi stressed the need for environmental policies to be guided by credible scientific data rather than ad hoc administrative decisions, ministry sources said.

Among the key proposals discussed was the establishment of a streamlined mechanism that would reduce bureaucratic obstacles faced by researchers in obtaining approvals, accessing field sites and sharing scientific findings with state institutions.

The Minister highlighted the importance of building stronger partnerships between policymakers and the scientific community at a time when Sri Lanka is grappling with escalating environmental challenges including deforestation, biodiversity loss, human-elephant conflict, climate-related disasters and ecosystem degradation.

Environmentalists attending the meeting had also highlighted the urgent necessity of incorporating empirical research into national decision-making processes to ensure long-term ecological sustainability and better resource management.

The meeting brought together several of Sri Lanka’s leading environmental researchers and academics including Rohan Pethiyagoda, Saminda Fernando, Sewwandi Jayakody, Samantha Gunasekara, Dinidu Devapura, Himesh Jayasinghe, Manoj Prasanna, Mendis Wickramasinghe and Suranjan Karunarathna.

Director General of Wildlife Conservation Ranjan Marasinghe also participated in the deliberations.

Officials said the proposed framework is expected to pave the way for a more transparent, data-oriented and scientifically credible environmental governance structure capable of addressing emerging conservation challenges more effectively.

The government expects the new mechanism to support the implementation of practical and scientifically robust programmes aimed at safeguarding Sri Lanka’s ecological future while enhancing cooperation between state agencies and the country’s growing community of environmental researchers.

 

By Ifham Nizam

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Back home … for a special occasion

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Seven Notes: Sri Lankans based in Dubai – with Niluk (second from left)

Niluk Uswaththa, of Seven Notes fame, based in Dubai, surprised many when he and his wife Apeksha, turned up in Colombo, last week … unannounced.

Yes, they had a purpose in their surprise visit … to wish Apeksha’s mum for her birthday, which was on Monday, 18th May, and what a surprise it turned out to be!

In an exclusive chit-chat with The Island, Niluk said that the scene in Dubai is improving and Seven Notes do have work coming their way.

Since the members of Seven Notes are all employed (doing day jobs), they operate only on Saturdays and Sundays.

Niluk: Didn’t come prepared to perform, but obliged
friends in Galle

In fact, to get to Colombo for the birthday surprise (on Monday, 18th May), the band had to skip their 17th May, Sunday gig.

“Although it’s a short vacation, my wife and I are enjoying the setup here,” said Niluk, adding that they spent two days in Galle and that their next destination is Anuradhapura.”

Niluk didn’t come prepared to perform, but he obliged the crowd present, at a friend’s birthday celebrations, in Galle, singing and playing guitar.

They are scheduled to leave for their home, in Dubai, in the first week of June.

Seven Notes is an outfit made up of Sri Lankans and the band has been around for almost nine years.

Niluk came into their scene nearly seven years ago.

“When I went to Dubai, I had offers coming my way but it was Seven Notes that impressed me because of their acoustic style.”

The Dubai’s entertainment scene is showing clear signs of bouncing back and even levelling up in the next few months.

Niluk and Apeksha: Enjoying their short vacation

After a slowdown earlier this year due to regional tensions, shows and festivals are back on the calendar, and organisers say late 2026 could be the busiest concert season in years.

Time Out Dubai says “the 2026 concert calendar is filling up nicely” and “the city is ready to party once again” after some reschedules.

Dubai Summer Surprises in July brings retail activations, comedy nights, and indoor art exhibitions.

Organisers point to a backlog of postponed events that are being rescheduled for late 2026 and early 2027.

Yes, Dubai is calm on the surface but on alert. Life is mostly normal in the city, but there’s a “balancing act” as people watch for escalation.

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